FCO 21/657 Admission of People s Republic of China to United Nations Organisation

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Cabinet Documents

Folio

No.

Reference

119 CM(70) 37th meeting

Date

13 11 70

The above-listed Cabinet document(s), which was/ware enclosed on this file, has/have been removed and destroyed.

For complata series of Cabinst documents see CAB (CABINET OFFICE) CLASSES

signed Margret: Shatali

Date 21-12-99

हि यो

Entera copy to

to Sw?D.)k.co.

chancery Desing

[RMIS (AMY) Consulate you Rijpci

26 tovember

22011

... Ludina votal ageinot the resolution calling for

ALBLAG GE commanist Chizu in tho United Nations because

--polution also called for the expulsion of the Covernment

de apublic of China in Taivas", said the Prize. Minister

....... Hum. bir Keith Holyodie) today. He had been

Jouppiain the action tzkion by Now Zoelend in the

de vile United Nations General Assembly on the

...ies put forward by Albania and others,

"....us Zualand has long recognised the need to come

same with the situation in which a quarter of the world's

kwülen remains unrepresented in the United Nations",

leh wa Primo Minister.

ז.

"I have made it clear that we would

Île to ale Communist China a member of the United Nations,

tugcode tha responsibilities and privileges vhich

sipation in the world organisation entails.

me have also stressed, however, that in our view this

Ladly brought about only if the 14 million pocple

- dra usoured of continued representation in the

CAST PAPER

pinco the 60's New Zealand has attached great

Also to the rights of call nations", the Prime

--E VERE on. "We have always felt that the United

26 Lists for the benefit of the weak rather than of

), It follows that while we would like to

........dia China in the United Nations, wa would not

.... this achieved at the expense of Taiwan, "

intention of the Albanian resolution was precisely

"esita," sir Koith pointed out. "The operativo

Gulls on the General Assembly explicitly 'to

ZAZVA tho representativos of Chiang Kai-shek'.

wisten was totally unacceptable from New Zealand's

vic.. In terms of our traditional outlook wa

ensive but to vota against 16", sold the Prime

/Minister.

151

Macde.

this year, for the first time, more votes were

czas in favour of the Albanian resolution than against

Le but it was not adopted because the Assembly had

abzugdy decided that the question of Chinese representation

10 LA "Engɔrtant Question" in terms of Article 13.2 of

tac Charter and therefore requires a two-thirds majority.

"as in previous years, Kew Zealand was one of the

sponuoto of the "Important question" resolution and wo

Lacurally voted in favour/it", said the Prime Minister.

¡o have never had any doubt that Chinese representation

ls an important question or that it comes fully within

the meaning of the Charter provision.

Dahic year's vote will not bring about any change

in the representation of China in the United Nations",

sho Prime Minister pointed out. "There is no doubt, however,

that it will give rise to a great deal of discussion

and to intensive consultations among governments.

As a country that has long been concerned with the

Losue, yew Zealand will take an active part in those

consultations.

We will do our best to ensure that they

load to a just and reasonable solution of the problem. "

PRESS STATEMENT

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED NATIONS

"New Zealand voted against the resolution calling for the seating of Communist China in the United Nations because the resolution also called for the expulsion of the Government of the Republic of China in Taiwan, said the Prime Minister (Right Hon. Sir Keith Holyoake) today. He has been asked to explain the action taken by New Zealand in the voting at the United Nations General Assembly on the resolution put forward by Albania and others.

"New Zealand has long recognised the need to come to terms with the situation in which a quarter of the world's population remains unrepresented in the United Nations, said the Prime Minister. "I have made it clear that we would like to see Communist China a member of the United Nations, accepting the responsibilities and privileges which participation in the world organisation entails.

"We have also stressed, however, that in our view this can be justly brought about only if the 14 million people in Taiwan are assured of continued representation in the United Nations.

"Ever since the 30's New Zealand has attached great importance to the rights of small nations," the Prime Minister went on. "We have always felt that the United Nations exists for the benefit of the weak rather than of the strong. It follows that while we would like to see mainland China in the United Nations, we would not like to see this achieved at the expense of Taiwan"

This provision was totally unacceptable from New Zealand's point of view. "In terms of our traditional outlook we had no alternative but to vote against it," said the Prime Minister.

This year, for the first time, more votes were cast in favour of the Albanian resolution than against it but it was not adopted because the Assembly had already decided that the question of Chinese representation is an "important question" in terms of Article 18.2 of the Charter and there- fore requires a two-thirds majority.

"We

"As in previous years, New Zealand was one of the sponsors of the 'important question' resolution so we natur- ally voted in favour of it, said the Prime Minister. have never had any doubt that Chinese representation is an important question or that it comes fully within the meaning of the Charter provision.

/"This

150

"This year's vote will not bring about any change in the representation of China in the United Nations, the Prime Minister pointed out. "There is no doubt, however, that it will give rise to a great deal of discussion and to intensive consultations among Governments.

"As a country that has long been concerned with the issue, New Zealand will take an active part in these consul- tations. We will do our best to ensure that they lead to a just and reasonable solution of the problem."

New Zealand High Commission,

LONDON.

30 November 1970

PRESS STATEMENT

XINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED NATIONS

"We have also stressed, however, that in our view this can be justly brought about only if the 14 million people in Taiwan are assured of continued representation in the United Nations.

"Ever since the 30's New Zealand has attached great importance to the rights of small nations, the Prime Minister went on. "We have always felt that the United Nations exists for the benefit of the weak rather than of the strong. It follows that while we would like to see mainland China in the United Nations, we would not like to see this achieved at the expense of Taiwan"

"The intention of the Albanian resolution was precisely the opposite, "Sir Keith pointed out. "The operative para- graph calls on the General Assembly explicitly to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-Shek'." This provision was totally unacceptable from New Zealand's point of view. "In terms of our traditional outlook we had no alternative but to vote against it," said the Prime Minister.

This year, for the first time, more votes were cast in favour of the Albanian resolution than against it but it was not adopted because the Assembly had already decided that the question of Chinese representation is an "important question" in terms of Artiole 18.2 of the Charter and there- fore requires a two-thirds majority.

"As in previous years, New Zealand was one of the sponsors of the 'important question' resolution so we natur- ally voted in favour of it, said the Prime Minister. "We have never had any doubt that Chinese representation is an important question or that it comes fully within the meaning of the Charter provision.

/"This

"As a country that has long been concerned with the issue, New Zealand will take an active part in these consul- tations We will do our best to ensure that they lead to a just and reasonable solution of the problem.'

New Zealand High Commission,

LONDON.

30 November 1970

343

Written AunHWES

1 DECEMBER 1970

British Road Services Carlton Depot) Mr. Ron Lewis asked the Secretary of State for Employment how many persons will be made redundant, as a result of the closure of British Road Services' Carlton Depôt; what he proposes to do to help them find alternative employment.

Mr. Dudley Smith: My information is that the British Road Services' proposal to close down the haulage side of its activities at its Carlton Depôt in Carlisle is likely to affect the jobs of 24 men and 2 women. I understand that the run down is expected to begin early in the new year and to extend over six months. My Department's local officers are in close touch with the depôt and will be ready to give advice and information about alter- native jobs to those who require our help.

CIVIL SERVICE

Departmental Publications

93. Miss Quennell asked the Minister for the Civil Service how many Ministers and Departments in the Government pub- lish magazines and journals; which Min. isters or Departments: how many per sonnel are engaged on their preparation, full-time or part-time; and what is their cost, carnings and circulation.

Mr. David Howell: A very wide range of journals are published by Departments. It includes official departmental publica tions, specialist and technical journals, statistical publications and house journals. I regret that information about the num- ber, type, staffing, cost and circulation of these journals is not centrally available and could only be obtained at dispro- portionate costs,

Salaries

Mr. Arthur Lewis asked the Minister for the Civil Service whether he will state for any stated grade of civil servant who was on a salary of £3,250 per annum in October, 1964, the rate this man is receiv- ing at the date of 24th November, 1970.

Mr. David Howell: In October, 1964, a salary of £3,300 was the scale maximum of a senior chief executive officer and the scale minimum of an Assistant Secretary. (These salary scales took effect from 1st January, 1964). As from 1st April, 1970,

HK 12

Written Antwer

the S.C.E.O. scale maximum is £4.555 und the Assistant Secretary scale mini- mum is £4,390.

FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH AFFAIRS

China

(United Nations Membership) 94. Mr. Rankin asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will press for the admission of China to the United Nations, in view of the fact that a majority of the mem- bers of the United Nations Organisation now support this course.

Mr. Anthony Royle: For many years we have supported the seating of the representatives of the People's Republic of China in the China seat in the United Nations. We did so again this year.

European Economic Community

Mr. Marten asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what tonnage of milk products per year was proposed for delivery by. Now Zealand to the enlarged Community during the agricultural transitional period; and what proposals for price were made in the proposals by the United Kingdom tabled to the European Economic Community in early November.

Mr. Anthony Royle: Détails of the proposals made by Her Majesty's Govern- ment to the European Communities about New Zealand dairy products are con- fidential. We have asked for some form of continuing arrangements, subject to review, in order that we can assess, the position as we go along.

Mr. Marten asked the Secretary of Slate for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what tonnage of sugar was pro- posed for delivery by each country belonging to the Commonwealth' Sugar Agreement to the enlarged community; what proposals for price were made; and what proposals were made about the con- tinuance of the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement in the proposals tabled by the United Kingdom to the European Economic Community in early November,

Mr. Anthony Royle: The details of our proposals made for the solution of

FIL

DATE! DEC To

COL 344

807.

VOL.

UNCLASSIFIED

Mr. Appleyard,

Fer Eastern Department.

Reference

Mr. Bailey's Paper

Table 4.

zfx

The reader may be confused by the inclusion of the Byelorussian SSR and the Ukrainian SSR (Section (ii)) in a list headed "Diplomatic Relations". Although both of them have a seat in the United Nations neither has diplomatic relations with any country, diplomatic relations being the responsibility of the USSR.

A footnote might be added to explain why Byelorussia and the Ukraine are shown as they are, in brackets. Alternatively they could be omitted from Table 4, in which case a footnote of explaination might be added in the relevent lists giving the record of voting in the UN.

2. In Section (iii) the inclusion of Cambodia under the heading of those who have diplomatic relations with the CPR needs qualification. The CPR now recognises Prince Sihanouk's "National United Front of Kampuchea" as the government of Cambodia, and the Chinese Ambassador to Cambodia is accredited to Sihanouk's government. The present Cambodian government withdrew its diplomatic personnel from Peking in

May 1970 and the Chinese withdrew their diplomats from Phnom Penh at the same time. Again, a footnote might be added to the effect that Cambodia withdrew its diplomatic personnel from Chine in May 1970.

3. In Section (v), Burundi and Ghana are shown as States which have diplomatic relations with neither the Nationalists nor the CPR. Both however explicitly "suspended" relations with China. (Burundi in

January 1965; Ghana in October 1966). In Sections (iii) and (iv) they should be placed in the third column and marked in the same way as Indonesia and Tunisia to show that relations are in suspense.

4. Under Section (vii) "Non UN Members", the Holy See should be added to those countries which have diplomatic relations with Taiwan.

J.E.Home.

J.E. Hoare

Far Eastern Section, Research Department.

1 December, 1970.

૧

Helegumed Her Bailey and my will the comments a reminded him that Athigoin had just established relations

trude. Ener apk

wit thella He

See

ffr.32-33.

די

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Would you check pp.

32-32 pl.? LA 30/M

Mir Houre

SYDNEY D. BAILEY

19 DEANSWAY, EAST FINCHLEY, LONDON, N.2

TEL: 01-883 7390

po you

Minte attended

Chinese Representation

in the

Security Council

and the

General Assembly

of the

United Nations

Sydney D. Bailey

first series, number one

ISIO monographs

Institute for the Study of International Organisation

University of Sussex

price £0.75 ($2 US)

ISIO MONOGRAPHS

First Series, Number One

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE SECURITY COUNCIL

AND THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE UNITED NATIONS

Sydney D. Balley

Institute for the Study of International Organisation. University of Sussex; Stanmer House, Falmer, Brighton, BNI 9QA, Sussex, England.

Sydney D. Bailey, 1970

THE AUTHOR

PREFACE

Sydney D. Bailey has been United Nations correspondent for The Economist, and is the author of several books on the U.N., including A Short Political Guide to the United Nations, The General Assembly of the United Nations, The Secretariat of the United Nations, and Voting in the Security Council,

The Security Council

The Institute for the Study of International Organisation at the University of Sussex was established in 1968 to increase knowledge of, and stimulate interest in, the problems and work of International organisations. The object of the 1St0 Monograph Series is to circulate papers on a wide variety of current international organisation topics. The views expressed in each Monograph are those of its author,

CONTENTS

Page

The General Assembly

"The preliminary question"

"The main question": Taiwan or Peking?

Proposal for a study committee

TABLES

Voting on the preliminary question

Voting on the main question

Voting on proposala for a study committee

Diplomatic relations

PREFACE

On June 28th, 1970, U,N, Secretary-General U Thani visited San Francisco to commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the signing of the Charter. During the course of his peccbes on that day, U Thant made a strong plea "for the early involve- ment of the People's Republic of China in the activities of the world Organisation", China, he said, was a key element" in the effort to solve the world's many problems, and its absence had given the United Nations "a great deal of artificiality", ()

The purpose of this Monograph is to give the facts about efforts to deal with the representation of China in the Security Council and the General Assembly of the U.N., but I should state at the outset that I take the same view as the Secretary-General, The absence of China from the U.N. and its agencies more than twenty years after the establishment of the People's Republic becomes more absurd with the passage of time, I would not pretend that it will be easy to create conditions in which China will wish to take her sent in the main U.N, organs. Moreover, it cannot be denied that China's participation in the work of the Security Council and other U.N. organs and agencies, and the appointment of men and women from the malaland of China to the international secretariats, will introduce substantial problems into the operation of the U.N. system. An examination of these problems lies outside the scope of the present study, but it is my conviction that it la necessary that the problems should be faced now. What le to be gained from evasion and delay ?

There is one further introductory comment. The question of Chinese representa- tion in the U.N, is in one sense simple and straightforward; but in the course of twenty years it has become entangled with other questions. I doubt whether the matter can now be resolved simply by a vote in the General Assembly. What in needed le a patient but determined diplomatic effort.

(1)

Sydney D. Bailey

U.N. Press Releases 90/SM/1285 and 1286 (June 25th 1970)

THE SECURITY COUNCIL

The question of Chinese representation was first brought to the attention of the United Nations as a result of telegrams dated 18th November, 1949, from Chou En-lai to Secretary-General Lie and the President of the General Assembly (Carlos P. Romulo of the Philippines) announcing the formation of a new Chinese Government and repudiating the delegation of the Chinese Nationalists, (1) The General Assembly was in seagion at the time, but the credentials of the Chinese representatives had already been approved and no action was taken.(2)

After the conclusion of the session, the Soviet representative raised the question of Chinese representation in the Security Council, at a meeting held on 29th December, 1949. He said that the Soviet Government supported the requeat of Chou En-lai for the repudiation of the representatives of Nationalist China, but he did not submit any formal proposal of his own. The representative of Nationalist China declared that he spoke for the legitimate government of China. The President of the Council for the month (representative of Canada) suggested that the Council, having heard the statements, should pass to other business, and the Soviet representative raised no objection. (3)

On 8th Jamiary, 1950, Chou En-lal sent a note to Secretary-General Lle and members of the Security Council protesting at the Council's failure "to expel the Illegitimate representative of the Chinose Kuomintang reactionary clique", (4) At the first opportunity, the Soviet representative raised the matter again in the Council and formally proposed that the credentials of the representatives of Nationalist China be rejected. As it happened, the President for the month was the representative of Nationalist China, and he ruled that the Soviet proposal should be circulated and a special meeting of the Council convened to consider it. The Soviet representative challenged the ruling, but it was upheld. The Soviet representative then declared that he would not take part in the business of the Council, and withdrew.(5)

The Council met again two days later to consider the Soviet proposal, and on this occasion the representative of Nationalist China ceded the presidency to the Cuban representative. After a debate extending over two meetings, the Soviet draft resolution was rejected by 6 votes to 3, with 2 abatentions. (6) The Soviet representa- tive declared that he could not sit in the Council "as long as the representative of

the Kuomintang group has not been excluded", and he walked out of the meeting.(1) He did not return until the following August, when it was his turn to preside, and it was in the absence of the Soviet representative that the Council authorized U.N. military action to support South Kores.(2)

On 19/20 January 1950, Chou En-lai sent a further communication to Secretary- General Lie and members of the Security Council announcing that Chang Wen-tlen had been appointed "Chairman of the delegation of the People's Republic of China to attend the meetings and to participate in the work of the United Nations..." (3) Secretary-General Lie thereupon entered into informal conversations with members of the Security Council, giving to some of them copies of a confidential memorandum on the legal aspects of problems of U.N, representation which had been prepared in the Secretariat, Parts of this were leaked to the Press, so on 8th March, Lie sent a copy to the President of the Security Council for publication, (4)

The legal memorandum distinguished between diplomatic recognition "which each State decides in accordance with Its own free appreciation of the situation", and U.N. representation, which involves "an inquiry as to whether the new government exercises authority within the territory of the State and is habitually obeyed by the bulk of the population". The delegation of Nationalist China took strong exception to the circulation of the memorandum, which it described as "an attack on the cause of freedom" and a departure from the neutrality required of an International civil servant.(S) Thereafter, the Chinese Nationalists treated Secretary-General Lie with considerable reserve and abstained in both the Security Council and the General Assembly later in the year when the extension of Lie's term of office was put to the vote.(6)

During the course of the Security Council meetings in Jamary 1950, India suggested that the Provisional Rules of Procedure of the Council were lacking in clarity regarding representation and credentials, and proposed two amendments to the Rules.( These were referred to the Committee of Experts, which is composed of all the members of the Security Council, The Committee of Experts agreed with the

(1)

(2)

Ibid., 460th meeting (12 Jan. 1950) and 461st meeting (13 Jan. 1950), pp.1-16. Security Council resolutions 82 (25 June1950), 83 (27 June 1950),

84 (7 July 1950), and 85 (31 July 1950),

(3)

(1)

U.N. doc. A/1123, 21 Nov. 1949.

(2)

(3)

GAOR (General Assembly Official Records), 4th session, 227th plenary meeting (24 Sept. 1950), p.48,

SCOR (Security Council Official Records), 4th year, 458th meeting

(29 Dec, 1949), pp.1-3.

(4)

U.N. doc. 9/1462, 24 Fob, 1950, p.2.

(5)

SCOR, 5th year, 459th meeting (10 Jan. 1950), pp.1-4.

(7)

(6)

Against the Soviet draft: Nationallet China, Cuba, Ecuador, Egypt, France,

United States. In favour: India, Soviet Union, Yugoslavia. Abstained: Norway, United Kingdom.

(5)

[bid., pp.23-26, 8/1470.

(6)

U.N, doc. S/1462, 24 Feb. 1950, pp.2-3.

(4) SCOR, 5th year, Supplement for Jan, to May 1950, pp.18-29, S/1466,

2000

Trygve Lie, In The Cause of Peace, New York, Macmillan, 1954, pp.376-377; Stephen M. Schwebel, The Secretary-General of the United Nations, Harvard Univeralty Press, 1952, pp.169-190;

GAOR, 5th session, 297th plenary meeting (31 Oct. 1950), paras. 168-169. Ibid., 459th moeting (10 Jan. 1950), pp. 8-9; 460th meeting (12 Jan, 1950). pp. 6-7; 462nd meeting (17 Jan. 1950), pp. 1-12; Supplement for January to May 1950, pp. 2-3, S/1447.

first of the Indian proposals, and the Security Council revised the Provisional Rules of Procedure to make it clear that credentials should be issued by the Head of the State or the Government concerned or its Forelgo Ministers.(1) The other Indian proposal sought to establish a uniform procedure for dealing with questions of representation in U.N. organs. The majority of members of the Committee of Experts considered that this matter should be studied by the General Assembly, and the Security Council took no aetion on this part of the Indian proposal.(2)

On 1 August, 1950, the Council met under the presidency of the Soviet repre- sentative, The President ruled that "the representative of the Kuomintang group" was not entitled to take part la meetings of the Council, but the decision was challenged and over-ruled. (3)

The matter was raised directly In the Security Council on three subsequent occasions: 10 November 1951, 31 January 1955, and 8 September 1955, On the second of these occasions, the Council adopted a United States proposal "not to consider any proposals to exclude the representative of the Government of the Republic of China, or to seat representatives of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China". (4) Since then, there has been no substantial debale and no voting in the Security Council on the question of Chinese representation. Communist representatives have occasionally denied the Chinese Nationalists the normal diplomatic courtesies, and there have sometimes been difficulties about consultations when it has been the turn of Nationalist China to preside.

(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

Ibid .. pp. 16-18, S/1457 nod Corr, 1, para, 4; 468th meeting (28 Feb. 1950), pp. 9-10. Ibid., Supplement for January to May 1950, pp. 16-18, 9/1457 and Corr, 1, paras. 5-12; 468th meeting (28 Feb. 1950), pp. 10-11.

SCOR, 5th year, 480th meeting (1 Aug. 1950), pp. 1-12. Against the President's ruling: Nationalist China, Cuba, Ecuador, Egypt, France, Norway. United Kingdom, United States. In favour: india, Soviet Union, Yugoslavia. Ibid., 6th year, 566th meeting (10 Nov. 1951), p.1; 10th year, 689th meeting (31 Jan. 1955), paras, 1-27; 700th meeting (8 Sept. 1951), paras, 1-5. There was no vote on 10 November 1951 or 8 September 1955, The U.S. motion on 31 January 1955 was supported by Belgium, Brazil, Nationalist Chion, France, Irun, New Zealand, Peru, Turkey, United Kingdom. United States. The only negative vote was cast by the Soviet Union.

THE

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

The proceedings In the General Assembly on Chinese representation have been more varied and significant than those in the Security Council. In the autum of 1950, Cuba asked the Assembly to take up the matter which India had raised in the Security Council earlier in the year, "Recognition by the United Nations of the representation of a Member State". Cuba explained that the item did not refor only to the formal problem of credentials "but to the problem that arises with regard to the legality of the representation of a Member State". (1) The matter was referred to the Assembly's Ad Hoc Political Committee, which established a Sub-Committee of 14 membera "to consider the item in the light of all the proposals, amendments, suggestions and views presented in the course of the debate". The Sub-Committee, by 8 votes to 4 with 2 abstentions adopted a draft resolution which, as amended by Belglum and Egypt, was approved by the Ad Hoc Political Committee and later by the plenary Assembly.(2)

The General Assembly's decision of 1950 on the question of representation has often been referred to in U,N, debates, and part of it has been formally recalled In six later resolutions of the Assembly dealing with "the preliminary question", as it is called (see pp. 8-12). It is rare for the resolution to be quoted in full, however, and it may be useful to give the complete text here. (3)

(1)

(2)

€0

(3)

The General Assembly

Considering that difficulties may arise regarding the representation of a Member State in the United Nations and that there is a risk that conflicting decisions may be reached by its various organs,

Considering that it is in the interest of the proper functioning of the Organization that there should be uniformity in the procedure applicable whenever more than one authority claims to be the government entitled to represent a Member State in the United Nations, and this question becomes the subject of controversy in the United Nations.

Considering that, in virtue of its composition, the General Assembly is the organ of the United Nations in which consideration can best be given to the views of all Member States in matters affecting the functioning of the Organization as a whole,

GAOR, 5th session, Annexes, Agenda Item 61, pp. 2-3, A/1308. Ibid., pp. 8-15, A/AC.38/L.45 and A/1578. Those voting in favour of the draft in the Sub-Committee were Australia, Belgium, Nationalist China, Cuba, Denmark, Egypt, United States, Uruguay. Against: Dominican Republic, France, India, Venezuela. Abstained: Turkey, United Kingdom, General Assembly resolution 396(V) (14 Dec. 1950),

1. Recommends that whenever more than one authority claims to be the

government entitled to represent a Member State in the United Nations, and this question becomes the subject of controversy in the United Nations, the question should be considered in the light of the purposes and principles of the Charter and the circumstances of each case:

Recommends that the attitude adopted by the General Assembly or its Interim Committee concerning any such question should be taken into account in other organs of the United Nations and in the specialized agencies;

3. Declares that the attitude adopted by the General Assembly or its interim Committee concerning any such question shall not of itself affect the direct relations of Individual Member States with the State concerned;

Requests the Secretary-General to transmit the present resolution to other organs of the United Nations and to the specialized agencies for such action as may be appropriate.

As regards the particular question of Chinese representation, the General Assembly established a special committee la 1950, but the committee's report contained no recommendations, and the Assembly merely took note of the report. (1) The Assembly decided in 1951-1953 to postpone consideration of proposals on Chloese representation, (2) and decided in 1954-1960 "not to consider" such proposals. (3) Beginning in 1961, however, the Assembly has considered and voted on proposals to change the representation of China in plenary meeting, and the question has also come up repeatedly in meetings of the Credentials

Committee.(1)

Since 1961, there have been three separate questions on which votes have been taken in the Assembly. The first has been simply whether to seat representatives of Peking or Talwan. On six occasions, this has been preceded by a vote on "the preliminary question". Article 18 of the U.N. Charter lists a number of categories of "Important" questions on which a two-thirds majority vote is needed. The third paragraph of Article 18 declares that decisions on "other questions" (that is to say, questions which are not Important) shall be made by majority vote, as also shall "the determination of additional categories of (Important) questions..." In 1961 and 1965-1969, the Assembly was asked to determine whether proposals to change the representation of China were "important", as that word is used in Article 18 of the Charter.

The third question, which was put to the vote In 1966-1969, was whether or not to establish a committee to explore and study all aspects of the situation. Tables 1 (pp.20-23), 2(pp.24-27), and 3(pp. 28-31) show the votes of U.N, Member States on these three questions, Table 4(p. 32) ahows which States have diplomatic relations with Nationalist China, which have diplomatic relations with the People's Republic, and which with neither.

(1)

GAOR, 5th session, 277th meeting (19 Sept. 1950), paras. 8-191; 332ad meeting (5 Nov. 1951), paras, 6-33, resolution 490(V).

(2)

GAOR, 6th session, 342nd meeting (13 Nov. 1951), paras. 83-155; 7th session, 389th meeting (25 Oct, 1952), paras. 1-55; 8th session, 432nd meeting

(1)

(3)

(16 Sept. 1953), paras. 19-158; resolutions 800(VID) and 903(VIII). GAOR, 9th session, 473rd meeting (21 Sept. 1954), paran, 19-158; 10th session, 516th meeting (20 Sept. 1955), paras. 16-111; 11th session, 578th meeting (15 Nov, 1956), paras. 106-224; 579th meeting (15 Nov, 1956), persa. 1-138; 580th meeting (18 Nov. 1956), paras, L-140; 12th session, 684th meeting (23 Sept. 1957), paraa, 61-219: 685th meeting (24 Sept. 1957). paras. 1-184; 686th meeting (24 Sept. 1957), paras. 69-207; 13th session, 753rd meeting 122 Sept. 1958), paras, 1-280; 754th meeting (23 Sept, 1958), paras, 1-151; 755th meeting (23 Sept. 1958), paras. 1-96; 14th session, 801st meeting (21 Sept. 1959), peras, 1-192; 802nd meeting (22 Sept. 1959), peras. 1-43; 803rd meeting (22 Sept. 1959), paras, 1-64; 15th session, 854th meeting (8 Oct. 1960), paras. 1-112; 895th meeting (8 Oct. 1960), paras, 1-84; resolutions 990(X), 1108(XI), 1135(XII), 1239(XII), 1351(XIV), and 1493(XV).

For the proceedings of the Credentials Committee on Chinese representation, see GAOR, Annexes, Agenda Item 3, na follows: 6th session. A/1983; 7th session, A/2294, paras. 8-19; 8th session, A/2490, paras. 8-11: 9th session, A/2752, paras. 4-7; 10th session, A/3027, paras. 4-10; 11th session. A/3536, paras. 11-15; 12th session, A/3773, paras. 13-20;

3rd emergency special session, A/3891, paras 4-8; 13th session, A/4074, paras. 4-14th session, A/4346, paras. 5-8; 4th emergency special session, A/4499, paras. 4-6; 15th session, A/4743, paras, 6-9; 3rd special session, A/4854. paras, 4-6; 16th session, A/5055, paras, 5-10; 17th session, A/5395, paras, 5-9; 4th special session, A/5432, parus, 5-12; 18th session, A/5676/Rev.1. paras, 7-10; 20th session, A/6208, paras. 8-17; 21st session, A/6620, paras, 5-13; 5th special session, A/6655/Rev.1, paras. 7-13; 5th emergency special session, A/6742, paras. 6-12; 22nd session, A/6990, paras. 7-12; 23rd session, A/7228, paras. 5-10; 24th session, A/7634, paras, 6-12.

For convenience, U.N. Member States are grouped somewhat arbitrarily as follows:

No.

No of Members

on 3rd July, 1970

States which have always voted in favour of a two-thirds majority (thus, In effect, helping to perpetuate a situation in which Taiwan maintained its representation)

(0) West (NATO members, Spain, Ireland, Sweden,

Finland, Austria, Malta, Cyprus, Israel, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa)

(1) Eastern Europe

States which have changed from favouring a simple majority or abataining to favouring a two-thirds majority (thus moving in such a way as to help Taiwan to maintain its representation or to lessen the chances of seating Peking)

(ii) Asia

States which have always abstained

(iv) Arab States

(v) Tropical Africa (excludes South Africa and

Arab North Africa)

States which have always voted in favour of a simple majority (thus, in effect, increasing the chances that Peking will be seated)

[v])== Latin America and Caribbean

Total U.N. Membership

126

States which have changed from favouring a two-thirds majority to abstention, or from either favouring a two-thirds majority or abstaining to favouring a simple majority (thus moving in such a way as to increase the chances that Peking will be seated)

in three cases marked * in the Tables, votes were changed after the result had been announced: the corrected vote is shown.

F-

States which have varied their votes

Total

126

"The preliminary question"

It would be possible to regard "the preliminary question" as more a matter of law thao of politics; is the representation of a Member State "important" within the meaning of the Charter? But in fact V.N. Members seem to have been influenced by polition! considerations. With only one exception, States consistently favouring the representation of Peking bave voted that only a simple majority should be required to effect the change. States consistently favouring the representation of Taiwan have voted for a two-thirds majority.

The situation is in some respects anomalous. If all 126 V.N. Members partielpate in the vote, 64 votes constitute a simple majority and 84 votes a two-thirds majority. If a two-thirds majority is to be required to change the representation of China, one-third of the Members plus one can prevent the change

that is to say,

43 Members can prevent the change even if 83 Members favour it. In order to ensure that a two-thirds vota la lodeed required on the main question, a simple majority of Members must vote to that effect on the preliminary question.

The preliminary question has been put to the vote six times. The votes, as shown in Table 1. pp. 20-23, are classifted on the next page in six groups, as follows:

Only one state consistently voting for the representation of Peking has at the same time consistently voted for a two-thirds majority, thus lessening Peking's chances (the United Kingdom).

Votes on "the preliminary question" have been as follows:

States which have always voted in favour of a two-thirds majority.

No.

(1) West

Australia, Belgium, Canada, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, New Zealand, South Africa, Spain. Turkey, United Kingdom, United States

(ill) Asia

China (Taiwan), Japan, Laos, Philippines, Thailand

(lv) Arab States

Jordan, Lebanon

(V) Tropical Africa Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo

(Leopoldville), Gambia, Ivory Coast, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Nigeria, Swaziland, Upper Volta

(vi)

Latin America and Caribbean Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil,

Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago, Uruguay, Venezuela

No.

(i) West

States which have always voted in favour of a simple majority.

Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden

(ii) Eastern Europe Albanin, Bulgaria, Byelorussian

S8R, Czechoslovakia, liungary, Poland,

No.

Romania, Soviet Union, Ukrainian SSR, Yugoslavia

(11) Asia

Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Cayloa, India. Mongolia, Nepal, Singapore

Total

(lv) Arab States

Algeria, Iraq, Southern Yemen, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, UAR, Yemen

States which have changed from favouring simple majority to abstention, or from either favouring a almple majority or abstaining to favouring a two-thirds majority (date of change in brackets).

(v) Tropical Africa Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Mali,

Uganda, Zambia

(1) West

Cyprus (abstain to 2/3, 1987)

(ill) Asia

Maldive Islands (abstalo to 2/3, 1966)

(v) Tropical Africa

Gabon (absent to 2/3, 1965), Rwanda (simple majority to 2/3, 1966), Togo (abstain to 2/3, 1965)

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean

Jamaica

(abetain to 2/3, 1966)

States which have always abstained,

(1) West

Austria

(vi) === Latin America and Caribbean Barbados

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean Cuba

Total

- 180

States which have changed from favouring a two-thirds majority to abstention, or from either favouring a two-thirds majority or abstaining to favouring a simple majority (date of change in brackets).

(1) West

France (2/3 to simple majority, 1965), Portugal (2/3 to abstain, 1965)

Total

(ili) Asia

Malaysia (2/3 to abstain, 1969).

Pakistan (abstain to simple majority, 1965)

(Iv) Arab States

Libya (2/3 to simple majority, 1969)

(v) Tropical Africa

Burundi (abstain to simple majority, 1966), Congo (Brazzaville) (2/3 to simple majority, 1965), Equatorial Guinea (2/3 to absent, 1969),

Total

INE

Mauritania (2/3 to simple majority, 1965),

Nigeria (abstain to simple majority, 1965),

Somalia (abstain to simple majority, 1965), Tanganyika/Tanzania (abstain to simple majority, 1965)

Total

ཝཱ

States which have varied their votes.

(110) Asla

Indonesia (simple majority 1961, 2/3 1966 and 1967, absent 1968 and 1969),

iran (2/3 1961, 1967, 1968, and 1969, abstain 1965 and 1966)

(lv) Arab States

Kuwait (abstain 1965, absent 1969, simple majority other years). Morocco (aimple majority 1961, 1965, 1966, 1967, and 1969, abstain 1968), Saudi Arabia (2/3 1961, 1966, 1968, and 1969, abstain 1965, absent 1967)

(v) Tropical Africa

Cameroon (2/3 1961, 1967, 1368 and 1969, abstain 1965 and 1966), Central African Republic (2/3 1961, 1966, 1967, 1968 and 1969, abataîn 1965), Chad (2/3 1961, 1967, 1968 and 1969, abstain 1965 and 1966). Dahomey (2/3 1961, 1966, 1967, 1968 and 1969, not participating in the vote 1965), Senegal (2/3 1961, 1968 and 1969, simple majority 1965, 1966 and 1967), Sierra Leone (abstain 1961 and 1966, simple majority 1965, 2/3 1967, 1988 and 1969)

No.

States which have always voted in favour of the representa- tion of Peking

States which have changed from favouring the representation of Taiwan to abstention, or from favouring the representation of Taiwan or abstention to favouring the represention of Peking

States which have varied their votes

Total

126

It may be noted that 28 of the 40 consistent supporters of Taiwan are from the West, Latin America, and the Caribbean area, and 12 are from Asla, the Arab world, and Africa. The 8 consistent abstainers and 38 consistent supporters of Peking are more widely dispersed among the groups. Of the "floating" voters, the movement bas on balance been in Peking's favour (3 moving from Peking or to Talwan, 11 from Taiwan or to Peking). There have been 20 fluctuating votes. One of the consistent abstainers, the Netherlands, has diplomatic relations with the People's Republic,

(1) West

A. States which have always voted in favour of the representation of Taiwan.

Australia, Greece, Ireland, Luxembourg. Malta, New Zealand, South Africa, Spain, Turkey, United States

China (Taiwan), Japan, Philippines, Thalland

(v])

Latin America

Ecuador (2/3 1981, 1965, 1966 and 1963, abataio 1967 and 1968)

(ii) Asia

Total

(Iv) Arab States

Jordan

"The main question": Taiwan or Peking?

This has been put to the vote eight times; there was no vote during the nineteenth seaslon (1964-1965) because of the dispute about the votes of States in arrears la connection with peace-keeping expenses. The votes, as shown in Table 2, pp. 24-27, are classified below In alx groups, as follows:

A. States which have always voted in favour of the

representation of Taiwan

Statce which have changed from favouring the representa- tion of Peking to abstention, or from favouring the representation of Peking or abstention to favouring the representation of Taiwan

States which have always abstained

(V) Tropical Africa Gabon, Gambia, Lesotho, Liberia,

Madagascar, Malawi, Swaziland

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean Argentina, Barbados,

Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela

Total

Fi.

States which have changed from favouring the representation of Peking to absence or abstention, or from favouring the representation of Peking or abstention to favouring the representation of Taiwan,

(1) Weat

Israel (1965)

(L) Asia

Indonesia (1968), Singapore (1966)

(P) Tropical Africa Botswana (1967), Democratic Republic

of Congo (1962), Ivory Coast (1962), Niger (1962), Togo (1969), Upper Volta (1982)

Total

No.

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean

Cuba

Total

States which have changed from favouring the representation of Taiwan to abstention, or from favouring the representation of Talwan or abstention to Favouring the representation of Peking.

(1) Weat

Belgium (1969), Canada (1966), France (1965) Italy (1969)

[+]

(iii) Asia

Iran (1966)

的

Total

States which have always abstained,

(1) West

Austria, Netherlands, Portugal

(V) Tropical Africa Mauritania (1963 and 1965),

Mauritius (1969). Tanganyika/Tanzania (1962)

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean Ecuador (1967)

Guyana (1968), Jamaica (1965)

(ii) Asia

Maldive lalands

(iv) Arab States

Kuwait, Lebanon

(v) Tropical Africa

Equatorial Guinea

States which have varied their votes.

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean

Trinidad and Tobago

(1) West

Total

ఈ

(ii) Asia

Cyprus (Taiwan 1963, other years abstain), Iceland (Taiwan 1966 and 1967, other year abstain)

Laos (Taiwan 1961, Peking 1962 and 1963, not participating in the vote 1965, absent 1966 and 1967, abstain 1968 and 1969), Malaya/Malayala (abstain 1962, other years Taiwan)

Libya (Taiwan 1961, 1962, 1969 and 1966, abstain 1965, 1967 and 1968, Peking 1969), Morocco (Peking 1961, 1962, 1963, 1965, 1968 and 1969, abetsin 1966 and 1967), Saudi Arabia (abatain 1961, 1962, 1963 and 1965, Taiwan 1966, 1968 and 1969, abaent 1967), Tunisia (abstain 1961, 1966, 1966, 1967, 1968 and 1969, Peking 1962 and 1963)

(Y) Tropical Africa Burundi (abstain 1966, other years Peking).

Cameroon (abstain 1965 and 1966, other youre Taiwan), Central African Republic (abstain 1961, Peking 1965, other years Taiwan). Chad (abstain

1961, 1965 and 1966, other years Talwan),

Congo (Brazzaville) (abstain 1961, Taiwan 1962 and 1963,

States which have always voted in favour of the representation of Peking.

(1) West

Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden, United Kingdom

(iv) Arab States

(li) Eastern Europe

Albania, Bulgarla, Byelorussian SSR, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Soviet Union, Ukrainian SSR, Yugoslavia

(UI) Asia

Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, India, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan

(Iv) Arab States

Algeria, Iraq, Southern Yemen, Sudan, Syria, VAR, Yemen

(v) Tropical Africa Ethiopia, Quinea, Kenya, Mali,

Somalia, Uganda, Zambia

No.

abstention or opposition, or from abstention to opposition. There have been $ fluctuating votes.

(v) Tropical Africa cont.

Peking 1965, 1966, 1967, 1968 and 1969), Dahomey (abstain 1961, not participating in the vote 1965, other years Taiwan), Ghana (abstain 1967 and 1968, other years Peking), Nigeria (abatain 1961, 1962, 1963 and 1968, Peking 1965, 1966, 1967 and 1969), Rwanda (abstain 1965, other years Taiwan), Senegal (Talwan 1961, 1962, 1963 and 1969, abstain 1965 and 1968, Peking 1966 and 1967), Sterra Leone (Peking 1961, 1962 and 1965, abstain 1963, Taiwan 1966, 1967, 1968 and 1969)

No.

A. States which have always voted for a study.

(1) West

Belgium, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands,New Zealand, Turkey, United States

(Li) Asia

Japan

(iv) Arab States Tunisia

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean

Chile (abstain 1965 and

1969, other years Taiwan)

(v) Tropical Africa Mauritius

Total

(vi) Latin America & Caribbean

Colombia, Quatemala, Jamaica, Mexico,

Barbados, Brazil, Chile,

Proposal for study committee

The proposal for a study has arisen on three occasions (1966, 1967 and 1963). and there was a good deal of "cross voting". The votes, as shown in Table 3, pp. 28-30, are classified below la six groups, as follows:

Uruguay, Venezuela

Total

- IN

States which have changed from opposition to a study to absence or abatention, from opposition to support, or from abstention to support (date of change in brackets).

States which have always voted for a study

(i) West

Cyprus (1967), Norway (1968), Spain (1967)

States which have changed from opposition to a study to absence or abstention, from opposition to support, or from abstention to support

(ii) Asia

Laos (1967), Maldive Islanda (1968)

(iv) Arab States

Lebanon (1967)

States which have always abstained or been absent

(V) Tropical Africa

States which have always voted against a study

Madagascar (1967), Senegal (1966), Slerra Leone (1967), Somalia (1967), Togo (1967)

States which have changed from support for a study to abstention, from support to opposition, or from abstention to opposition

(vi) Latia_America and Caribbean Haiti (1968)

Total

Staten which have varled their votes

Total

126

It will be seen that consistent support for a study has come in the main from States favouring a Peking plus Taiwan policy. Opposition has come from both some of Peking's most consistent supporters and some of Peking's consistent opponents. The movement of opinion has, on balance, been away from the study proposal- Twelve States have moved in favour of the study or at least from opposition to abstention, while 21 States have moved from support for the study to

States which have always abstained or been absent,

(1) West

Austria, Portugal, United Kingdom

No.

(ili) Asia

Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia

的

(iv) Arab States Saudi Arabia

(v) Tropical Africa

Equatorial Guines, Gabon, Swaziland

(vi) Latio America and Caribbean

Argentina, Guyana

Total

States which have changed from support for a study to abstention, from support to opposition, or from abstention to opposition (date of change lo brackets),

Canada (1968), Greece (1967), Malta (1968)

(1) West

(iv) Arab States

Kuwait (1968), Libya (1968), Morocco (1968)

(v) Tropical Africa Cameroon (1968), Chad (1967),

Democratic Republic of Congo (Leopoldville) (1967), Lesotho (1967), Liberis (1967), Malawi (1967), Nigeria (1968)

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean Bolivia (1967),

Dominican Republic (1968), El Salvador (1968), Honduras (1967), Nicaragua (1987). Panama (1967), Peru (1987), Trinidad and Tobago (1967)

States which have always voted against a study.

Total

(D) West

Australia, Denmark, Finland, France, South Africa, Sweden

States which have varied their votes,

(L) Eastern Europe Albania, Bulgaria, Byelorussian SSR,

Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Soviet Union, Ukrainian SSR, Yugoslavia

((i) Asia

Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, China, India, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand

(Iv) Arab States

Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Southern Yemen, Sudan, Syria, UAR, Yemen

{v} Tropical Africa Botswans (opposed 1366 and 1968,

abstained 1967), Cambla (opposed 1966 and 1968, supported 1967), Ghana (opposed 1966 and 1968, abatained 1967), Kenya (opposed 1966 and 1968, abstained 1967), Uganda (opposed 1966 and 1968, abstained 1967), Zambia (opposed 1966 and 1968, absent 1967)

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean Costa Rica (abstained

1966 and 1968, supported 1967).

Ecuador (supported 1966 and 1968, abstained 1987)

(v) Tropical Africa Burundi, Central African Republic,

Congo (Brazzaville), Dahomey, Ethiopia, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Rwanda, Tanzania, Upper Volta

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean Cuba, Paraguay

Total

(1) TABLE 1

The Preliminary Question

two-thirds majority needed to change the representation of China

2/3

= simple majority needed

abstained, did not participate in the vote, or absent

non-Member

(1) West

1961

1965

1966

1967

1968

1969

Australia

2/3

Hungary

Poland

Romania

Soviet Union

Ukralalan SSR Yugoslavia

(iii) Asia

Afghanistan

1961

1965

1966

1967

1968

1969

מס מס לס מ ס to

* * * < 5 4

Austris

Burma

Belglum

2/3

Cambodia

558

* * *

Canada

2/3

Ceylon

Cyprus

Denmark

Finland

France

2/3

HEAD D

2/3

China (Taiwan)

2/3

India

Indonesia

2/3

2/9

Irac

2/3

Greece

2/3

Japan

2/3

2/8

2/3

Iceland

2/3

Laos

2/3

Ireland

2/3

Malaya/Malayala

2/3

Israel

2/3

Maldive Islands

2/3

Italy

2/3

Mongolia

Luxembourg

2/3

Nepa!

Malta

2/3

Netherlands

2/3

Pakistan Philippines

2/3

New Zealand

2/3

2/a

2/3

Norway

Singapore

Thailand

2/3

Portugal

2/3

South Africa

2/3

(iv) Arab States

Spain

2/3

Sweden

Algeria

Turkey

2/3

fraq

United Kingdom

2/3

Jordan

United States

2/3

Kuwait

Lebanon

(i) Eastern Europe

Albaniz

Bulgaria

Byelorussian SSA

Czechoslovakin

(1)

142 12 12 12

的的的弭

20 00 00 DA

GAOR, 16th session, 1980th plenary meeting (15 Dec. 1961), para, 22; 20th session, 1380th plenary meeting (17 Nov, 1965), para, 57; A/PV,1481

奶奶的的

(29 Nov. 1966), p. 46;A/PV.1610(28 Nov. 1967), p. 36; A/PV.1724 (19 Nov, 1968),

p. 111; A/PV.1808 (11 Nov. 1969), pp. 42-45; resolutions 1668(XVI), 2025(XX). 2153(XXI), 2271(XXI†). 2389(XXIII) and 2500(XXIV).

Sudan

Syrla

Tunisla

UAR

Yemen

Libya

Morocco

Saudi Arabia

ta ta ta ta ta

2/3

Southern Yemen

* * * 4 *

DE VENDA 00 00 00 DA

2/3

Đa ta là E và Là

奶的

♡ ♡

(v) Tropical Africa

1961

1965

1966

1967

1968

1,969

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean

Botswana

2/3

1961

1965

1966

1967

1968

1969

Burundi

Argentina

2/3

Cameroon

2/3

Barbados

Central African Republic 2/3

2/3

Bolivia

2/3

Chad

2/3

Brazil

2/3

Congo (Brazzaville)

2/3

Chile

2/3

2/9

2/3

Congo, Democratic

2/3

Colombia

2/3

Republic of (Leopoldville)

Costa Rica

2/3

Dahomey

2/3

Cube

Equatorial Guinea

2/3

Dominican Republic

2/3

Ethiopia

Ecuador

2/3

Gabon

2/3

El Salvador

2/3

Gambla

2/3

Guatemala

2/3

Cham

Guyana

2/3

Quinea

Haiti

2/3

Ivory Cosat

2/3

Honduras

2/3

Kenya

Jamaica

2/3

Lesotho

2/3

Mexico

2/3

Liberia

2/3

2/9

2/3

2/8

2/3

Nicaragua

2/3

Madagascar

2/3

Parama

2/3

Malawi

Mali

t 的

2/3

Paraguay

2/3

Peru

2/3

Mauritania

2/3

叻

Trinidad and Tobago

2/3

Mauritius

2./3

2/3

Uruguay

2/3

Niger

3/3

2/3

Venezuela

2/8

2/3

Nigeria

Rwanda

2/3

Senegni

2/3

Sierra Leone

2/3

Somalia

Swaziland

2/3

Tanganyika/Tanzania

Togo

2/3

Ugaodn

Upper Volta

2/3

Zambia

3 3 3 - 3 - 3 - 3 m

(1)

TABLE 2

The Main Question: Taiwan or Peking?

in favour of representation of Talwan

Poland

in favour of representation of Peking

abstained, did not participate in the vote, or absent non-Member

Romania

Soviet Union

Ukrainian SSR

Yugoslavia

Byelorussian SSR

Czechoslovakia

Hungary

1961 1902 1063 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969

AAAA A

AAAAAAA A

AAAAAAAA

*AAAAAAA

AAAAAAAA

(i) West

Australia

Austria

Belgium

Canada

Cyprus

1961 1962 1963 1965

1966

1967 1968

1969

(ill) Asia

Denmark

Finland

France

Greece

Iceland

freland

farnol

Italy

Luxembourg

Malto

Netherlands

New Zealand

Norway

Portugal

South Africa

Spain

Sweden

Turkey

United Kingdom

United States

F040DETOHROEFAHRE

HOPFORAPHOPOPE (OPÅ OPPAFAR

FOFHOLL

יד

PORRFAAFFOHORFIOFAOFFABAH

HOHOO

FOFO O

HOHOOA

Afghanistan Burma Cambodia

China (Taiwan) India

Ceylon

יד

OHHAHAR

FAOFKAHAA

AFOHHOPHOBAOKKAHAR

APORRRRBOBROFRADAR

Indonesia tran

Japan

Laos

Malaya/Malaysia

Maldive Islands

Mongolin Nepal Pakistan Philippines

Singapore

AAAAHAAREER CARABI

AAAAPAAEHAOIAAAHI

Thailand

AAAABAABEARIAAAFIA

AAAAPATOH

A A A A HA

OAAAFOR

AAAAKAOOFOPONARHOG

יד

AAAAFAOOR

-DALAHOP

(lv) Arab States

Algeria

Iraq

Jordan

Kuwait

Lebanon

Libya

(U) Eastern Europe

Morocco

Albania

Bulgaria

A A

Southern Yemen

Sudan Syria

Saudi Arabia

(1)

GAOR, 16th sension, 1080th plenary meeting (15 Dec. 1961), pars. 29; 17th session, 1162m plenary meeting (30 Oct. 1962), para. 81; 18th session, 1248th plenary meeting (21 Oct, 1963), para, 199; 20th session, 1380th plenary meeting (17 Nov, 1365), para. 53; A/PV, 1481 (29 Nov, 1366), pp. 47-50; A/PV. 1810 (28 Nov, 1367), pp. 37-40; A/PV.1724 (19 Nov, 1968), pp. 112-115; A/PV.1808 (11 Nov. 1969), pp. 48-50,

Tunisia

UAR

Yemen

PAPIOLAOIANA A S

TARIOHAQIRAOAA

AAHOOFRO

IAAA AA

PAPOOOAOI

ANON A

AAHOOHOHTAAD AA

AAFO

***AADA A

AAHOO.

PAHOON

AAAOA A

AAOAA

(v) Tropical Africa

1061

1962

1963 1965 1366

1967

1968 1900

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean

Botswana

Burundi

Cameroon

Central African Republic

Chad

Congo (Brazzaville)

Congo, Democratic

Republic of (Leopoldville)

Dahomey

Equatorial Guinea

Ethiopia

Gabon

Gambia

Cham

Guinea

Ivory Coast

OIAFIAAO |

BIAR

Kenya

Lesotho

Liberia

Madagascar

Malawi

Mali

Mauritania

Mauritius

Niger

Nigeria

Rwanda

Senegal

Slorra Leone

Somalia

Swaziland

Tanganyika/Tanzania

Togo

Uganda

Upper Volta

Zambia

IAFFER A DIÁRIA API

TERIAOI FOBSONIAFARI

TERIAPI POBRAAIAOAHI

DOMOL A OTAHHARRAIERRAAIRADONAIARAFA

[

יד

ERINEFORPAEHRFAATRAPARA IAPAPA

BRIARHAARATHEERAIHASARA (AHABA

FORFFORTAFFE

AAOFOFOFAPAPAPA

FAFFEA

HAFFHA B POAFFAAPAREFFARARAREFARAFAHA

1981

1962 1963

9961

1966

1367

1969

6961

Argentina

Barbados

Bolivia

Brazil

Chile

Colombia

Costa Rica

Cuba

Dominican Republic

Ecuador

El Salvador Guatemala

Guyana

Halti

Honduras

Jamaica

Mexico

Nicaragua

Panama

Paraguay

Peru

Trinidad and Tobago

Uruguay

Venezuela

AALAAAAAAAIA---*AAAAAA

AKHAPARAAN

FOFHO

ННОНН

HACHOFF

FROTH

יד

PRE-OPHAROPPOFFOF&PPPOPP

TABLE 3

3(1)

Proposal for Study Committee

• in favour of study committee

opposed to study committee

O abstained or absent

non-Member

(b) West

Australia

1966

1967

1948

Austria

Belgium

Canada

Cyprus

Denmark

Finland

France

Greece

Iceland

treland

Israel

Italy

Luxembourg Malta

Netherlanda

New Zealand

Norway

Portugal

South Africa

Spain

Sweden

Turkey

United Kingdom

United States

(li) Eastern Europe

Albania

Bulgaria

Byelorussian SSR

Czechoslovakia

Hungary

Poland

(1)

XXXXXX

SOSXXXOX

مجھو

XXXXXX

A/PV,1481 (29 Nov. 1966), pp. 81-62: A/PV.1610 (28 Nov, 1967), p. 51; A/PV,1724 (19 Nov. 1968), pp. 127-130.

1966

1967

1968

Romania

Soviet Union

Ukrainian SSR

Yugoslavia

XXXX

(it) Asia

Afghanistan

Burma

Cambodia

Ceylon

China (Taiwan) India Indonesia

Iran

Japan

Laos

Malaysia

Maldive Islands

XXXXXX

оXXXXXX

Mongolia

Nepal Pakistan

Philippines

Singapore

Thailand

XXXXXXOO

OOXXXXXX

(iv) Arab States

Algeria

Iraq

Jordan

Kuwait

Lebanon

Libya

Morocco

Saudi Arabia

Southern Yemen

Sudan

Syria

Tunisia

UAR

Yemen

XXNXX LO

XXNXX

XXX-XX

{7) Tropical Africa

1966

1967

1963

(vi) Latin America and Caribbean

Botswans

1966

Burundi

Argentina Barbados

1967

1968

Cameroon

Central African Republic

Chad

Congo (Brazzaville}

Congo, Democratic Republic of

(Leopoldville)

Dahomey

Equatorial Guinea

XXXXXX X XOXOXXXX

Bolivia

Brazil

Chile

Colombia Costa Rica

Cuba

Dominican Republic Ecuador

El Salvador Guatemala Guyana Haiti

Honduras Jamaica Mexico

Nicaragua

KOLO

Ралата

Paraguay

Peru

Trinidad and Tobago

Uruguay

Venezuela

OXOXXX X XIXO~OXXOXOOXXX(XOXX\OIXOOXO

XXOXOX ~

XOXIX

XXXXX*XOXXOXIXX

Ethiopia

Gabon

Gambia

Ghana

Quines

Ivory Coast

Kenya

Lesotho

Liberia

Madagascar

Malawi

Matl

Mauritania

Mauritius

Niger

Nigeria

Rwanda

Senegal

Sierra Leone

Somalia

Swaziland

Tanzania

Togo

Uganda

Upper Volta

Zambia

OXOXXX

LOOXOOXY

TABLE 4

Diplomatic Relations

Neither

(t) West

Talwan

Australia, Belgium.

Canada, Cyprus,

Greece, Italy,

Luxembourg, Malta,

New Zealand, Portugal,

Spain, Turkey.

United States

(i) Eastern Europe

Austria, Iceland, Ireland, larael,

South Africa

Peking

Denmark, Fioland, France, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden. United Kingdom

(vi) - Latin America and Caribbean

Argentina,

Barbados, Bolivia,

Guyana,

Trinidad and Tobago

Brazil, Chile, Colombia,

Costa Rica,

Dominican Republic,

Ecuador, El Salvador,

Guatemala, Haiti,

Honduras, Jamaica,

Mexico, Nicaragua,

Panama, Paraguay,

Peru, Uruguay,

Vonezuela

(1) Aela ang. The ia uku

(China: Taiwan),

Malaysia,

Iran, Japan,

Singapore

Maldive Islands,

Philippines,

Thailand

(Iv) Arab States Jordan, Kuwait,

Lebanon, Libya,

Saudi Arabia

(v) Tropical Africa

Botswana. Cameroon, Central

Burundi.

Equatorial Guinea,

Ethiopia, Ghana, Mauritius, Nigeria

African Repubile, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Dahomey, Gabon, Gambla, Ivory Coast, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Niger, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leono, Swaziland, Togo, Upper Volta

Albania, Bulgaria. (Byelorusslan SSR), Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Soviet Union, (Ukrainian SSİ), Yugoslavia

Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, India. Indonesia*, Laos, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan

Algeria, Iraq, Morocco, Southern Yemen, Sudan, Syrla, Tunisia, United

Arab Republic, Yemen

Congo (Brazzaville), {quational

Guirada

Guinea, Kenya, Mali,

Mauritania, Somalia, Tanzania. Uganda,

Zambia

No of

U.N. votes

(vil) Non-U,N, Members

Republic of Korea (South), Republic of Viet Nam (South)

Diplomatie relations in suspense.

German Federal Republic

Cuba

German Democratic Republic, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Switzerland, Democratic Republic of Viet Nam

ISIO monographs

Each monograph is self-contained, and it is intended that a considerable range of subjects will be covered in the Series. For details of other titles in the Series, and special discount prices for bulk purchases, please write to the Assistant Director, Institute for the Study of International Organisation, Stanmer House, Stanmer Park, Brighton BN1 9QA, Sussex, England.

779

146 A

Mr. Wilford

Sir S. Tomlinson

CONFIDENTIAL

Mr. Morgan

F.C.D.

Mr. Daunt

Miss Deas

反

The 2/4

гри

We must move

very cautiously -It seems that the sealin

of leking next year

no means a certainty & we must watch the situatin

вет under havoid being out thanked on

to ling of

ņ Wilfords version the

American Attitudes towards Chinese

Representation in the United Nations

A. R

Flag A

In paragraph 4 of my submission of 29 October I said that our Embassy in Washington would be sending us their assessment

of current American thinking on China and Chinese represent-

ation in the United Nations. The P.U.S. minuted that we

should pay close attention to White House opinion on this

subject.

Flag B 2.

Flag C

We have now received Mr. Boyd's letter of 12 November.

The position is still by no means clear. Moreover, we gleaned little beyond what is in Mr. Boyd's letter from Mr. Marshall Green or Mr. Jenkins (Head of Asian Communist Affairs Department in the State Department) when they were here for the Anglo-

American talks last week. Our impression was that the

Americana were keeping their options open.

3. In his speech to the General Assembly on Chinese representation on 12 November Mr. Phillips, the U.S. represent- ative, stressed American opposition to the exclusion of Taiwan

rather than opposition to Peking's entry.

This has led to

some speculation that the Americans may be moving over to a

"two Chinas" position.

No doubt, this is one of the options

CONFIDENTIAL

/which

CONFIDENTIAL

which they will be considering, but in our view they would

still have considerable difficulty if they ever tried to

persuade the Nationalists to accept the idea.

4. We will talk to the Americans again when we have both

had a chance to digest this year's General Assembly vote.

SALMorgan

(J. A. L. Morgan)

20 November, 1970.

Copies to:-

Hong Kong Department (Mr. Laird) U.N. (Pol.) Department (Mr. Lambert) American Department (Mr. Wiggin)

As far as the U.S. position is concerned however much the President may wish to move towards recognition of Peking he will be up against those seeking to devise a new blocking method for the U.N., whether of a "two Chinas" kind or not. The U.S. C.G. in Hong Kong is dedicated to the pursuit of a new blocking method. I sincerely hope that we would have none of this.

2. For us the problem is whether we should continue to demand that the question of the China seat be resolved first in the

/General Assembly

CONFIDENTIAL

General Assembly or not. It could be argued that as more than half of the members want Peking in, but she is kept out by a blocking device in the Assembly, the matter should be pursued elsewhere. (This could be in any of the U.N. bodies which is

sovereign in relation to its own membership, e.g. the Security Council). The "important question" would not arise in other

such bodies, I do not think. I have asked Mr. Morgan to submit

on the attitude which we should take on this.

3. On the assumption that we maintain our position that the General Assembly should take the plunge first what should we do if, against our vote, a U.N. body not the General Assembly

admits Peking? This could happen and if it happened once I have a strange suspicion that the habit might spread. In such circumstances would we go a voting against Peking because we wanted to see this issue decided first in the General Assembly? This would seem to be going down with the sinking ship with a vengeance but again I have asked Mr. Morgan to look at the situation carefully and will not prejudge the issue.

4. Finally the question of what the Americans will do now is

going to be a matter for N.S.C. study. This is likely to take time and the Embassy at Washington will have to keep their ear close to the White House ground.

Kim Wriffo

(K. и. Wilford)

24 November, 1970

I think myself that the contingency postulated by Mr. Wilford is a fairly remote one but I quite agree that we ought to be prepared for it.

CONFIDENTIAL

/2. The

CONFIDENTIAL

2. The recent debate in the United Nations on Chinese

representation seems to have demonstrated clearly that reluctance to acquiesce in the eviction of Taiwan is more widespread than reluctance to accept the seating of Peking.

The fact that the Americans are now stressing their opposition to the exclusion of Taiwan rather than their opposition to Peking's admission no doubt reflects the genuinely held views of a number of people

within the

United States administration.. But it must also be

that it is realised by the Americans a the approach most likely to

receive widespread

tactica Epport and therefore the best line

to follow peperiostad. Of course, in the absence of some quite unexpected change of heart on the part of both the Nationalists and the Peking Government, to

resist the eviction of Taiwan has the same effect as to

oppose the seating of Peking.

By Tomlinson.

Blow

(F. S. Tomlinson)

26 November, 1970

oxgreentull

27/xi

LIST OF VOTING AT PAGES 31-40

UNITED NATIONS

GENERAL

ASSEMBLY

iz qu

Plane copy pages 31-40 to

кру

радо

RDIFE) Hir. Hoare (UN) Misi Bishop

Mr Appl

1146

PROVISIONAL

WIRD (Mix Arayi 1913

November 1970

man

ENGLISH

Ander

|MAZE),

file

President:

Twenty-fifth Session

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

PROVISIONAL, VERBATIM RECORD OF THE NINETEEN HUNDRED AND

THIRTEENTH MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,

on Friday, 20 November 1970, at 10.30 a.m.

Mr. HAMBRO

(Norway)

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations [97] (a) and (b) (continued)

Report of the Economic and Social Council: report of the Third Committee [12]

This record contains the original text of speeches delivered in English and interpretations of speeches in the other languages. The final text will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in quadruplicate within three working days, to the Chief of the official Records Editing Section, Office of Conference Services, Room LX-2332, and incorporated in a copy of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 23 NOVEMBER 1970, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 27 NOVEMBER 1970.

The co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

70-70370/A

DR re

APV.1913

AGENDA ITEM 97

RESTORATION OF THE LAVPUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA IN THE

UNITED NATIONS (continued):

(a) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY AUSTRALIA, BRAZIL, COSTA RICA, GABON, GAMATA,

HAITI, JAPAN, LESOTHO, MADAGASCAR, MALAWI, NEW ZEALAND, NICARAGUA, PARAGUAY, PHILIPPINES. SPAIN SWAZILAND, THAILAND, TOGO AND UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.599 and Add.1):

(b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CUBA, GUINEA, IRAQ, MALI,

MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, ROMANIA, SOMALIA, SOUTHERN YEMEN, SUDAM, SYRIA, UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA, YRMEN, YUGOSLAVIA AND ZANDIA (A/L,605)

The PRESIDENT: Yesterday morning the Assembly concluded the debate on this item and heard some explanations of vote before the vote, I shall now call on the other representatives on the list who wish to explain their vote

before the vote.

Hr, KHIM FIT (Cambodia) (interpretation from French): My delegation recognizes the importance of the question of the admission of the People's Republic of China and would like to specify its position in the forthcoming votes. The following factors vill muide us.

Cambodia, follows a constant policy of reciprocity and peaceful coexistence in its foreign relations. The People'■ Republic of China has violated the principles of this policy by supporting foreign aggression against our country which is a Member of the United Nations.

We again declare that we are in favour of the principle of the universality of the United Nations, but we oppose the admission to this Organization of any country which does not respect the elementary principles set forth

in the Charter.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): Before calling on the next speaker I once again vish to remind the representatives of rule 90 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly which states:

"The President shall not permit the proposer of a proposal or of an svendsent to explain his vote on his own proposal or amendment",

Diy re

A/PV.1913 3

Mr. MABETAFIRA (Madagascar) (interpretation fr French): For several years my delegation has clearly stated its views relating to the question of the representation of Chins. That position has not changed because, in our view, despite the argumenta presented from this rostrum, we are unable to consider, with objectivity and precision, that coinland China has renounced an ideology whose specific nature and aggressiveness are a source of reel concern to a freedom and peace-loving country such as mine, Far be it from us to advance the idea that China must forever be

barred fron international life. But it is just as obvious that any participation in international life must be accompanied by a femal undertaking to ensure that the society to which ve wish to belong should not be unduly troubled or oven disintegrated. Ty subscrthing to the principles and objectives of the Charter, ve subscribed to a precise for of

It is co-operation and peaceful and friendly relations among States. therefore normal that we should not accept that this co-operation and there pesceful relations among States, as va understand then, and we advocated by the Charter, be deceased, internreted and defined in a way which would

ignore the principles of the United Nations by hasing itself on ideological concepts which are far from being shared by the majority of

States,

In representing and defending the draft resolution contained in document A/L.605, several delegations have come formed with arguments that ve are familiar with and on which I should like to comment very briefly in

order to explain the vote of my delegation.

First, on the question of universality we willingly supported that principle. but this must not be considered as en essential condition for our Organization to achieve the objectives which it has set for itself. Further, my delegation thinks that it is much more necessary to see to it that there be univerexlity of acceptance of the principles and objectives of the Charter and the obligations flowing therefrom, rather than advocating a universality which, no matter how important, would remain merely formal as long as those to whom it should be awlied seem to vant to make use of it for their own political and ideological benefit,

DR/TC

A/FV.1913 L

(Hr. Rabatafika, Madagascar)

IR/rc/lf

A/FV.1913 5

(r, Rabetafika, Indagascar)

Moreover, is there not a contradiction in draft resolution A/1.605, presented in the name of universality and which at the sans time would like to deprive 15 million human beings of any representation in our Organisation?

In the name of universality, are ve going to mcrifice the legitimate aspirations and fundamental rights of a people, whatever its numerical size?

Can universality be conceived only through substitution or subtraction? It that were so, we would be entitled to ask what would be the place of small peoples such as ours in an international society where the notion of universality would be accompanied by flagrant injustice.

It has also been said that mainland China le à great country with

industrial pover.

700 million inhabitanta, a great nuclear Fouer, and a first-clase aconnate and

These are realities which are irrefutable and we do not intend to refute them, But the positive contribution of a State to the achievement of our objectives cannot be measured by ita scope or power.

We are also inclined to believe that in many cases and according to the principles of our Organization, he greatness and the power of a State, since under the Charter we are all sovereign and equal States, should be evaluated according to its loyalty and dedication to the principles of the Charter and its ability fo fulfil the obligations of the Charter in respect of the maintenance of praen, of international security, mutual respect anong Staten and among peoples and its determination to adhere strictly to these

principles.

I now come to the part of the draft resolution contained in document A/1,605 which deala norm specifically with the expulsion of the representatives of the Republic of China. It would be unavailing to try to consider this aspect of the problem from the standpoint of the validity of the credentials of the representatives of China, The draft resolution contained in document A/L.605 is sufficiently explicit: it requests that the representatives of the Republic of China,

• State Member of this Organization, be expelled forthwith from the United Nations and all its subsidiary bodies.

In this connexion I should like briefly to repeat the arguments I adduced

from this care rostrum last year, The expulsion or exclusion of a Member State,

& particularly important matter under paragraph 2 of Article 18 of the Charter, is governed by Article 6.

As far as we know, the Republic of China has not persistently violated

the princinies of the Charter. On the contrary, we have found that ita

intentions are in Feeping with Articles 1 and 2 of the Charter,

What is nor",

it is not merely a matter of its intentions, since in its relations with the

great majority of the States of this Organization it has always seem to it that they are based on friandahin, equality, mutual respect, Justice and the vromotion of nexce, Therefore, we connot admit that Article 6 can be applied

to the Republic of China,

[

AP/ejr/cc

A/FV.1913

AP/ejr

(Mr. Rabetafika, Madagascar)

A/PV.1913 7

(Mr. Bohladi. Chad)

In the very unlikely event that we should decide to apply Article 6, there ressing the fact that it is not up to the General Asembly to take the initial decision in this matter, The Security Council must make a prior reccomendation, and only then can the General Assembly not.

Those are the arguments vhich will causa sy delegation to vote against the draft resolution contained in document A/L.605. They are inspired by our dedication to the fundamental principles governing relations among States and peoples in an international society which must be orderly and peaceful, and by our determination to adhere to then strictly whenever the nature of a Member State and the normal exercise of its rights and

privileges under the Charter are questioned.

P. BOHTADI (Chad) (interpretation from French): My delegation would like, before the vote, to clarify its position on the two draft resolutions

In his relating to the restoration of the lawful rights of People's China, statement from this rostrum on 23 October, during the commemorative session celebrating the twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization, Mr. Towbalbays, President of the Republic of Chad, declared, when speaking of the People's Republic of China:

"Another black spot on the human picture which is of concern to the people of Coed is the absence of People's China from this world parliament. Seven hundred million human beings constitute an important community. They have their civilization which they are each day consolidating more and more, they are progressing in technology and are endeavouring to harness nuclear power, That vast country i therefore an interlocutor that no one has the right to spurn or to exclude from the world system of co-operation and of peaceful coexistence, because so long as it is shut out, no equilibrium gan be anything but precarious and transient, But we do not think that wrongs make a right, and that is what the exelusion of Formosa, itself a founding amber af our Organization, would constitute,"

(1882nd meeting, pages 13-45)

My delegation is in no way opposed to the admission of People's China

to the United Nations. People's China is a Pover of 700 million inhabitants,

a nuclear Power and a super-Power as much as the Soviet Union and the United

States of America. Chad has no axe to grind. My delegation would vote in

favour of the draft resolution in document A/L.605 ir that draft resolution did

not at the same time call for the expulsion of Nationalist China. It is that

Nationalist China which my country found here in the United Nations when it vại

admitted to membership in September 1960. It is with that Nationalist China that

we established diplomatic relations and signed agreements for economie and

technical co-operation. There is, therefore, no question of my delegation

voting in favour of a resolution which would advocate its expulsion. As far as the draft resolution in document A/L.599 is concerned, my delegation intends to

abatain.

Mr. BUDO (Albania) (interpretation from French): In its statement

of 13 November, the delegation of Albania briefly made known its views on the draft resolution in document A/L.599 submitted by the United States, Japan and

some other countries. We wish to revert to that question, at this stage of the

discussion, because this seems to be the last-ditch stand that the Government

of the United States has adopted for the last few years in order to maintain its

obstructionist policy regarding the lawful rights of the People's Republic of

China in the United Nations. The rejection of that illegal subterfuge is now of particular importance because of the constant evolution that has taken place in the position of Member States regarding the question and, therefore, the possibility that the draft resolution submitted by eighteen States (A/1.605)

calling for the restoration to the People's Republic of Chirs of the west which rightfully belongs to it in this Organization, vill be adopted by a majority vote by the General Assembly at the present session.

The essence of that outmoded procedura), manoeuvre resorted to by the United

States lies in the fallacious attempt to equate the question of the representation

of Chins in the United Nations with that of the admission of a new Member to replace another Member that is to be expelled. This is all based on the absurd "two Chins" theory, the acceptance of which the United States imperialists have long sought in the vain hope of detaching Taiwan from China.

AP/ajr

A/PV.1913

8-10

Mr. Budo, Albania)

NR/

A/PV.1913

(ir. Budo. Albania)

But it is obvious that, in this case, it is neither a question of the

admission of a new Member nor the expulsion of a Member. China has been and

remine a Member of the United Rations since its founding. It is one of its

founding Members and, at the same time, it is a permanent member of the Security

Council. There is only one China on this planet and only one Chinese Member State

in this Organization. The only question that confronts us is simply to seat the

true representatives of that Heuber State in this Organization. But, no one can

doubt that China is that greet Chinese people of over 700 million, that great

socialist country called the People's Republic of China, that in full sovereignty

controls the Chinese territory, including the Chinese province of Taiwan,

temporarily under the military occupation of the American imperialist aggressors.

The fact that the riff-raff of the rotten Chiang Kai-shek aliqué, vhích was

rejected by the Chinese people at the time of the people's revolution in 1949

and sought refuge on the island of Taiwan under the protection of the United States armed forces, have been able to usurp the seat of the People's Republic

of China in the United Nations, can be explained, as we know, both by the policy of aggression of the United States against the great socialist China and by the

nefarious hold of the United States over the United Nations,

And it is precisely from this shameful and unprecedented situation which

they themselves have created in the United Nations, that the United States de

seeking to draw capital in order once again to impose that fraudulent

of the two-thirds majority, that artificial obstacle which is contrary to the Charter, on the absurd pretext that to expel those miserable puppets of the United

States imperialists, would be to exclude a Member of this Organization. This is

truly the height of effrontery. The peaceful Hember States aust no longer tolerate

that barefaced pretense which flouts the express provisions of the Charter, the

rules of procedure and the praction that has been established in the United Nations

for many years and which thus strikes a blow at the very dignity of Member States. Important questions within the seening of Article 18 of the Charter, on

which General Assembly can take a decision only by a two-thirds majority of the Hambers present and voting, are clearly and expressly indicated in

paragraph 2 of that Article.

That is a restrictive listing. are concerned, only three questions in that category require for their solution a decision of the General Assembly by a two-thirds majority, They are: the admission of new Hembers to the United Nations, the suspension of the rights and privileges of membership, and the expulsion of Tembers, The recognition of the true representatives of a State already a Heaber, namely China, has nothing whatever to do with those questions. Therefore, to apply the two-thirds majority

Particularly as ar as l'ember States directly

rule to the question of deciding upon the true representatives of a Member State which is the sole question before us here would be openly to violate en express provision of the Charter which is reproduced in the rules of procedure.

With regard to paragraph 3 of Article 18 of the Charter, In the past we have proved that that paragraph refers to the "determination of additional categories of questions" and not to new cases. Therefore it cannot be invoked in regard to the specific question we are now discussing.

Jember States that sincerely wish the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China to be restored in the United Nations, those that recognize that there is only one Chim in the world and that the Goverment of the People's Republic of this is its sole goverment, cannot accept the mafty canoeuvre of the United States which is designed, by the use of a false procedural pretext based upon the absurd theory of "two Chime", to prevent once again, at this session, a decision by the General Assembly to restore to the People's Republic of China the place to which it is lavfully entitled in the United Nations, as is proposed in draft resolution A/L.605 co-sponsored by eighteen countries, including Albenie, Those liesher States are in duty bound to reject draft resolution A/L.599 submitted by the United States, a draft resolution which is incompatible with their position, for, na I have Just aphasized, it is based upon the false American theory of "two Chinas", designed to detach Taivan From China, Otherwise those States would find themselves in a contradictory position which, willy-nilly would lend Emong other things to interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of China.

Indeed the Chinese province of Taiwan, as an integral part of the territory of China, is exclusively within the internal affairs of China, and no one has the right to interfere in it. The Chinese people has committed itself to cerry through to the end its just struggle to rid that part of its national territory

NR/CF

A/FY.1913

NR/Tr

(Mr. Budo, Albania

A/PV.1913

13-15

of the imperialist American aggressors, and it will without any doubt liberste

any representatives who have participated in the debate on the

representation of China have forcefully stressed the intolerable and ignominious

International injustice so far committed in this Organization against the great

Chinese people, which represents a quarter of mankind. They have in particular

stressed the importance to the Organization itself, from all standpoints, of the

restoration within it of the layful rights of the great socialist China,

especially in the light of the fact that without that great world Pover, that

great space and atomic Power, with an immense and ever-growing role and authority in the world, no just and valid solutions to the major problems of our time can

be found.

The deplorable situation that exists in the United Nations because of the

hful influence exerted by the thited States and its collusion with the

revisionist Soviet Union, as well as the present international situation, makes

the presence of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations a necessity

that is so imperative that the peaceful Hember States that are attached to the

principles of the Charter and the cause that this Organization can serve carmot

allow any further delay in the adoption of the only just decision on this matter, the decision advocated in draft resolution A/L.605.

The adoption of that draft resolution by the General Assembly not only will

redress a scandalous and unprecedented situation that has exlated for twenty-one

years in this Organization, but also vill be a joint victory for all those who will support the draft against the overt or covert enemies of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations and of the strengthening of the Organization in

conformity with the role entrusted to it by the Charter and with the nspirations of peoples that are struggling for freedom, peace and progress. Its adoption vill without any doubt be of fruense importance for the future of the United

Nations.

The PROSIDENT:, I should like to point out that it has already been

stated that the debate on this item has been concluded and that we are now

hearing explanatiore of vote.

Strictly speaking, that means that statements

should be limited to explanations of vote and that the debate should not be reopened,

Hr. CASTILLO-VALDES (Guatemala) (interpretation from Spanish): The

delegation of the Republic of Guatemala wishes to explain the vote it will coat

on the question under item 97 of the agenda of the twenty-fifth session of the

General Assembly, "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of

China in the United Nations."

Since there are two draft resolutions submitted to this Assembly, I should like to say that my delegation will vote in favour of draft resolution A/1.599,

as we have traditionally voted, since, taking into account the Purposes and

Principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the special circumstances of the present case and recalling the terms of resolution 396 (V) of

14 December 1950, my delegation has not the slightest doubt that the question of

the changing of the representation of the Republic of Chim is, in keeping with

the terms of Article 18 of the Charter of the United Nations, an important

question.

With regard to the draft resolution submitted by Albania, Algeria and other nations and circulated as document A/L.605, ay delegation would like to make

the following explanation of its vote. If this draft resolution were adopted,

the General Assembly, secording to its terms, would decide on the restoration

of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China. Bowever, in the view

of my delegation, the Republic of China is duly represented in the United Nations.

Al/moc

A/PV.1913

Mr. Castillo-Valdes,

AW/SOC

Gustersia)

A/PV,1913

(Mr. Zegera, Chile)

Therefore, if that draft resolution vare to be approved, the General Assembly would be deciding to expel the representatives of the Government of China. I wish to say that my delegation vill vote against that draft resolution since we do not believe it just to expel the representatives of a Government of a country vhich, ka is the case with Chim, has earned place in the United Nations. Its contribution to the cause of freeden and democracy is unchallengeable, as is its titanic struggle to preserve and defend the principles of law and Justice. My delegation is not unaware of, nor do we ignore, the presence of another Government on the territory of China, but in the United Nations the Government that is at present

represented is the sole constituted Government, It is the Government which uninterruptedly has represented the people of thins and has always been, and shows that it continues to be, e Goverment which respects and

observes the will of the people it represents.

The representative of the Republic of Chim, Mr. Liu, in the statement be made in the General Assembly on 19 November of this year, confirmed the statement made at the meeting on 15 November 1956, during the eleventh session of the General Assembly, by the Government of Chire at present represented in this Organization that if free elections, under the auspices of the United Nations, were to be held in the entire territory of Chink, élections during which all the people would decide which Government should represent them in this Organization, the representatives of the Republic of Chim at present in the Organization would abide by the

result of such free elections.

Finally, my delegation is of the opinion that it is most improper to consider the expulsion of the representatives of a Goverment which has been exemplary in the fulfilment of its obligations towards the United Nations.

Mr. ZEGERS (Chile) (interpretation from Spanish): The Chilean delegation wishes to explain its vote on it. 97, "Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations".

We will vote in favour of the draft resolution contained in document A/L,605.

are prompted to do that by views which we consider of great weight and significance,

views shared by countries from all geographical areas, representing different political and economic systems.

Some days ago,

First of all, there is the recognition of reality. in this sene hall, and with the same impression that she has always made on us when she has spoken her vise vords, ve heard the Prime Minister of Indie, Mra, Indira Gandhi, quite rightly state that she spoke on behalf of one-seventh of mankind. That one-seventh of mankind is of great importance today, as it was in the forging of civilization and as it vill even more properly be in that future which belongs to the forgotten peoples of the world. There has very often been an unjust and mistaken tendency to accent the meaning of those times which Toynbee bas quite correctly referred

to as a mere moment in history, namely the period of Buropean hegemony.

One of the great civilizations and one of the great realities of all times greeted us in the words of Mrs. Indira Gandhi. But today, we are aware that

another great civilization, one that standa swong the most ancient and lasting known to man, is expressed in that reality, which is the People's Republic of China,

Can we continue to ignore the existence of a quarter of mankind!

Can Ve continue to argue that a Goverment which has authority over almost 800 million human beings, and which exercises sovereignty over a vast territory, does not exist?

Our second comment relates tothe principle of universality.

time when our Organization is celebrating its twenty-fifth anniversary, the United Nations has engaged in self-critición and an analysis of the years

of its life.

One of the best founded, most profound and most generally shared views in this self-criticism has been that universality is a necessity

for the United Nations, an elementary contribution and condition for effectiveness, Does this Organization wish to be the expression of the entire international community, the entire politically organized international Community?

AW/Roc

A/FV.1913 18-20

Thir

(Mr. Zegera, Chile)

A/PV.1923

( Zegers, Chile)

The world is one, States are equal, and this is its common place, its forum for expression, the place where its ideals come together, where its disputes can be harmonized. The United Nations must become a universal

Organization,

The third reason that ispels us to vote as we vill vote is the cause of pesce, There carmot be peace if one of today's great Powers is disregarded. Conflicts cannot be solved if there is no negotiation. Ope of the

unchallengeable virtues of this Organization is that it is an effective arens for multilateral negotiations, It is the place for idene and leaders to meet. There can be no doubt that the presence of Chine among us would open up new possibilities of dialogue and understanding, Finally, there is one further reason related to political realism. People's Republic of this is not only a great country: it is one of the great contemporary Powers. It is a nuclear Power which should be present at the debates of the Security Council if ve vant those debates to acquire greater significanes, if we destre the great international problems to be solved within the framework of the Organization and not outside it.

The

Chile regards the Government in Peking as the only one that can be considered the legitimate representative of the Chinese people. It therefore contends that the People's Republic of China should occupy its proper sent in the General Assembly, in the Security Council and in the rest of the United Nations organs.

Our vote, however, must not be considered as a statement of our position with respect to the rights of the People's Republic of China over territories

in which it does not at present exercise effective sovereignty, as this is a subject that vill have to be taken up in the course of the converastions Chile vishes to hold with the People's Republic of China concerning future relations

between our two Governments.

For these reasons, Gile will vote in favour of the draft resolution

vhich restores the levful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, and against the draft resolution appearing in document A/L.599.

TL/10

A/PV.1913

Me, IRISS (Tunisia) (Interpretation from French): We are now about to vote on the draft resolutions appearing in documenta A/L.599 and A/L.605, concerning the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's

Republic of China in the United Nations.

During the long debate that has just taken place, the Tunisian delegation sought to clarify its views and to suggest various and positive solutions to

the problem before us. We listened most carefully to the various speakers who

came to this rostrum. During the debate, ve tried to find some sign, some

indication that night influence our judgement. The suggestions that we

objectively submitted vere, if not disregarded, at least evaded, and the

debate reflected neither the interest that those suggestions aroused among

mmerous delegations nor the necessity of taking them into account for the purpose of finding a satisfactory solution to this problem.

May I succinctly remind the Assembly that those suggestions concerned

either a simple statement of the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China, or else an operative part in a resolution which would include, first, the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's

Republic of China, and, second, the expulsion of the present representatives

of China those two paragraphs would be put to the vote separately

elar a decision that would, on the one hand, restore the legitimate rights

of the People's Republic of China and, on the other, provisionally keep the present representation of China pending the definition of its new status,

In any case, the draft resolution should, in our view, request the Secretary-General to contact the parties concerned in the implementation of

the resolution and the consideration of mensures to be taken in facing the

Implications of whatever decision may be taken.

We regret to see that the positions of both sides remain inflexible; and ve run the risk, in adopting one or the other position, of taking sides in quarrels which the United Nations, by a reasoned attitude, should help to

resolve. For it is our duty to act in such a way that the United Nations will

come out of this debate with added strength.

He thus have tried to encourage some progress in this problem which has remained unresolved for twenty years, While affirming that for us there is only

one China, the one with its expital in Peking, ve still cannot disregard the

TL/1f

A/PV.1913

(1. Dries, Tonists)

fact that the Chinese revolution has had its sequels just as the Second World War had its sequela. Va shall sone day, perhaps have to adapt ourselves to that situation in this Organization. Out of a zenge of realism and a concern for international peace, it would then not be a crime to see the representatives of Formoss sitting in the United Nations together with the representatives of the other countries of the world, each of which has its own history; and this will be true whether it all takes place sone day with the consent of the Peking Republic, following a pleibiscite, if necessary, or whether it takes place in accordance with the suggestion of our dear colleague, Mr. Baroody. But that is not our problem today. Our concern, on this twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization, is to guarantes to China ita javfud representation, while at the same time accepting a provisional situation that cannot be ignored and that the People's Republic of China itself cannot ignore.

The adoption of one of the proposals we made could have helped us to achieve that objective. To facilitate the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Chine in the United Nations, we shall vote against draft resolution A/L.599. Thus the cause of China will have a greater chance of succeeding. As to our vote on draft resolution A/1,605, it will be influenced by the passive attitude which greeted the constructive proposals that we offered.

The Tunisian delegation reservos its right to intervene after the vote for the purpose of drawing its conclusions from the results of that vote and, possibly, presenting a procedural motion. Tunisia is doing its duty as a non-aligned nation in the service of the United Nations. It wishes to see China take part in our work for international peace and co-operation.

TL/11

A/PV.1913 24-25

Mr. BONNICK (Jamaica): During the commemorativa session carking the

twenty-fifth anniversary, my Prime Minister outlined Jamaica's position on

the question of Chine. Those views ressin unchanged. Jensics, supporting

the principle of universality, is in favour of the seating of the People's

Republic of China in the United Nations. We are also in favour of the seating of Taivan in the United Nations. We recognize that Taivan stands, de facto,

outside the political authority of Peking. Staple realim dictates that we

cannot ignore the existence of the 14 million people of Taiwan,

The formula contained in the resolution in document A/L.605 is acceptable

to Jamaica so far na it socks to seat the People's Republic of China, The

formula does not, however, meet with the approval of sy délégation go far sa

it seeks, or implies, the expulsion of Nationalist China from the Organization. My delegation will therefore abstain in the vote on draft resolution A/1,605,

FKB/1r

A/FV.1913

Mr. BOYE (Senegal) (interpretation from Branch): The Government of Senegal has always been in favour of the universality of our Organization.

I explained this matter at length in the First Committee and, therefore, if the draft resolution in document A/L.605 were merely to provide for the admission of the People** Republic of China there would be no ambiguity regarding the position

of my Government which, however, would like to hear the representatives of that country speak more moderately and more peacefully on international questions. But the draft resolution A/L.605 being what it is, I must clearly state that my Government is not ready to correct one anomaly by creating

another.

With the Republic of China, which is a peace-loving nation, we have relations of fruitful co-operation and of friendship which we hope to develop. If in this hall there is any delegation which should be expelled It would be that of South Africa whose credentials have been invalidated at

this session and it is in the light of these comments that my delegation will vote on draft resolutions A/1.605 and A/L.599 and Add.).

Mr. BEN (India): Following your injunctions, Mr. President, I shall restrict my comments to explaining how India will vote on the draft resolutions before us. The delegation of India declares its ranaved support for the draft resolution in document A/1.605 which follows the purpose and phraseology of similar draft resolutions in the past. Our support for the restoration of

the rights of the People's Republic of China is based on the principles of the universality of our Organization as alas on the provisions of the Charter. India is among those countries which have voted consistently on this ma

for the last twenty-one years and which have taken a logical view of the question. As recently as 2 October this year the Foreign Minister of India

stated before this Assembly:

"We regret that the universality of membership of the United Nations has not been achieved. In particular, there is a general realization that without the rightful participation of the People's Republic of China this organization will continue to face difficulties in solving several basic problems" (1958th meeting, page 27).

PKB/lr

A/FV.1913

PKB/1+

Mr. San. Indin)

A/PV.1913 20-30

(Mr. Baroody, Saudi Arabia

Stuller views have been expressed by several speakers during the general

debata, as well as in the commemorative session of the Assembly.

The principle of universality has already been reflected in the

Declaration of the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary of the United Nations which was adopted unanimously on 24 October. Besides, the proper representation of

China by the People's Republic of China is a right fully established in

law, facts and justics and on considerations of further international

co-operation in and through the United Nations.

For more than twenty-one years the great Chinese people haa baap

denied ita rightful place in our Organization. We have always felt that

there vás no justification for the continuation of that state of affairs.

My delegation notes with satisfaction that with a new awareness of the need to

renew contacts with the People's Republic of China, two important countries

have successfully negotiated the establishment of diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of Chios and others are in the process of doing so.

We welcome that trend and we hope that this will also be reflected in the

vote on the draft resolution in document A/L.599.

My delegation has always maintained that the proper representation of Chins by the People's Republic of China is a simple matter and therefore should not be subject to the rule of a two-thirds majority. My delegation vill, therefore, vote against the draft resolution contained in document A/L.599 and, as already indicated, will support the draft resolution contained in document A/L.605.

Mr. BAROODY (Saudi Arabia); In the light of what I said in sy

tatement on the Chinese issue, zy delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolution is document A/L.599 because we consider the question to be of great importance and one which requires a two-thirds majority.

I would have been able to vote judiciously and I repeat "judiciously" the draft resolution in document A/L.605 if I knew that my vote would be on the side

of justics and equity. But, since the substance of that draft resolution is in

contradiction with the plan I put forward in my statement a few days ago, it is not is not possible for me to participate in the expulsion of a political entity, namely

Taiwan, regardless of whether it opts for a plan of self-detemination, or

whether the People's Republic of China insists that it has no right to

determine its future, taking into account that my plan made it clear that

when the two giants Mao Tse-tung and Chiang Kai-abek fade out of the picture another plebiscite should be taken to determine the wishes of the

people, whether of the People's Republic of China or of Taiwan, and

noting that my plan did not provide for the People's Republic of

China to be subjected to a plebiscite. It is its own domestic affair

and as the United Nations we have no right, while it is not a Member, to

tell it what would be best for it to do.

However, as Taiwan is a Member of this Organization and for the aske

of the survival of the people of Taivan I am not talking of their physical survival but of their political survival I think they should see the writing on the wall and they should have come forth and told us perhaps it may not be too late if they would do that at a future date me that they would carry out a plebiscite, not under the aegis of the United Nations but of neutrals who may be Members, such as Austria

or Sweden ** to see whether they wish to keep their political entity for the

time being.

The writing is on the wall because it will not be long before a great

Power will shift its position and they will be victims. Here we must state

that we should uphold not only the right of the individuai and we have elaborated those fundamental human rights in declarations and international

covenants -- but we should also stand for the right of collectivities, which are nothing but a conglomeration of individuals, to secartain their vishes

and to act thereon.

MIG/ec

A/FV.1913

IMPORTANT QUESTION

RESOLUTION

HLG/cc

(Mr. Baroody, Saudi Arabia)

One last word in explanation of my vote. What I shall now say

will be read next year in the record, whether I am here or elsewhere.

order that we may not be occupied with draft resolutions which have become

broken reeds, I am going to suggest something drastic and I am sure it

will not be accepted because everybody has a rigid position. The suggestion

is as follows: that both draft resolutions be withdrawn forthwith and that

a caucus of the proponents of both of then be held, to see whether a solution

can be worked out under which the People's Republic of China can be admitted

to this Organization and Taivan can stand on its own right of temporary secession

until such time -- five years or so from nov ns they can determine whether

they wish to be a separate State or merge with the People's Republic of China.

The_PRESIDENT: We have now heard the last speaker in explanation

of vote before the vote.

The Assembly will now proceed to vote on the two draft resolutions

before it, documents A/L.599 and Ada.1, and A/L.605. After all the votes have been taken I shall call on those representatives who wish to explain their votes on any of the proposals.

In accordance with rule 93 of the rules of procedure, I shall first put to the vote the draft resolution in document A/L.599. A roll call vota has been requested,

vota usa taken by roll call.

Tunisia, having been drạm by lot by the President, was called upon to

vote first.

In favour:

Turkey, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern

Ireland, United States of America, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Cambodia, Canada, Central African Republic, China, Colombia, Congo (Democratic Republic of), Costa Rica, Cyprus, Dahoney, Dominican

Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Fiji, Gabon, Gambia, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Iran,

Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liberia, Iaixembourg,

Against:

Abstaining:

A/FV, 1913 32-35

Madagascar, Malawi, Malta, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Micaragua, Nigor, Panama, Paraguay, Philippines, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Spain, Swaziland, Thailand, Togo. Tunisia, Uganda, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Republic, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia, Zambia, Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet

Socialist Republic, Ceylon, Chile, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Demark, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Ghana, Guinea, Hungary, India, Iraq, Kenya, Kuwait, Libya, Malaysia, fali, Mauritania, Mongolia, Morocco, Nepal, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, People's Republic of the Congo, Peru, Poland, Romania, Singapore, Somalia, Southern Yemen, Sudan, Sweden, Syria, Barbados, Cameroon, Chad, Guyana, Mauritius, Portugal, Trinidad and Tobago,

Draft resolution A/L.599 and Add. 1 was adopted by 66 votes to 52, with

7 abstentions /resolution 2642 (xxv)7.

BHS/rc

A/PV.1913

ALBANIAN RESOLUTION!!

The PRESIDENT: The General Asembly will nov vote on the draft

resolution contained in document A/L.605. A roll-call vote has been requested.

A vote was taken by roll call,

South Africa, having been drawn by lot by the President, ver called upon

to vote first.

In favour:

Against:

Abstaining:

Southern Yemen, Sudan, Sweden, Syria, Uganda,

Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Republic, United

Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,

United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia,

Zambia, Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Austria,

Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist

Republic, Canada, Ceylon, Chile, Cube, Czechoslovakia,

Denmark, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Finland, France,

Ghana, Guinea, Hungary, India, Iraq, Italy, Kanya,

Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Mongolia, Morocco, Nepal,

Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, People's Republic of the

Congo, Poland, Romania, Somalia,

South Africa, Spain, Swaziland, Thailand, Togo, Turkey, United States of America, Upper Volta, Uruguay,

Venezuela, Argentina, Australia, Barbados, Brazil,

Cambodia, Chad, China, Colombia, Congo (Democratic Republic of), Costa Rica, Dalioway, Dominican Republic,

El Salvador, Gabon, Gambia, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti,

Honduras, Israel, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Lesotho,

Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Malta, Mauritius, Hexico,

New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Panama, Paraguay,

Philippines, Iwanda, Saudi Arabia, Sierra Leone, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Belgium, Bolivia, Botswana, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Cyprus, Ecuador, Fiji, Guyana, Iceland, Iran, Ireland, Jamaica, Kumit, Laos, Lebanon, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Netherlands,

Peru, Portugal, Senegal, Singapore,

The result of the vote vụs 51 votes in favour. 49 eminet, and 25 abstentions.

Draft resolution A/L.605 was not adopted, having failed to obtain the required two-thirds majority,

BRS/TC

order.

The PRESIDENT:

A/PV. 1913 37-40

I call on the representative of Tunisia on a point of

Mr. DRISS (Tunisia) (interpretation from French): The vote on draft resolutions A/L.599 and A/L,605 has now taken place. We are therefore back to the status quo ante. During my explanation of vote, I reserved my right to draw conclusions from the vote which has just been held and to make a procedural proposal.

I do not wish to reopen the debate. I wish only to note that, by our vote, we have proved the powerlessness of our Organization to solve a problem which has been of concern to it for twenty years. Unfortunately, the United Nations once again, by reflecting its political difficulties, has lost an opportunity to act,

I all hope lost? Is it still possible to move forward in the direction of history in this twenty-fifth anniversary year? I should like, faithful to the United Nations and its spirit and on the basis of rule 80 of the rules Of procedure of the General Assembly, to wake, on behalf of the delegation of Tunisia, a procedural motion which I would ask you, Mr. President, to put to the Assembly. This proposal will enable us to conclude the examination of item 97 of the agenda on a positive note.

RH/10/1r

A/FV.1913

RH/10

(Mr. Driss, Tunisia)

We propose a draft resolution consisting of two paragraphs, the first keeping item 97 of the agenda of the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly, the second entrusting the Secretary-General with an exploratory task on the problem. Thus the United Nations would demonstrate the interest of all its Hasbere in the problem of China, The text of this draft resolution is as follows:

*ine General Assembly,

"After having discussed iton 97 of its agenda,

"Decides:

*(s) to keep on the agenda of its twenty-sixth session an item entitled 'Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations':

"(b) to entrust to the Secretary-General the teak of exploring the possibility of resolving this problea, and

"Requests the Secretary-General to make a report, if necessary, on the matter at the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly." H

The PRESIDENT: While the text of the draft resolution proposed by the representative of Tunisia is being circulated we shall proceed to hear the explanations of vote after the voting.

Mr. ESPINOSA VALDERRAMA (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): The principle of universality is one of the basic elements of Colombia's policy In the United Nations. That is why my delegation voted against a draft resolution approval of which would imply the expulsion of a Member of the Organization which has fully complied with the obligations incumbent upon it under the Charter und with which my country enjoys cordial diplomatic relations. But I wish expressly to state that in socordance with our belief that the principle of universality must prevail in the United Nations the Colombian delegation feels it is illogical that the People's Republic of China, which has a population of more than 700 million, should not be a Hauber of the United Nations.

My delegation expresses the hope that at some future date we might be able to prepare a draft resolution that opens the way for entry into the United Nationa of the People's Republic of China without thereby implying the expulsion of another State which na in the case of the Republic of China has complied with the rules and spirit of the Charter for twenty-five years.

A/FV.1913

(ity. Espinosa Valdevens. Colosbia)

For the same reasons my delegation voted in favour of the matter being discussed

as an important question, because intrinsically it is important and because

only by so stating were vo sure of avoiding an injustice being comitted against

the Republic of China,

Of course, it is to be hoped that the admission of the People's Republic of

Chine to the United Nations will not be delayed. My delegation would be ready to

co-operate with the delegations of other countries in agreeing on the acceptmet

of the People's Republic of thins in our Organization and zalotaining the

character of membership the Republic of China has enjoyed since the adoption of

the Charter In San Francisco, In doing so, the United Nations would unequivocally

demonstrate its universalist mission and take an important step towards the

preservation of peace and the achievement of International hamanny,

ME, THOLESON (Guyana): As the General Assembly will have noted, sy delegation abstained on both the draft resolution in document A/L.599, sponsored by

Australia and a number of other delegations, and the draft resolution in document A/1.605, sponsored by Albania and a number of other delegations. The delegation of Guyana is well aware that the problem of the representation of China in the United Nations is one that has continued to preoccupy the Assembly for many years.

delegation is unhappy at the way in which the whole issue has become not in

" ritualistic mould of two traditional resolutions neither of which, in out

view, is completely satisfactory.

The delegation of Guyana recognizes the principle of universality as a

fundamental comerstone on which United Nations "mbership should be built.

In that connexion my Prise Hinister, the Honourable L.F.S. Bomban, at the

recent meeting of non-aligned countries in Lusaka spoke clearly in support of

the right of the People's Republic of China to a seat in the United Nations

and to a seat therein on the Security Council, Guyana is in favour of senting

the People's Republic of China in the United Nations.

My delegation recognizes, however, that there are a number of obstacles in the

way of achieving that aim, A principal obstacle is reflected in the procedural argussent of the resolution in document A/1.599, which seeks to make the issue an

M/10

A/FV.1913

43-45

(Mr. Thompson, Guyana)

That important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the Charter. argument really turns on whether what is involved in the admission of a new Humber and the expulsion from the United Nations of an existing one or sorely the very different problem of clarifying the question of the representation of a State already duly admitted to membership,

In assessing the arguments for and against those two respective points of view my delegation has been struck by the quality of the argumenta adduced in this hell on Monday last by the representative of Tunisia. Instead of addressing ourselves to an apparently endless restatement of the high political principles involved, could we not spare some time to look at the practical possibilities! If, as has been stated, the present delegation representing the Republic of China maintains that there is only one China, of which it is the legitimate representative, and that it would not accept the presence of a delegation of the People's Republic of China at the United Nations, that leads logfcally to a position that posits the withdrawal of In the present delegation once a delegation from Peking has been seated. such cirematances would it not be the best way of advancing the cause the seating of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations for the main advocates of that cause simply to present a draft resolution making for that to be done and omitting any reference to the necessity of expelling the present delegation! My own delegation would vote affirmatively for a draft resolution cast in those tarka. It believes that such a resolution would profoundly influence the vote on the procedural question if, in the light of a substantive resolution so vorded, the sponsors of the present procedurai, resolution vald insist upon putting it to the vote,

Alternatively, and as the representative of Tunisia has also proposed, It might be possible, consequent upon the decision to recognize the Government of the People's Republic of China as the legitimate representative of Chine at the United Nations and to secure for that Government's delegation the permanent seat of Chine on the Security Council, to provide for the present delegation a provisional status as the Government of formos that would enable it to continge to participate in the various organs of the United Nations until, with the agremant of the People's Republic of China, the question of possible Formosen representation could be finally determined,

BG/11

A/PV.1913

Hr. Thcomson, Guyana)

It is along lines such as these that my own delegation, like that of Tunisia, sees a practical and constructive solution developing to the long outstanding question of the proper representation of China at the United Nations. The delegation of Guyana very much hopes that a substantive draft resolution along the lines we and others have suggested will be forthcoming next year. We would be prepared to support such a draft resolution and we believe that it would profoundly influence the existence of, or alternatively

In short, the fate of, the customary procedural resolution on this subject. we feel that by means of a substantive draft resolution cast along lines indicated earlier in this explanation of vote the objective of the seating of the delegation of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations

would an objective which we support and at the Security Council table at last be attained. My delegation looks forward to being able to support such a draft resolution in the plenary next year.

――

Mr. LUPIS (Italy) (spoke in Italian: Bnglish text furnished by the delegation): The Italian Government has recently recognized the Goverment of the

As much we consider People's Republic of China as the only legal Goverment of China, It the Government which is entitled to represent China in the United Nations. We have therefore voted in favour of the draft resolution contained in

document A/L.605, aimed at ensuring to the People's Republic of China its rights in the Assembly and in the Security Council, as well as in all other

United Nations organs.

Ynt, we have again cast our vote in favour of the procedural draft

and we still believe that the lamme of resolution because we believed determining the legitimate and qualified Government to represent a State in the United Nations is of such importance as to justify recourse to the procedure provided for important questions so that the decision may express the carefully weighed conviction of e significant number of Hesbar States.

The swift evolution taking place in international life, however, shows a growing vill on the part of Member States to recognize that only the Government of the People's Republic of China can affectively meet the responsibilities devolving upon China in the international community. That

BG/11

A/PV.1913

(Mr. Lupis, Italy)

BG/11

increasing consensus shows how much the conviction is spreading that the United Nations must call upon the Government of a grest country to enlist its co-operation in order to guarantee the harmonization of the activities of all peoples by directing them towards the goals of peace and security. While we hope that as a result of the spreading of this conviction the largest ecasensus of States will work for a solution of the problem, it is rather difficult to imagine that the will of the majority of this Assembly should not effectively express itself.

Italy will favour

a positive evolution of this situation when the issue is discussed again, even through a revision of the procedural criteria

followed up to now,

Mr. WALDHEIM (Austris): Austria has in past years abstained in the

vote on draft resolutions the restoration of the lawful rights of

the People's Republic of China in the United Nations. This year the Austrian Goverment has decided to vote in favour of the draft resolution in document A/L.605. In arriving at that decision it has been guided by the conviction that the time has come to take a further step in making this Organization still more representative, thus enabling it to pursue its objectives and purposes more effectively. Guided by the same considerations, the Austrian Governannt holds the view that the seat of China in this Organization should be occupied

by the State which actually rules that vast country; while the island of Taiwan, which in actual fact is not ruled from Feking, should continue to be represented in this Organization subject to the appropriate adjustments.

In voting for the raft resolution in document A/L.605, therefore, we

reserve our position with regard to the second part of its operative paragraph.

Mr. YAZID (Algeria) (interpretation from French): The delegations of Africa, Asia, Istin America and Europe which, together with Algeria, submitted the draft resolution in document A/1.605 to the Assembly for a vote are particularly gratified to stress the positive nature of the vote that the Assembly has just taken.

A/PV.1913 49-50

(Mr. Yazid, Algeria)

Our position is logical and, so far as we are concerned, today's vote Important, because, in our view, the General Assembly of the United Nations, by a statutory majority, bas declared itself in favour of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in our Organization

and for the expulsion of the Chiang Kai-shek clique.

[

DR/ejr

A/FV.1913

DR/øjr

(Mr. Yazid, Algeria)

A/FV.1913

(Mr. Yazid, Algeria)

After today's vote it is clear that the only obstacle to the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Chine in the United Nations is that of the fraudulent act, which is contrary to the Charter and the rules of procedure, comitted by a group headed by the United States.

The delegations on behalf of which I speak wish to stress the political importance to be attached to the votes on so-called procedural questions, and I refer particularly to those votes that were cast for the thited States draft resolution.

International imperialism may have ita plans, but it is always historical

at decide the future

realities

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I am sorry to interrupt the representative of Algeria, but I should like once again to call his attention to the fact that statements at this time should be in explanation of vote. There should not be a new debate on the question of China.

Mr. YAZID (Algeria) (interpretation from French): Mr. President,

I en speaking after a formal motion has been put to the Assembly and it is only so as not to have to ask on behalf of eighteen countries that ve postpone this discussion until next veek. It man in order not to delay the Assembly and involve

it in a lengthy discussion on the proposal that was submitted to you that I put my name on the speakers' list.

With all respect for you, Mr. President, Algeria and the eighteen nations on whose behalf I speak co-operated with our President, as I promised you at the beginning of the debate, by voluntarily limiting our statement and we have not asked to speak since then.

The countries on whose behalf I speak, in order to co-operate and to Improve the atmosphere surrounding the debate on the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China during this twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly -- an atmosphere that this year was positive take note of the comments made by a number of delegations on the contents of our resolution and do not forget that we have heard delegations which, for the most fraternal and respectable reasons and secking the same objectives as ourselves, made certain proposals or entered certain reservations.

I make an appeal to the delegation of Tunisia, requesting it either to withdraw the proposal or not to press it for a discussion during the course of this session because we fear that it might reopen a substantive debate, a debate that has been held for over a verk, one that we admit should be continued but which could be done wider better eircumstances at sono

Future session. We will give a fraternal hearing to statements from

many delegations that has the same sins in view as we do but which, in their analysis of the situation concerning the question of the restoration of

the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations,

do not come to the same conclusione na we do.

DR/ejr

A/PT.1913

DR/8jr

A/P7.1913 54-55

(Mr. Granda, Ireland

The

Mr. CHEMIN (Ireland): My Government has long believed that the People's Republic of Chins should be represented at the United Nations. Irish delegation has in the past stated that the effectiveness of this

Organization must depend in large seasure on its universality. Our Secretary- General has repeatedly stressed that the full potential of the United Nations

es an instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security can

be realized only when the principle of universality of membership is more fully applied. To continue to exclude the representatives of a Government of some 800 million people, and a State which is a muclear Power, is to counter

this principle on which the world Organization, if it is to be truly effective,

must be based.

In the four years prior to 1961 the Irish delegation maintained that the question of the representation of Chim we one of great importance which should be discussed in the General Assembly. Accordingly in those years we voted for discussion, while making it clear that ve had taken no decision on the substantive lasue and that there were aspects of the policies and practices

of the Government at Feking about which ve had misgivings.

In the years since 1961, when the substantive issue came to be debated,

two draft resolutions have been introduced.

One of these stated that a proposal to change the representation of Chin was an important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the Charter, Ireland always voted for this draft, consistently with the view ve had taken In the four years prior to 1961 about the importance of the issue.

The second draft in those years dealt with the substance of the matter and contained in affect two proposals: to west the representatives of the Goverment at Peking, and to expel the representatives of the Government at

Taipei.

From 1961 to 1969 the Irish delegation voted against this draft resolution. We did so, not because we vera opposed to seeing the Government of the People's Republic of China represented here; indeed quite the contrary. For, as already stated, we had long favoured its presence at the United Nation. Our opposition vaa due to the fact that support for the draft resolution would mean support for the expulsion of the representatives of the Government at Taipei.

My delegation is fully aware of the complexity of this whole question. In particular we feel that we must have regard to the right of the people of Taiwan to self-determination and representation in the United Nations, and to their relationship with asinland China. In the long term also ve must bear in mind the need to look towards the promotion of peaceful relations between the peoples of the Far East as a whole.

In addition to the two draft resolutions already mentioned, which have been submitted since 1961, a third draft resolution vas submitted in the years 1966 to 1969. This draft, which called for a comittee to study the whole issue and to make recommendations to the Assembly, reflected the growing feeling of dissatisfaction among many delegations at the impasse resched. The

Irish delegation voted on each occasion for that draft in the belief that

study committee might help to break the impasse and bring about a solution

to this important question.

AP/TT

A/PV.1913 56

AP/TT

(tir, Crawin, Ireland)

A/PV.1913

זל

(Hr. Savage, Sierre Leons)

We have been considering what further action ve should take this year in pursuance of our strong desire to achieve some progress towards the solution of this problem, which has been stalemated for twenty yours. At this session the Assembly has been presented with the same two draft resolutions as in the years 1961 to 1969. We have agata voted for the draft that contained in document A/1.599 and Add.1 which defines the question as important, within the meaning of Article 18 of the Charter. We have, however, now taken the further step, in pursuance of our desire for sase progress, of moving on this occasion, from

a negative vote to abstention, on the substantive draft- that contained in

document A/L.605.

In addition to särking our strong desire to achieve some progress tovania a

solution, this action registers also our firm attachment to the promotion of détente and co-operation in international relations in furtherance of the Purposes and Principles of the Chartar. We are convinced that, if the Organization is to bring about a better and sore hopeful world without nuclear wir, we must, in the words of the Prime Minister of Ireland at the mmemorative

session on 22 October last:

ensure that the United Nations is representative of all the Powers which have a special role" to play "In this respect and we should not enshrine in our practice policies which lack realism." (1879th meating. p. 17).

fir. SAVAGE (Sierra Leone): The views of my Government on this important question of the representation of China in the United Nations are well known

and have on a number of ocensions been stated in this forum. For a number of

yeses now, my Kinister of External Affairs, in his capacity as Head of the Sierra Leone delegation, has drawn the attention of this Assembly to the fact that the People's Republic of China cannot continue indefinitely to be unrepresented in this world body. With 800 million people or about one-qarter

of the world's population, Peking cannot or should not be ignored,

The draft resolution contained in document A/L.599 and Add.1, in the view

of my delegation is within the province of this Assembly to decide on the importance of the question, because by any definition, legal or otherwise, it is important. It should not, however, be used As & weepen or device to keep any country outside the United Mations. We have therefore supported it.

As far as the other draft resolution, contained in document A/L.605 11

concemed, we have diplomatic relations with the Republic of China and it would be odd indeed if ve vere to vote for a motion to expel it from the United Nations.

He have exchanged visits of leading members of our country with those of the

People's Republic of China in Peking and we are certainly not opposed to the

consideration of its membership.

It has been said that the question is one of representation and not of membership. But after a delay of twenty-one years, when the Republic of China has established itself, has been accepted and has participated wisely in our

deliberations, it would now seem quite wafair if it were suddenly

expelled.

We shall be willing to support the membership of the People's Republic of China sa a separate motion, but because of the same principle of universality involved, we cannot support the expulsion of the Republic of China, and have therefore been obliged to vote against the second daft resolution.

Only last year, the permanent representative of my country to the United

Nations put scross this point quite succinctly when he said:

"We do not see the necessity nor the morality of supporting the expulsion of the Republic of China? from the United Nations.

"If the question of expulsion of any country or countries is to

be considered, we should have thought that South Africa and Portugal

would have been the most likely candidates because of their inhuman treatment of the majority...". (1808th meeting, p. 37)

AP,IC

A/FV.1913 58-60

NR/20c/re

A/FV.1913

(Mr. Mahjoubi, Morocco)

Hr. NANJOUBI (Morocco) (interpretation from French): The question of

the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the

United Nations is a question which has been inscribed in the agenda of the

General Assembly for many years, without the Assembly having been able to find

* just an equitable solution. We had hoped that the commemomtive session

on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, which we celebrate this

your, with statements of good intentions, would finally bring about a satisfactory

solution to this problem, a solution which, in our view, could only be sought

In the restoration to the great country, China, of its lawful rights,

solution should help not only to redress a damage done to a great mation and to remedy an injustice, but also to confer to our Organization,

a more universal character and make ita work nore realistic.

Several delegations, from this rostrum, vere most eloquent in presenting

Incontrovertible arguments and spoke of the important economic and social

accomplishments and the greet harnessing of technologicial and nuclear power

that that great nation, thanks to the genius of its people, has achieved in

record ting. Dany delegations also showed, with rare relevance, its deep

impact on the problems of international life, its cultural potential and the

contribution that it is still aking to the enrichment of human civilization.

It is

It is considerations like there which have "revailed or my Government, ever

aines éta accession to Indenendence, in the desire and the will to initiate and.

maintain with the People's Republic of China close divloustic and ecoronic relations,

Those relations have, since then, been sarked by the greatest

cordiality and the beat sentiments of mutual consideration and extem.

also for those considerations that we have the pleasant duty on sumporting the People's Republic of Chim in the restoration of its lawful rights and that in why ve voted in favour of the draft resolution in document A/1,"05.

We would, of course, have preferred the dra t resolution to be dra tad

(ferently or that the co-anonsörs would have accented a semarate vote on

key elements of that text. However, in view of the fact that we had to vote on the text of the draft resolution as a whole, my delegation voted

in favour. My delegation viales to take this onportunity to ezress its reservations concerning the general vording of the text of the dre ́t resolution,

somecially the second värt of its onerative section,

The Moroccan delegation feels quite at ease in making these statements, because Horocco does not have any relations with the Government in Formosa. However, to the question of vho must represent the 750 million inhabitants of mainland China in the main bodies of the United Nations, especially in the Security Council, our snaver is obvious, and it has been the same for over twenty years. It is based on the effective authority and incontrovertible power of the Paking Government, That is why this year again we voted in favour of the draft resolution taking these realities into account. However, we vated against draft resolution A/L,599, because we considered that the mention made of Article 18 of the Charter was groundless and that the interpretation of that Article was somewhat tendentious. On the legal level the resort to Article 18 was not well founded; on the political level it would serve neither the objectives nor the principles of the Charter.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I find myself in a little difficulty. On my list there is the name of one delegation, that of Albanis, that has asked to be allowed to explain its vote after the voting, Rule 90 of the rules of procedure very clearly states that

"The President may permit Hembers to explain their votes, either before

or after the voting.

I repeat:

"either before or after".

The representative of Albania already explained his vote before the voting. I therefore do not feel that I an entitled to call upon him to make a further

explanation of vota.

The representative of Albania has now asked to be allowed to speak on

But I would very point of order. I cannot refuse to allow him to do politely but firmly appeal to the representative of Albania to abide by the rules of procedure of the Asambly and to speak only on the point of order and not use the opportunity to give an additional explanation of vote or take part in a debate,

Therefore I call on the representative of Albania on a point of order.

Ka/noc

A/PV.1913

MV/Doc

A/PV.1913 63-65

(Mr. Bato, Albania)

Hг. BUDO (Albania) (interpretation from French). should like to

make a brief statement on the vote on the draft resoluti / submitted by

eighteen nations in document 4/1.605.

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French' Does the Assembly

agree that the representative of Albania should be "iven the floor to make

a statement?

As there is no objection, I call on há

My. BUDO (Albania) (interpretatior from French): A great event,

of Immense importance to the United Nationa has taken place today in the

General Assembly. The majority of the assembly has pronounced itself in favour of draft resolution A/1.605, submitted by eighteen nations, including

Albania, calling for the inediate restoration of the lawful rights of the

People's Republic of China in the United Nations and at the same time the

expulsion of the Chiang Kai-shek clique which illegally occupies China's seat

in the Organization. This event not only proves the great change that bas

taken place in the position of Member States towards the restoration of the

rights of the great socialist China but also constitutes a challenge on the

part of these States to the policy of diktat and hegemony that has been

okrried out by the United States in this Organization and also by its min

collaborators, The expression of the will of the majority of the General

Assembly in favour of the restoration of the rights of the People's Republic

of Ching in the United Nations is of great political importance, apart fro

the fact that the implementation of that will of the majority of the Organization is hampered by the fraudulent manoeuvre regarding the so-called

two-thirds majority invented by the specialists of the United States State Department and based on the absurd theory of "evo Chima" a theory of

American imperialisa designed to detach from the People's Republic of

Chins the province of Taiwan, an integral part of its territory,

The support of the majority of the General Assembly for draft resolution A/L,605, recognising that there is only one Chins in the world, one

Chinese State Member of this Organization, namely, the People's Republic of China,

and that the representatives of that Government are the only legitimate representatives of Chim in the United Nations, and consequently demanding the immediate expulsion of the Chiang Kai-shek puppets from here, is an event that proves that the majority of the General Assembly rejects the false United States theory of two Chinas and that it regards as groundless the United States draft resolution (A/L.599), which is based precisaly on that absurd theory, Thus the injority of the General Assembly denounces the crafty subterfuge of the United States with regard to the two-thirds majority, which proves that that illegal manoeuvre can no longer succeed in

the future.

The vill expressed today by the majority of the General Assembly in support of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Chim constitutes at the same time a bitter blow to the whole aggressive policy of the United States against the great socialist China na vell di all the aggressive plots and plans of the two great imperialist. Povers against that great world Power, the People's Republic of thirs.

Today's event is of great importance for the future of the United

It is a felicitous turning point because it shows the strength

Nations.

of the peaceful Member States. At the same time it is further proof of the immense and ever-growing role and authority of the People's Republic of China

in the world.

AWAR

A/FV.1913

NT, MOBCTUSKO-MORIZET (France) (interpretation from French): Anything ve receive from the Tunisian delegation is entitled to our closest attention and sympathy. It is therefore with the greatest of care that ve have studied the Tunisian proposal. We must say at the outset that we fully appreciate the concern of the Ambassador of Tmists after the important vote just cost by the General Asembly, a vote that we welcome. It goes without mying that the question remains on the agenda, Ye are not going to stop in midstream and we shall proceed with our action until the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China are restored in the General Assembly.

Therefore, paragraph 1 (a) of the Tunisian proposal does not give rise to any objection on om pårt, except that this is a trufem for all those who took part in the vote. It goes without saying that the question remaine on the agenda.

Concerning paragraph 1 (b), we find it most difficult to accept this not that the Secretary-General who, by virtue of his position, deals with all matters should not deal with it, but I do not see what initiative he could take in view of the fact that this is a matter on which all States are avane of their responsibility as States, as delegations, and the Secretary-General cannot intervene in this matter.

Therefore, we think that our friend from Tunisia would be vise if he were to withdraw his proposal, and we could very well agree to it being on the record, since that would meet his point. But if the Tunisien proposal vere to be maintained, we would ask for a separate vote on paragraph 1 (b).

In the past, we opposed any creation of study committees on this problem, since we consider that all delegations must assume their responsibilities in the most clear-cut manner. Therefore, I endorse the appeal of the Minister of Algeria and I too would ask the representative of Tunisia to withdraw his proposal. If he does not, ve would ask for a separate vote on paragraph 1 (b),

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): I still have three speakers vho wish to speak on the Tunisian proposal. Furthermore, the representative of Tunisia had begun his appeal by mying that he

did not want to open a debate on the matter. Therefore, before calling on the other three speskera, I shall now call on the representative of Tunisia.

A/PV.1913

K. PRISS (Tunisia) (interpretation from French): I have listened with interest to the appeal that has just been made by the Ambassador of France, and I also listened to the appeal onde earlier by lir. Yazid, the representative of Algeria. In the course of the statement that I nede, I had already expressed the desire of the Tunisian delegation to avoid the re-opening of a debate. Therefore, if the proposal that we have made threatens to re-open a debate that we have in fact concluded, the Tunisian delegation vould not press for its consideration or for a vote and would allow you, r, President, to declare closed the consideration of Item 97, vhile requesting that our proposal be included in the records of this seating. Thus, the Tunisian delegation vill have done its best to persuade the Assembly to take a decision which we hoped, would be taken by consensus if possible, because of the obvious interest and importance of the subject and the fact that its consideration and decision alone do not depend on our will. Perhaps I might be allowed to recall the fact that I mentioned this proposal on 16 November when I said that, regardless of the result of the debate, the Sacretary-General should be requested to report to the twenty-sixth session of the General Assembly on the problem of China,

Therefore, the Tunisian delegation is in no difficulty. We have tried. But, at the same time, I should like to say that it would refound to the interest of the Organization at least to keep item 97, namely "Restoration of the Jerful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nationa", on the agenda or the twenty-sixth session, and to invite or request the Secretary-Gemral to report on the matter, Those are two idens, two questions, that in my mind should give rise to no objection, because they flow from the very nature of the subject,

In withdrawing the Tunisian proposal, I would request you,

Mr. President, to see whether it would not be possible to ask the Assembly if it would agree to keep item 97 on the agenda of the twenty-sixth

AW/1f/ejr

A/PV.1913 68-70

Th/1

(Mr. Driss, Tuntada)

A/PV.1913

(Mrs. Gunawardana, Belgium)

session, it being understood that a report would be submitted to us by the Secretary-General. I leave it to you, Mr. President. You are presiding over our debates with great energy and competence, and I wish to pay tribute to you

for this. But at this particular time the twenty-fifth anniversary of the

United Nations -- what is most important is that even as a procedural matter, or as a point of detail, we stress the interest that is shown in the items

discuss.

The PRESIDENT: I thunk the representative of Tmisia both for his initiative and his visdom in withdrawing his proposal fron consideration at this meeting. His proposal and his final reserks vill appear in the records of this

meeting.

I shall therefore consider that the General Assembly has terminated its

consideration of item 97.

AGENDA ITEM 12

PEPORT OF THE ROCHOMIC AND SOCIAL CŒNCEL: REPORT OF THE THIRD COMITIER (Part I) (A/B175)

The PRESIDENT: The next item on our agenda comes from the Third Committee

I call on the as a matter of priority owing to the situation in Bhat Pakistan. Rapporteur of the Third Connittan.

Mrs. Oupawardana (Belgium). Rapporteur of the Third Committee, presented the report of that Committee (A/8173) and then spoke as follows:

MIS, GUMAWARDANA (Belgium), Rapporteur of the Third Committee (interpretation from French): The news of the terrible disaster that has plunged Pakistan into mourning has deeply moved the Members of the United Nationa.

The Third Comittee, whose agenda item 12 (Report of the Economic and Social Council) calls for consideration of assistance in cases of natural disaster, balløves that this dramatic event was of particular concern to it. The Third Committee, in fact, felt that the unprecedented nature of the disaster, the unprecedented mmber of victim, the extent of material damage, and the danger of epidemica that threaten the country now that the elements have calmed down,

called for immediate and urgent sexmUTSE,

We already know that the Government of Pakistan has urgently mobilized

■ll its own modest resources and the energies of its people to combat the effects of the disaster, that the International Red Cross and the

Pakistani Red Crescent immediately dispatched first aid to the ares, and

that various countries have already provided practical assistance to the afflicted country. It therefore was incumbent on the United Nations as well to participate, to the greatest extent possible, in this movement of international solidarity which seeks to strach the wounds and revive life

sold the ruins and the sorrow.

It is for this reason that the Third Committee commends to the General Assembly the adoption of the draft resolution which, in my capacity as Rapporteur, I have the honour, Mr. President, to ask you to lay before it for its approval.

This draft Also echoes the joint appeal voloed by the Secretary-General. mad by you, Mr. President, calling upon us to marshal all aid and assistance possible to Pakistan, that country so sorely afflicted. It requests all organs of the United Nations and 12 governmental organizations and non-governmental organisations to provide to the Pakistani Government the greatest possible range of resources so as to assist that Government in implementing the programas of relief, reconstruction and development that it envisages for the devnatated ares. It further Invites the Secretary- General to take steps to ensure the widest possible co-ordination of the

the assistance to be provided to Pakistan through the United Nations, specialized agencies had the Non-Governmental Organizations, and to co-operate also with other International sources of assistance.

T/r

A/FV.1913

π?

(Hra. Gunawardana, Belgium)

that the cyclone and the tidal wave wiped out in a few hours can never

Es repaired, for so căny human lives were loat. But at least every effort should be exerted to prevent this disaster from having tragic effects ou

the development of the country whose suffering we all share.

The Chairman of the Third Committee and, following her,

delegatloos offered to the delegation, the Government and the people of

Pakistan their condolences and their sympathy. May I now be permitted to

echo them here, at the same time voicing the hope that the General Assembly

will, as did the Third Committee, unanimously adopt the draft resolution

we now submit.

Pursuant to rule 63 of the rules of procedure, it was decided not to

discuss the report of the Third Committee.

The PRESIDENTI: It is my understanding that representatives have

already had the opportunity, in the Third Committee, in other Committees and in the plenary Asembly, to express their compassion and their feelings of sorrow and dissay, and also their solidarity with Pakistan,

with respect to the tragedy that has struck the people of that State. Hay

I therefore take it that it is the urgent vish of the General Assembly to adopt

unanimously the draft resolution recommanded by the Third Committee in

paragraph 5 of its report!

The draft resolution was adopted unanimously resolution 2643 (XXV)7.

The PRESIDENT : I shall now call on those délégations that

wish to speak at this time.

The Lord St. OSWALD (United Kingdom): I simply vant to say that

my delegation would have wished to co-sponsor the draft resolution we have just adopted. Unfortunately, we left it until it was too late, technically,

do so. this in no way detracts from our deep concern and grief at the

appalling disaster in East Pakistan, feelings which I was able to express

In the Third Committee. Far from lacking sympathy, wewere indeed glad to support the resolution, and I should like to take this opportunity to announce

T2/11

A/PV.1913

75-75

(The Lord St. Oswald, United Kingdom)

that the United Kingdom has already made a substantial contribution, both in cash and in kind, for emergency relief to the victims of the disaster. This vas not known at the time when ve dealt with this in the Third Committee. We have contributed £500,000 in cash, and we have sent thirteen povered Assault-boats to Dacca, to assist in the appallingly difficult task of transportation of supplies, io rescue work, and so on. Consignments of medical stores are already on their way. Four ships of the Royal Navy are sailing to the Bay of Bengal to assist in the distribution of relier supplies and in carrying drinking water, and to survey navigational channels.

My Government is also prepared to offer to the Government of Pakistan long-term assistance in the form of food to the value of a further £500,000, We are also ready to participate in an international aid effort for flood control in East Pakistan.

All these mesaures were announced to the House of Commons on 19 November by the United Kingdom Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs.

I hope that these acta decided upon in Westminster will compensate for our slip in failing to join the sponsors, and will make explicit our cohesion

with them.

Mr. BAYÜLKEN (Tarkay): In view of the lateness of the hour,

I am speaking only to express, on behalf of my delegation and of all the delegations which co-sponsored the draft resolution, our thanks for the unanimous adoption of the resolution by the Assembly.

Miss EDMONDS (United States of America): Our delegation expressed in the Third Committee our genuine concern in this matter, and I need not repeat that here. It is certainly, however, a matter of the utmost concern to as that we should all push forward with our immediate afforts in the situation relating to Pakistan. I wish to say that our Ambassador in Pakistan donated immediately $52,000 from his contingency fund, on 15 November; and further, that the White House, on 17 November, announced the establishment of a high- level interdepartmental working group specifically designated for disaster

relief in East Pakistan.

PKB/cc

A/PV.1913

(Miss Edmorda, United States)

At the same time the President of the United States directed that the

working group prepare initially to provide assistance up to $10 million for other programes of famediate relief. And among these many actions

are the air-lifts of tents, blankets and so forth, Equally important,

50,000 metric tons of wheat have been authorized for sarly shipment to

Bast Pakistan, Three (141 aircraft have been sent carrying four QE

helicopters and support crews. They are now operational in the disaster area. To smaller Bell helicopters have been sent from the United States

Ald Hission to Nepal, We have made stand-by arrangements to provide additional helicopters. The United States Goverment stands ready to release currency • A substantial part of its remaining world-vide Contingency

Fund - to Pakistan for relief purchases in Pakistan, Two further chartered aircraft have been dispatched with relief supplies, mostly packaged food provided by the office of Civilian Defense and Care, In response to the request just received, the United States is sending fifty motorized inland- water craft to assist in the distribution of relier supplies to the

devastated areas.

The tragic occurrence in Pakistan of such vest proportions and consequences cannot help but bind sors tightly the common feeling of mankind throughout the world that whatever affects one of us effects all of us, It was with

this sense of utmost urgency and heartfelt consideration that the United States co-sponsored the draft resolution and proceeded forthwith to not

accordingly.

Dr. SARTH (United Republic of Tanzania): In view of the latenŠEN of the hour I shall be extremely brief. Our delegation in the Third Committee bas already expressed its grief and sorrow over this great calmity which has befallen our Pakistani brothera, I only wish to put it on record that, had it bean technically possible, Tanzania would have liked to have been one of the sponsors of the draft resolution.

FKB/cc

A/PV.1913

Hr. ZAKARIA (Malaysia): I too should like to be very brief. My

delegation would have liked to have been a co-sponsor of the resolution of

the Third Committee, but unfortunately, because of some slip-up, this hạn

not been possible. I should like to say, however, that even if technically it

is not possible now for us to be a co-sponsor in fact, I should like my delegation

to be considered in spirit at least as a co-sponsor of this resolution.

My Government has announced initial contributions for the relief of victims

in East Pakistan and I should like to assure you, Mr. President, and the

Assembly that the Malaysian Goverment will do everything possible to support

and to rally international assistance for the relief of victims of the

East Pakistan disaster.

Mr, SHAHI (Pakistan); It is with renewed belief in the solidarity

of mankind that my delegation wishes to express its deep gratitude to this

Assembly and to all those delegations which vere responsible for bringing

this matter so urgently to the attention of the United Nations. I should

also like to thank again the many delegations which have expressed their

sympathy and condolences in connexion with the cyclone disaster which has

affected millions of people in my country,

The President of Pakistan has hisself expressed the deep gratitude of

the people of Pakistan to the International community for its Imediate

response to the dire need of the people of Baat Pakistan vho vere stricken

by this terrible disaster.

For the promptness of the relief assistance rendered and for its size,

we cannot but express our deepest appreciation to the United States and the United Kingdom. Ambassador Bayülken of Turkey channelled the sympathy and support of a great many delegations behind the resolution of the Third

Committee. The Imperial Government of Iran declared a national disaster

for their own country to identify themselves completely with the people

of Pakistani, I could also mention the great nazy delegations which have

expressed their sympathy and support in the most generous tema but it would

take me too long and I should like to conclude, therefore, by extanding our

gratitude to you, Kr. President, and to the Secretary-General for having

PKB/cc

A/PV.1913

(Mr. Shahi, Pakistan)

PKB/cc

A/PV.1913

(Mr. Jimenez, Philippinee)

issued your urgent joint appeal, for assistance to Pakistan. The various

bodies in the United Nations family, especially the agencies, have already

come forward with substantial help within the financial and statutory

limitations of their respective organizations. We thank all of you,

The PRESIDENT": Before calling on the representative of the

Philippines to express his thanks, I should like to announce here that the

representative of Hali had also asked to speak, but his request come to më

so late that I had already called on the representative of Pakistan. I should like

it to be recorded that the representative of Vali bad also vished to participate in the debate and bad expressed his sentiments of solidarity with Pakistan, but

he desisted as the representative of Pakistan had already thanked the

Assembly.

Mr. JIMENEZ (Philippines): The Philippine delegation thanks the

cretary-General for circulating to the General Assembly the telegram from

the Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Asla nad the Far East

(A/B175) concerning the resolution passed by the BCAFE Typhoon Committee on

the recent staggering tragedy caused by the Pakistan cyclone end the series

of Philippine typhoons.

As Dembers know, the terrible loss of life in Pakistan, which according

to recent estimates totals about half a million, as vall as the destruction of

property, bas caused unprecedented suffering in that country,

The Philippines has also witnessed a series of typhoons, four in all,

which have occurred in succession during the past two months. The first three

typhoons in late Septmber and October caused more than a thousand deaths and

property damage estimated at millions of pesos, Just the other day, another

vicious typhoon vas visited upon our hapless land causing the death of more

than one hundred persons, injury to thousands and destruction of property placed at millions of pesos, The Billippine Goverment notes with deep and

grateful appreciation the concern of the BCAFE member countries with the tragedy

in the Philippines and the great humanitarian and material assistance extended from all quarters, by the Member States of the United Nations, by the specialized

agencies and by other organizations who helped to alleviate the suffering of the unfortunate victims in my country,

The PRESIDENT: In view of the fact that no reports of main committees are available for consideration at present, the date of the next plenary meeting will be announced in the Journal.

The meeting rose at 1,20 p.m.

OFFICE OF THE

HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR CANADA

CANADA HOUSE.

LONDON, SW 1.

Dan Pangl

our happ

HAUT.COMMISSARIAT DU CANADA,

M/HAUT

Task tel. Hopped

MAISON DU CANADA,

LONDRES. S-0.1

CONFIDENTIAL.

Ape-12) November 23, 1970.

Le Nasih 250 Elin

23 / 11

13/11

in Appleyar

re: UNGA XXV: Chinese Representation

You and some of your colleagues may be

interested in seeing the attached copies of

New York telegrams Nos. 2228 and 2231 of November

20, on the above subject.

The recand relegram is considerable interests Flags

27/11

Irtlu Arreeyan 26/27

In 20%

For Cranga

Mr Magy

In particular 34. J.M.27.11

Mrs. M. B. Chitty

ба

deil

اشت

David M. Miller, Counsellor.

United Nations (Political) Department,

Foreign and Commonwealth Office,

King Charles Street, S.W.1.

те

MAY 2

The 5

hs. B. Ch

ONFIDENTIAL

FM CANDELNY 2228 NOV20/70

TO OTT EXT OUN

INFO II LDN WSHDC PARIS TOKYO HKONG CNBRA DE OUT CANDEL NATO MOSCO

DELKI HAGUE DE LON STKHM DE HAGUE ROME DE PARIS

BAG JKRTA WLGTH DUBLN DE LON BRU COPEN GENEV VIEON STAGO LIMA

DAKAR DE OTT

DISTR GFE PDG

REF OURTEL 2153 NOV 17

UNGA XXV:CHINESE REPRESENTATION -

IN DRAMATIC VOTE WHICH RECEIVED WIDE APPLAUSE, ALBANIAN RESIN LEDS

RECEIVED MAJORITY FOR FIRST TIME BY VOTE OF 51-49-25.

2.FOLLOWING ARE CHANGES IN VOTE OF WHICH MOST WERE EXPECTEL : CD/

ITALY AUSTRIA EQUATORIALGUINEA AND CHILE MOVED FROM ABSTEN1ION

TO YES.CAMBODIA AND MAURITIUS SWITCHED FROM YES TO NO/NO.816GE="

CHANGE IN VOTING STRUCTURE WAS NUMBER OF CHANGIS FROM NO/NC TO

ABSTENTION WHICH INCLUDED BOLIVIA BOTSWANA CENTRALAFRICANREPUBLIC

IRELAND LUXEMBOURG MALAYSIA PERU SENEGAL CAMEROON.OTHER CHANGES

INVOLVED FIJI (AS A NEW MEMBER)UNICH ABSTAINEE,/ ND MALDIVES WKO

ABSTAINED LAST YEAR BUT WERE ABSENT AT PRESENT VOTE.YOU WILL RECALL

VOTE LAST YEAR WAS 48-56-21.

3.REPUBLIC OF CHINA STILL REMAINS SEATED HOWEVER SINCE IMPORTANT

QUESTION RESLN 1999 AGAIN RECEIVED MAJORITY VOTE ALTHOUGH DIMINISHED

FROM LAST YEAR.RESULT OF VOTE WAS 66-58-7 IN CONTRAST TO LAST YEAR

WHEN COUNT WAS 71-48-4. FOLLOWING COUNTRIES CHANGED FROM YES TO

ABSTENTION CHAD CAMEROON MAURITIUS TANDT GUYAN..... CHILE AND FERU

...2

PAGE TWO 2228 CONFD

WENT FROM YES TO NO/ND.KUWAIT AND EQUATORIALGUINZA

WERE ABSENT LAST YEAR,VOTED NO/NO.MALAYSIA WE!! PROC AESTENTA.

TO NO/NO AND FIJI, PRESENT FOR FIRST TIME,VOTED YES CAMBODIA, Af

LINE WITH NEW WESTERN ORIENTATION, SWITCHED FRO 4 VO/NO TO YES WHILE

AUSTRIA ADOPTED SIMILAR POSITION TO CDA AND ITALY Y VOTING YES

ON IMPORTANT QUESTION.LAST YEAR THEY AE STAINED,

4.THROUGHOUT GENERAL JEBATE AND DURING EXPLANATIONS OF VOTE,DES, RE

EMERGED FROM MANY DELS TO ADOPT FORM OF TWO CLIN. POLICY RICH

WOULD ADMIT PRC BUT ALLOW REPUBLIC OF CHINA TO FRMAIN SEATED T

THE SAME TIME EITHER AS SUCH OR AS TAILAN, DELS C. "UNITIA JAMATY

SENEGAL IRELAND SIERRALEONE AND MOROCCO ALL EXPRESSED INTEREST

A RESLN TO THIS EFFECT.AUSTRIA SAID IT VOTED 7) 1605 BEC..36

IT WANTED UN TO BE MORE REP OF EXISTING SITUATION IN WORLD BUT

AT SAME TIME BELIEVED TAIWAN SHOULD CONTINUE TO E REPRESE ITE

BUT QUOTE WITH PROPER ADJUSTMENTS UNQUCTE,THEY THE ¡EFORE VISSZAVA

1:3

THEIR POSITION ON SECOND PART OF OP PARA 3 WHICH CALLS FOR

EXPULSION OF REPS OF CHIANG KAI CHEX.

5.GUYANA PUT FORWARD IDEA THAT REPRESENTATION QUESTION COLLO D

SOLVED BY SIMPLE RESLN CALLING FOR SEATING OF PRO 110 DR KIPUELLA

OF CHINA CONTINUED TO EXPRESS OPINION THAT THERE IS ONLY OF

AND THEY ARE THEIR REPS THEN THEY WOULD HAVE TO VITAOWN

IN FACE OF DECISION TO SEAT FENING GOVT GUYANE WAS PREPAFEO "I

PORT SUCH A RESLN NEXT YEAR. IN EXPLAINING ITS POSITION,CHILEAS

REP STRESSED THAT ITS AFFIRMATIVE VOTE ON LGQ5 DID 107/307 MEA

THAT IT HAS EXPRESSED AN OPINION ON PRCS TEAR:TORING CLAINS DET

AREAS WHICH IT DOES NOT/NOT EXERCISE CONTROL ABORTIVE GRAUTIA

POSAL NOV 19 TO CALL FOR SEPARATE VOTE ON WORDS REFERRING TO

...3

ח'

SE THREE 2228 CONFD

EXPULSION OF TAIWAN, WHICH WAS DROPPED UNDER PRESSURE FROM BOTH

SIDES,REFLECTED SIMILAR PREOCCUPATION.

6. SAUDIARABIAN REP (BAROODY)SAID REPUBLIC OF CHINA SHOULD SE¿ QUOTE.

WRITING ON THE WALL UNQUOTE AND SHOULD CARRY OUT A PLEBISCITE ON

TAIWAN UNDER AEGIS OF NEUTRAL COUNTRIES SUCH AS AUSTRIA SWITZERLAND

AND SWEDEN TO SEE IF ITS CITIZENS WISH TO MAINTAIN ITS POLITICAL

IDENTITY OR PREFER TO WORK WITH PRC.

7.FOLLOWING VOTE,TUNISIAN REP CIRCULATED FOLLOWING PROPOSITION:

QUOTE UNGA,AFIER HAVING DISCUSSED ITEM 97 OF ITS AGENDA,DECIDES:

A)TO KEEP ON THE AGENDA OF ITS 26TH SESSION AN ITEM ENTITLED:

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA

IN THE UN,

B)TO ENTRUST TO THE SECGEN THE TASK OF EXPLORING THE POSSIBILITỶ OF

RESOLVING THIS PROBLEM.

AND REQUESTS THE SECGEN TO MAKE A REPORT,IF NECESSARY,ON THE

MATTER AT THE 26TH SESSION OF THE UNGA UNQUOTE.ALGERIA AND FRANCE

BOTH APPEALED TO TUNISIAN TO WITHDRAW PROPOSITION BECAUSE IT WOULD

ONLY HAVE EFFECT OF REOPENING DEBATE.IN VIEW OF GENERAL LACK OF

ENTHUSIASM HE DID SO ALTHOUGH ANNOUNCING HE WOULD CONTINUE TO

WORK FOR SOLUTION TO PROBLEM ON BASIS OF FORMULA HE PUT TO ASSEMBLY

NOV 16.FORMULA STATED:QUOTE UNGA DECIDES: (A)TO RESTORE LAWFUL RIGHTS

OF PRC AND TO RECOGNIZE REPS OF ITS GOVT AS ONLY LAWFUL REPS OF CHINA TO UN; (B)TO MAINTAIN PROVISIONALLY REPRESENTATION OF GOVT

OF FORMOSA IN VARIOUS ORGANS OF UN UNTIL ITS NEW STATUS HAS BEEN

PAGE FOUR 2228 CONFD

DEFINED UNQUOTE.

8.DURING DEBATE NOV 19 SOVIET PERMREP(MALIK) MADE UNEXPECTED INTER-

VENTION AFTER SPEAKERS LIST HAD CLOSED, WHICH WAS FIRST SOVIET

STATEMENT ON SUBJ IN SEVERAL YEARS.WHILE RPTING STANDARD SOVIET

LINE, AND NO/NO DOUBT REFLECTING WARMING TREND IN SINO-SOVIET

RELATIONS,FACT THAT HE DID SPEAK MIGHT BE INDICATION OF TWO PCS-

SIBILITIES IN STRICTLY UN CONTEXT:THAT USSR BELIEVES

PRC WILL BE SEATED IN NEAR FUTURE AND WANTS TO TAKE PART OF CREDIT

AS LEADING ELEMENT IN SUCH AN EVENT OR (B)POSSIBILITY THAT PRC

SUPPORTERS BECAME CONCERNED ABOUT GROWING SENTIMENT FOR ACCOMMO-

DATION OF BOTH PEKING AND TAIWAN REGIMES AND ENLISTED ADDITIONAL

WEIGHT OF USSR TO DISCOURAGE IT.THERE REMAINS ONE OTHER POINT WHICH

MIGHT PROVE TO HAVE OPPOSITE SIGNIFICANCE.MALIK STATEDCAND WAS FE-

PORTED IN PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD AS STATING) THAT USSK WOULD

SUPPORT DRAFT RESLN CALLING FOR IMMED RESTORATION OF LAWFUL RIGHTS

OF PRC IN UN.HE DID NOT/NOT ADD QUOTE AND FOR EXPULSION OF REPS

OF CHIANG KAI SNEK UNQUOTE ALTHOUGH ONE OPI PRESS SUMMARY REPORTED

HIM AS HAVING DONE SO. THERE MAY WELL BE CORRECTION TO RECORD

BY USSR PERMIS, AND IN ANY CASE IN GENERAL CONTEXT OF MALIKS

STATEMENT OMISSION MAY MEAN NOTHING.

RFT 2101032

W. B. Chill

CONFIDENTIAL

FM CANDELNY 2231 NOV20/70

TO OTT EXT OUN

INFO IT LDN WSHDC PARIS TOXYO HKONG CHERA DE OTT CANDELNATO

MOSCO DELHI HAGUE DE LDN STKKM DE HAGUE ROME DE PARIS

BAG JXRIA WLGIN DE LDN BRU COPEN GENEV VIENN STAGO LIMA DAKAR

DUBLN DE OTT

DISTR GFE PDG

REF OURTEL 2228 NOV20

UNGA XXV:CHINESE REPRESENTATION

MAJORITY OBTAINED BY ALBANIAN RESLN AND REDUCTION BY ONE THIRD

IN SUPPORT FOR IQ RESLN ALTHOUGH NO/NO SURPRISE HAVE NATURALLY

STIRRED UP CONSIDERABLE SPECULATION ABOUT FUTURE HANDLING OF ITEM. WE MAY ASSUME THAT SUPPORTERS OF SEATING OF PRC WILL REINFORCE

THEIR EFFORTS TO FORESTALL SHIFT OF OPINION IN FAVOUR OF TWO-CHINA POLICY OR ANY OF ITS VARIANTS. THIS MAY BE DIFFICULT IN VIEW OF

LARGE RESERVOIR OF SYMPATHY FOR THIS APPROACH NOT/NOT ONLY AMONG

THOSE WHO VOTED AGAINST ALBANIAN RESLN THIS TIME BUT AMONG MOST

OF THOSE WHO ABSTAINED AND EVEN BY SOME WHO VOTED IN FAVOUR.

THAT DIFFICULTY IS HOWEVER MATCHED BY DIFFICULTY OF PRESENTING TWO

CHINA APPROACH IN CREDIBLE FORN GIVEN CONTINUING INTRANSIGENCE

OF BOTH PEKING AND TAIPEI.

2.FORM IN WHICH PROBLEM IS PRESENTED AT UNGA XXVI PRESUMABLY

DEPENDS MAINLY ON WSKDC AND IT IS AS YET TOO SOON TO FORESEE

HOW POLICY MAY EVOLVE THERE.WHATEVER USA DECIDES TO DO IT WILL HAVE

TO TAKE ACCOUNT OF FACT THAT AMONG THOSE WHO VOTED FOR IQ RESLN

...2

PAGE TWO 2231 CONFD

THIS TIME THERE ARE AT LEAST 8(AUSTRIA BELGIUM CDA ICELAND

ITALY LUXEMBOURG NETHERLANDS UK WHO MAY NOW BE EXPECTED TO RECON-

SIDER THEIR POSITION.OTHER THINGS BEING EQUAL IF 7 OF THESE COUNTRIES SWITCHED FROM YES TO NO/NO IQ RESLN WOULD NOT/NOT PASS.

3.MUCH OF COURSE ALSO DEPENDS ON BEHAVIOR OF PRC AND OF TAIWAN.

ANY CONVINCING TWO CHINA APPROACH WOULD REQUIRE COMPLIANCE OF

TAIWAN WHICH WE ASSUME WOULD NOT/NOT BE EASY FOR USA TO OBTAIN

AND IMPORTANT ARGUMENT OPPONENTS OF TWO-CHINA WILL USE IS THAT IT

WOULD RUN SERIOUS RISK OF PRODUCING NO/NO CHINESE REP IN UN.

IT IS NOT/NOT TO BE RULED OUT THEREFORE THAT USA MIGHT RETURN TO

UNGA XXVI WITH POSITION UNCHANGED AND PREPARED TO ACCEPT DEFEAT

BECAUSE OF DIFFICULTY OF FINDING ACCEPTABLE ALTERNATIVE AND AS

MOST DEFENSIBLE ATTITUDE DOMESTICALLY,

4.CONCEIVABLY ALSO PROCESS MAY BE SHORT-CIRCUITED BY ACTION IN

SECURITY COUNCIL.AFTER JANI/71 8 MEMBERS OF SECURITY COUNCIL

(BURUNDI FRANCE ITALY POLAND SOMALIA SYRIA UK USSR)WILL BE STATES

WHICH VOTED FOR ALBANIAN RESLN.6 WILL BE STATES WHICH VOTED AGAINST.

BELGIUM WILL HOLD BALANCE. IT IS THEREFORE POSSIBLE THAT ATTEMPT

WILL BE MADE LIKE THAT MADE BY ALGERIA IN 1968 TO CHALLENGE SEAT-

ING OF CHINA IN COUNCIL. ALTHOUGH IT IS NOT/NOT TO BE ASSUMED IN

ADVANCE THAT UK OR ITALY FOR EXAMPLE WOULD GO ALONG WITH SUCH

AN ENTERPRISE POSSIBILITY SHOULD BE BORNE IN MIND.YOU WILL

RECALL THAT THIS WAS ONE OF REASONS WHY ITALIAN DEL RECOMMENDED

TO ROME VOTE IN FAVOUR OF IQ RESLN.

RFT 210106Z

U.N. Pol. Department,

Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

Even

With the compliments of

THE UNITED KINGDOM MISSION

TO THE UNITED NATIONS

UNITED STATES DELEGATION

TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY

no one in try to so to; it is a questi of repentatio not overtriting.

F.E.

The United States is pleased that the General Assembly

has reaffirmed that the issue of China's representation in

the United Nations is an important question, and the reso-

lution which sought to expel the Republic of China has again

failed to obtain the votes necessary for passage.

We note,

of course, that there is much sentiment in the UN in favor of

the admission of Communist China, but we do not believe that

a majority favors expulsion of the Republic of China. We

consider it both unfortunate and rather ironic that a number

of States which have been vocal in support of universality of

UN membership nevertheless cast votes in favor of expelling a

nation which has been a faithful and constructive member of the

We will, of course, examine all the implications

of this new situation in full consultation with our friends

and allies. For our part, we are not prepared to drop our

firm opposition to attempts to deprive the Republic of China

of its membership in the United Nations.

organization.

The is a way oddly dragred domment

in negotiation now I hypore

Record of C.ficial Anglo/Fre. Quai d'Orsay on Asia on frida",

Planter Chmay representat

His repfile ple mp27

1. Frozent-Meurice raid that he had tried to reduce to a

formula the situation as they saw it: on the one hand Ilanoi

was trying to attain through peace what they had not obtained

through war. On the other hand, the Americans vere trying not

to lose through peчce what they had not lost through war. The

North Vietnamese and the Viet Cong had not achieved as much in

the military field as they had hoped. They had had no major

victories, had not treatened the American position, nor forced

any American retreat. Cheir chances of winning were now less.

"hey were therefore seeking to win through peace. They wore

hoping that pressure from the South Vietnamese and American

peoples would give them some advantages.

Fresident Nixon's statement had been dictated in its

timing by the American elections but contained enough substance

to make it worth close study. It offered certain possibilities

as a basis for negotiation, and there was an opportunity to

nake peace which should be seized. A similar opportunity had

ben lost in June 1969. Jonotheless the proposals of

/President

CONFIDENTIAL

American intentions, but they recognised signs of certain

Americ¬n disengagerent in Asia.

22. Chinese policy was influenced by their feeling that the

present tendency s tords change by revolution and not by

They proclaimed in public, however, that each country

must make its own revolution. The elements, therefore,

existed for a possible dialogue with China.

War.

23. Sar 3. Tomlinson began the afternoon session by

continuing the discussion on China.

The Chinese had made it

clear to the Head of Par Bastern Department who had recently

visited Feking that they really wanted to get into the United

Nations. If their admission was approved, they would accept

without insisting on the prior falfilment of impossible

conditions. le assumed that in such an event the Taiwan

Government, who equally considered themselves the Government

of all China, would not in any c ́so wish to remain in the

U.N. As far as our own position was concerned, if it

appeared that the "important question" resolution was the

only obstacle to Chinesa entry, we nould have to reconsider

our position. Dat va doubted if there would be a majority

for the Albanian resolution this year. The Japanese were

following the Chinese sitution very closely but because of

their interests in Priman, they were not likely to change

their attitude.

24. On the bilateral front, e veze benefitting from

We had more contacts and visitors woze

normalisation.

properly received.

subjects in prison.

direct tulephone link.

These were, however, still six British

The Chinese had shown an interest in a

/25.

CONFIDENTIAL

1st December 1970

*La/Co. Mr. John Rankin (Glasgow, Govan): To

ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, if he will press for the admission of China to the United Nations, in view of the fact that a majority of the members of the United Nations Organisation now support this course.

NO. 94

MR. ANTHONY ROYLE

For many years we have supported

the seating of the representatives of

the People's Republic of China in the

China seat in the United Nations.

did so again this year.

142

1st December 1970

*La/Co. Mr. John Rankin (Glasgow, Govan): To

course.

NO. 94

MR. ANTHONY ROYLE

For many years we have supported

the seating of the representasives of

the People's Republic of China in the

China seat in the United Nations.

did so again this year.

(18397) DML391413 3m 10/67 GWBLM, Op.843

PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION

for ORAL answer on 1st December 1970

F.E.D.

The draft reply should reach the Parliamentary Office through your Under-Secretary by

281

Noon Finday 27/11

*La/Co. Mr. John Rankin (Glasgow, Govan): To

tourse.

Mr. Anthony Royle,

For many years we have supported the seating of the

representatives of the People's Republic of China in the

China seat in the United Nations. We did so again this

year.

A.R.

REFERENCES

Flag A Mr. Godber's reply to Mr. Rankin

Flag B Lord Lothian's reply to Lord

Fraser of Lonsdale in the House of Lords

27 October 1970

Flag C Mr. Foley's reply to Mr. Allaun

14 July 1970

29 May 1970

NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES

Why did ve support the Important Question Resolution this year?

1. We have taken the view that a change in the representation of

China, which is a permanent member of the Security Council, is an "Important Question" under Article 18(2) of the Charter.

Will we support the Important Question Resolution next year?

It is too early to say how we shall vote next year on this resolution, if it is again presented.

What effect will the adoption of the Albanian Resolution calling for the seating of Peking have on Her Majesty's Government a policy?

13. We shall of course take this factor into account.

Two Chinas solution

4. I do not think a solution on these lines is possible in the present circumstances. Both the People's Republic of China and

the Nationalists state that they are the sole legitimate Government of China, and should rightfully occupy the China seat in the United Nations. Two delegations cannot represent the

same country. Any suggestion that Taiwan is not an integral part of China is anathema to both the Chinese People's Republic

and the Nationalists.

/Sovereignty over Taiwan

Sovereignty over Taiwan

5. Our representatives at the United Nations have made it

abundantly clear on many occasions that, in the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, sovereignty over Taiwan remains undetermined.

Would the entry of the People's Republic disrupt the work of the United Nations?

my the hor. Emind

}

6. As said to the General Assembly in September, the presence of representatives of the People's Republic of China could add

immensely to real coexistence.

Åre we prepared to see Taiwan excluded from the United Nations?

7. We do not think

that a solution

involving the seating of both Peking and the Nationalist

authorities is possible.

Two delegations cannot represent the

PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION: CHINESE REPRESENTATION

IN THE UNITED NATIONS

I submit a draft reply with Notes for Supplementaries

to Mr. Rankin's Parliamentary Question about our vote on

Chinese representation in the United Nations. Our support

for the Important Question Resolution next year is being

reconsidered. It is therefore important that we should

not commit ourselves at this stage about our vote in 1971.

2. U.N. (Political) Department concur.

SALMagen

Fee ele

(J. A. L. Morgan) 25 November, 1970

Mr. Lambert (U.N. (Political) Department)

RESTRICTED

Hisand, 27 October 1970

Lwar. Pliter me have.

Căn the

(Vol 805 No 21 Col 63)

Written Anou

United Nations (China)

78. Mr. Rankin asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commcawealth Affairs what steps he proposes taking to enable China to be invited to join the United Nations Organisation.

Mr. Godher: For many years we have voled for the scaling of the Chinese

People's Republic anci shall da e again | this year. As my right hon. Friend said in his speech in the United Nations on 1 24th September, the absence of China from the United Nations makes the solu- tion of many pressing world problems all the more difficult,

HOUSE OF LORDS DEBATES

[Lord Fraser of Lonsdale.]

[LORDS]

Way before we rise for the Recess, will this noble Lord on the Front Bench have had more time to look at it?

LOR INGLEWOOD: My Lords, is the nobh Lord aware that the statement made, to paintain war pensioners' pre- ferences, win give very great satisfaction to Ex-Servicemen's organisations?

LORD SHACKLETON: My Lords, may I put it to the noble Earl the Leader of the House that when members of the Government are aboußgo give a negative Answer there is no need to say, Answer I must give is "No"?"

The

SEVERAL NOBIS LORDS: Why not? LORD BELSTEAD: My Lords, if the Boble Lord, Lord Fraser of Lonsdale. would care to put down a Question le Written Answer, I should hope that the

be given before The Rocca

CHINA AND THE UNITEL NATIONS

2.48 p.m.

LORD FRASER OF LONSDALE: My Lords, I beg leave to ask the second Question which stands in my name on the Order Paper.

[The Question was as follows:

To usk Her Majesty's Government whether they will use their good offices to persuade the United Nations to admit China to that organisation.]

THE PARLIAMENTARY UNDER- SECRETARY OF STATE. FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE (The MarquesS OF LOTHIAN): My Lords, the United Nations can only seal the representatives of the People's Republic of China in the place allotted to China as a result of a decision by the Member notions themselves. We have consis tently voted in the United Nations for the seating of the representatives of the People's Republic of China, and we shall continue to vote in this sense. Wc believe that the representation of the Chinese Government and Chinese people is a prerequisite to the solution of major world problems.

LORD FRASER OF LONSDALE: My Lords, since those people are the most numerous in the world, is it not a butle

EL FAS

Cost of Living

420

absurd to have a committee talking peace in New York on which they are not repre sented?

THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN: My Lords, I entirely agree with the noble Lord, and that is why we shall continue to press for the admission of the People's Republic.

LORD BROCKWAY: My Lords, in view of the very grave situation in South- East Asia, and the need for some con- sultation with the Chinese Government on that issue, will Her Majesty's Govern- mont take the initiative in the United Nations, particularly by discussions with Washington, with a view to bringing China into the United Nations?

THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN: My Lords, I can assure the noble Lord that Her Majesty's Government appreciate his sincerity in this matter, and that we agree ; with it. The difficulty, of course, as the noble Lord knows, is that a great many of the Member States of the United Nations have very fixed and rigid ideas about this, but I think I can assure the noble Lord that his remarks will not go unheeded.

LORD SHEPHERD: My Lords, will the noble Lord consider, when the Foreign Secretary accepts an invitation to go to Washington, pressing this upon the United States Government?

THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN: My Lords, I will certainly pass on that point to my right honourable friend.

LORD GLADWYN: My Lords, is it not a fact that the present Government in Peking would not agree to enter the United Nations, even it invited, unless Formosa had been previously reunited with China?

THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN: My Lords, that precisely is one of the pro- lems. There cannot be two Chinas in the United Nations at the same time.

LORD KENNET: My Lords, is it not the case that, while the substantive vote on the seating of the Peking Government is subject to a two-thirds majority, yet there is a preliminary procedural question as to whether that substantive question should be subject to a two-thirds majority or, on the other hand, to a plain majority. and that in the vote on the preliminary

question the United Kingdom has inclined to the view that it should be subject to a two-thirds majority, and that this therefore makes it less likely that Peking shall be seated?

THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN: My Lords. I hope the noble Lord will forgive me if I do not answer that question directly, because I am not completely aware of the situation. I believe he is right but I should like to look into it.

LORD GORE-BOOTH: My Lords, is it not the case that the preliminary vote to which the noble Lord has just referred is a vote on whether the question is an important one or not, and that Her Majesty's Government have always voted that it is an important question? It is difficult to see how else they could vote.

THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIAN: My Lords, I thank the noble Lord very much. That is the case.

RAILWAYS-WAVERLEY LIVE CLOSURE

LORD NAPIER AND ETTRICK: My Lords); I beg icave to ask the Question which stands in my name on the Order Paper.

(The Question was as follows:

To ask Her Majesty's Government whether the decision that was taken by the previous Government to close the Waverley line between Carlisle and Edinburgh is irrecovable.]

LORD MOWBRAY AND STOURTON: My Lords, the decision taken by the previous Government, to consent to the closure of the Waverley line is indeed irrevocable. My right honourable friend, the Minister of Transport has no power to revoke a statutory closure consent given by one of his predecessors,

LORD NAPIER AND ETTRICK: My Lords, while thanking my noble friend for that Answer, which finally dispels the very real uncertainty existing in the minds of many of the local population, may I ask whether he can tell your Lord- .ships how much of the £2 million that was promised by the previous Govern- ment in 1968 for improving the Border roads over a period of three to four years

ILL 3

United Nations

422.

can be taken to speed up the work, which proceeds at a snail's pace? And have Her Majesty's Government any plans to improve the bus services in the landward arcas?

LORD MOWBRAY AND STOURTON: My Lords, with regard to what has taken place already, of the £2 million which was promised over a period of four years, over £843,000 worth of work has been, or is about to be, completed in this area. There is a plan in two phases involving a link 'road between Galashiels and St. Boswells and although there have been one or two objections to the sale of land it is hoped that the first phase, Galashiels to Melrose, will start in three or four months' time. Phase 2, which will, like phase I, cost £750,000, will follow, and on top of that in the next two years

expenditure is planned in the area which

wal amount to a further £356,000. With reg. to the third part of the noble Lárus gubanóp, that is a point which my gh honourable friend will not accep. as being true. Our information is tim dhe 5s services have been increased and a: adequate.

VISCOUNT ADDISON; My Lords, can the noble Lord say, whelber the Govern- ment will give assistance and encourage. ment to private enterprise railway companies endeavouring to reopen the Waverley line to the South?

LORD MOWB, AY AND STOURTON: My Lords, that is rather another question but the only private railway company which has come forward, as the noble Lord knows, withdrew owing to lack of finance.

2.56 p.m.

BUSINESS

EARL JELLICOE: My Lords, it may be for the convenience of the House if I explain to your Lordships now it is intended that the debate shall be con- ducted this afternoon, Noble Lords will have noticed that the noble Lord, Lord Caradon, will be moving his Amend- ment at the end of the debate. The reason is a simple one: that had it been moved at the beginning technically we should have found ourselves bound in the debuto to the rather more narrow terms of the Amendment. As it is, I hope noble

China (United Nations Membership) "Mr. Frank Allaun asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what steps lier Majesty's Govern- ment are now laking to secure the ad- mission of China to the United Nations.

Mr. Foley: As my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister indicated in this House on 5th May, we have always be lieved that the representation of the Chinese Government and the Chinese people at the United Nations is a pre- requisite to the solution of major world problems. We shall continue to vote for the seating of representatives of the People's Republic of China.-Vol 801, c. 265-6.]

.ndo-China

Mr. Frank Allaun asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what further action be proposes to take towards securing peace in Indo- China, in view of Her Majesty's Govern- ment's responsibilities as co-Chairman of the Geneva Conference.

Mr. M. Stewart: I shall continue to work, both as Foreign and Common wealth Secretary and as Co-Chairman of the Geneva Conference, for an early end to the conflict in Indo-China and a last- ing settlement on the basis that my right hoa. Friend the Prime Minister and I sei out in the debate on 5th May.

Com onwealth Flag

Mr. Tilney asked the Secretary of Sta. for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he will discuss with other Commonwealth Foreign Ministers the introduction of a Commonwealth Flag to be flown on official occasions and par- ticularly on Commonwealth Day.

Mr. Luard: No. There is no evidence of any general interest in such an emblem in the Commonwealth.

Cuba | British Islands)

Mr. Frank At quu asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Allairs what representations he has received about the use of neighbouring British islands as bases for invasion of, and attacks upon, Cuba; and if he will make a statement.

# H 17

Written Answers

606

Mr. Luard: When the recent kid- napping of Cuban fishermen was reported, the Cuban authorities made oral repre sentations to Her Majesty's Ambassador asking Her Majesty's Government to take immediate measures to prevent

prevent anti- Cuban activities based in British terri- tories. The Cuban authorities Were informed that Her Majesty's Government would not tolerate the use of British ter- ritory for activities directed against a foreign State. We are taking what steps are open to us to prevent activities directed against Cuba.

Rhodesia

State for Foreign and Commonwealth Mr. Channon asked the Secretary of

Affairs what was the change in the real gross national product of Rhodesla between 1965 and 1969,

Mr. M. Stewart: Southem Rhodesia gross national product at factor cost in- creased from ER339-5 million in 1965 to £R395 million in 1969, in terms of constant prices. The real increase in the gross national product in that period was therefore £R55.5 million.

The gross domestic product increased from ER354 million in 1965 to £R406 million in 1969, in terms of constant prices. The real increase in the gross domestic product during that period was therefore £R52 million.

If, however, increases in population are also taken into account the increase in gross national product in real terms per head of population amounted to only about 2 per cent, over the whole of the period 1965-1969.

Antigua

Secretary of State for Foreign and Com- monwealth Affairs what steps he has taken to facilitate a solution of the prob- lems arising from the breakdown of the electrical power plant in Antigua on 22nd November, 1968.

Mr. Alan Lee Willians asked the

Mr. Luard: I am pleased to inform the House that, agreement having been reached between the Anligus Govern. ment and Hawker Siddeley earlier this year, Hawker Siddeley engineers have already started work on the repair and re-siting of the power station. While this has been primarily commercial matter between the two parties, the

DATE .29.3.29

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Mr. Amy-

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UNITED STATES INFORMATION SERVICE

Not very

very impressive. But ace X

'AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON

Entes FOR PUBLICATION WITH OR WITHOUT ATTRIBUTION Monday,

CHINESE REPRESENTATION AT THE U.N.

Fe 24 (An analysis by a Washington Correspondent)

November 16th, 1970

та

MAZON

The opposition the United States has expressed so frequently over so many years to the idea of seating Communist China in the United Nations has perhaps inevitably tended to obscure the reasoning behind this position.

A good many critics have formed the impression that the American attitude reflects nothing more than a kind of doctrinaire and dogmatic anti-Communism. But the truth is that the position is squarely based on the United Nations Charter itself and on a pragmatic judgment of the political significance of the proposal to change Chinese representation.

This is apparent in the statement submitted for the United States at the opening of the latest round in this perennial debate.

A member of the American delegation, Christopher H. Phillips, has once again urged the U.N. General Assembly to adopt a resolution calling any proposal to change Chinese representation an "important question," thus requiring a two-thirds majority for adoption, and then to reject the so-called Albanian resolution, which seeks to expel the Republic of China from the U.N. and to place representatives of the People's Republic of China in that seat.

A favourite complaint of those who charge that these familiar American recommendations are merely obstinate and unrealistic is to the effect that the United States is trying to "ignore" or deny the existence of the largest nation on earth. Mr. Phillips dealt directly with this matter, asserting that "the United States is as interested as any in this room to see the People's Republic of China play a con- structive role among the family of nations."

In an effort to encourage the evolution of Peking's thinking in that direction, the American spokesman pointed out, Washington has tried to maintain official contacts. It has taken several unilateral steps to try to ease American-Chinese relations. Far from "denying reality," the Nixon Administration has made plain its hope of including Communist China within its declared policy of moving "from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiation."

But on the one decisive point in the current debate at the U.N. General Assembly, Peking's viewpoint, as expressed through the Albanians, has not changed at all. As Mr. Phillips puts it, "the resolution before us has deliberately joined the concept of admitting the People's Republic of China to the call for expelling the Republic of China. Indeed, they are so joined as to prevent the extrication of one from the other." (Incidentally, it is this irreconcilable antagonism between the Chinese regime on the mainland and that on the island of Taiwan that has also rendered academic all talks about a "two Chinas solution, so called, to the question of Chinese representation_in the United Nations.)

-2-

The demand that the Government of the Republic of China be thrown out of the International organisation has now become the crux of the 20-year-old argument. is plainly an "important question," for the simple reason that Article 18 of the UN. BUT Charter lists "the expulsion of present members among its definitions of such questions thes in

requiring decision by two-thirds vote.

not expulsion

Aman American support of the "important question" resolution is thus no mere

manoeuvre," as Mr. Phillips emphasises, but is essential in the self-interest of every member state that might be threatened if the precedent of ignoring a clear ikisa provision of the Charter were to be set.

question A remanha

This

As to the substance of the argument for expelling the Taiwan regime, it simply doesn't have any. Those urging that course cannot point to a single action by that Government again, as defined in the Charter itself which would justify the denial of its seat. On the contrary, as Mr. Phillips demonstrates, the Republic of China effectively governs a population of 14 million, larger than that of two-thirds of present U.N. members; is recognised diplomatically by more than 60 members; and has consistently "contributed more than its share" to the work of the organisation.

If there is a lack of realism in the debate on Chinese representation, surely it is on the side of those who would expel a founding member without cause, end attempt to distort the Charter to accomplish that end.

Perhaps Communist China is moving toward a decision to rejoin the family of nations; the recent actions of Canada and Italy in establishing relations with the mainland government may point in that direction. If and when that happens, the desirability of bringing into the world organisation the effective government of some 700 million people will certainly not be in question. But to let the People's Rẹpublic of China in now, on the terms it is attempting to set for its own admission, would serve no good purpose.

Que kons: lado-China War; British Poling.

село

hard Shepherd: (Cols 68-69)

Having said that, I wish to state again that my feelings on Vietnam are that the United States went in there on very honourable grounds, and they became in- creasingly sucked into a conflict which was, am certain, even to their own military commanders a situation which would not, and could not, be solved by a military solution. Therefore we ap plauded the United States, the South Vietnamese Government, the North Viet- namese and th; Viet Cong, the N.L.F., when they agreed to go to Paris for talks. Throughout the months we, who were then in government, did what we could to encourage both sides to talk and to reach a settleshent, and certainly we shared everyont's disappointment-par- ticularly that o`the United States Goy- ernment-th.it progress could not be made. We lase applauded every initia- tive that the United States Government have inade in an effort to de-escalate the conflict. We certainly applauded Presi- dent Nixon's declaration, and in fact im- plementation, of the withdrawal of United States forces from South Vietnam. We believe that Cambodia and Laos are en- titled to a neutrality respected by all coun- tries within the region. We believe that the people of Vietnam, whether North or South, should have ways and means of having a Government of their choice, whether it be Communist or otherwise.

that the United

We felt, and still feel, that there is unlikely to be a permanent solution in that part of the wol until China has been admitted to the United Nationa. I must express, as I am ertain the Govern- ment will, deep reg Nations have once ain barred China from the comity of itions. I was not going to speak this 'ternoon, as I felt that what I said on M.:y 14 was sufficient, since circumstances Lid little changed; but I must say-and I wish to ask a series of questions of Her Majesty's Govern- ment-that the recent bombings of North. Vietnam by the United States Air Force in retaliation, as I understand it, for the shooting down of a connaissance air- craft, must be deeply disturbing. Much as one may sympathe with the search and rescue mission, this also must be re- garded in the general vruation as a matter for deep concern. At this moment of time anything that can increase tension, or that creates a situation where the other side may decide to escalate the conflict, will not only make it more difficult for the United States Government to with- draw its forces but will clearly reduce any possibility of early progress at the Paris Conference tabl.

Lord Davies jheek (73)

I was delighted to hear the noble Lord, Lord Shepherd, say from this side that we must get China into the United Nations. Our fundamental policy should be, out of friends and understanding with the Americans, to show them that there is a new China Canada talking to Thant only a few in Washington there a

emerging. I was in Trudeau and to U nths ago, and inside men who know that

They must get a medus vivendi with the Chinese; they mu be brought into the comity of nations. If we want to do a job of work, ki us get on with the Mekong project. Finally, I wonder whether noble Lord, will agree with me about a first-class jub of work which was mooted 70 years ... I should like to see the modem Un ted Nations at work cutting a canal 10 degrees North of the Equator at the K:.. Isthmus, I believe that it would make such a difference to the economy of the area.

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

21 NOVEMBER 1970

UNCLASSIFIED, 2108182.

ADDRESSED TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE TELEGRAM NUMBER 1334 OF 21 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING, UKMIS NEW YORK,

WASHINGTON AND PARIS.

CHINESE VOTE IN THE U.N.

TASS ISSUED A STATEMENT LAST NIGHT, TOO LATE FOR INCLUSION IN TODAY'S SOVIET PRESS, SAYING THAT THE WESTERN POWERS LED BY THE U.S. HAD AGAIN SUCCEEDED IN PREVENTING A POSITIVE SOLUTION OF THE QUESTION OF RESTORING THE LEGITIMATE RIGHTS OF THE CHINESE PEOPLES REPUBLIC IN THE U.N. STATEMENT GIVES DETAILS OF THE VOTING ON THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION AND THE ''IMPORTANT QUESTION** RESOLUTION AND ADDS THAT ALTHOUGH BY THE ADOPTION OF THE LATTER

THE IMPERIALIST CIRCLES HAD SUCCEEDED IN DELAYING THE ADMISSION OF THE CPR TO THE UN, THE ADOPTION OF THE FIRST RESOLUTION IS A BIG VICTORY FOR THE FORCES OF PEACE AND

PROGRESS.

F.C.0. PLEASE PASS TO UKMIS NEW YORK, WASHINGTON AND PARIS.

SIR DUNCAN WILSON

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ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO. 2953 OF 20 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION

TO PEKING MOSCOW WASHINGTON TAMSUI SAVING TO PARIS AND HONG KONG.

MY 1.P.I., GENERAL ASSEMBLY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION

THE VOTING OF THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION TURNED OUT ROUGHLY

EXPECTED. THE ONLY SWITCHES OF VOTING OF WHICH WE HAD NO PREVICUS

INDICATION WERE THOSE OF BOTSWANA (FROM A NEGATIVE VOTE TO AN ABSTENTION) AND OF MAURITIUS (FROM A POSITIVE VOTE TO A NEGATIVE ONE). BUT IT IS INTERESTING THAT AS MANY AS NINE WAVERERS CHANGED FROM NEGATIVE VOTES TO ABSTENTIONS IN SPITE OF HEAVY PRESSURE BOTH

HERE AND IN CAPITALS FROM THE AMERICANS. THE U.S. MISSION TOLD US

THIS AFTERNOON THAT THEY HAD HOPED TO PREVENT SOME OF THE

''DEFECTIONS'', PARTICULARLY THOSE OF IRELAND AND BOTSWANA: VIRTU- ALLY THEIR ONLY SUCCESS WAS WITH KAURITIUS (THEY SAY THEY ACHIEVED

THIS BY POINTING CUT THAT IN VIEW OF MAURITIUS' ABSTENTION IN 1958

AND A POSITIVE VOTE IN 1969 THE BEST WAY OF SHOWING ITS NEUTRALITY

WOULD BE A NEGATIVE VOTE THIS YEAR).

2. THE SLIPPAGE ON THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION WAS RATHER

GREATER THAN WE HAD EXPECTED. ONE REASON FOR THIS MAY BE THAT SOME

COUNTRIES - EAGER TO FOLLOW THE SVING IN FAVOUR OF PEKING BUT RELUCTANT TO DAMAGE THEIR RELATIONS WITH TAIWAN, E.G. CHAD, GUYANA AND TRINIDAD HAY HAVE COMPROMISED BY WITHDRAWING THEIR SUPPORT FOR THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION WHILE MAINTAINING THEIR

POSITION ON THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION.

3. FIRST REACTION AMONGST DELEGATIONS ARE THAT THE PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECT OF A SIMPLE MAJORITY FOR THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION PLUS THE HEAVY EROSION OF SUPPORT FOR THE IMPORTANT QUESTION CLEARLY IMPLY THAT THE LATTER RESOLUTION MOULD FAIL IF IT CAME TO THE VOTE NEXT YEAR, 1.E. THAT, IF THE ASSEMBLY WAS FACED NEXT YEAR WITH THE SAME TWO RESOLUTIONS, THE RESULT WOULD BE IMMEDIATE SEATING OF PEKLIG

AND EXPULSION OF THE NATIONALISTS,

4. AGAINST THIS BACKGROUND AND IN THE LIGHT OF THE ABORTIVE MOVES BY THE BELGIANS, GHANAIANS (WHO BEARLY LAUNCHED A LAST MINUTE MOVE TO ''SANITIZE'' THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION BY ASKING FOR SEPARATE VOTING ON THE CLAUSE ABOUT EXPELLING THE REPRESENTATIVE OF CHIANG KAI SHEK) AND TUNISIANS IN THIS YEAR'S CONSIDERATION OF THE PROBLEM, THERE IS ALSO A STRONG FEELING THAT THERE WILL BE A DIFFERENT SCENARIO NEXT YEAR, THE STATEMENTS IN THE DEBATE BY THE SPONSORS OF THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION MADE CLEAR THAT THEY SUSPECT THAT THE UNITED STATES INTEND NEXT YEAR TO LAUNCH A TWO CHINAS INITIATIVE IN THE HOPE THAT THIS WILL ATTRACT ENOUGH VOTES FROM THE LARGE NUMBER OF DELEGATIONS WHICH DO NOT WISH TO SEE THE NATIONALISTS EXPELLED TO FOG THE ISSUE AND BUY MORE TIME, THE US MISSION HERE CONFIRMED TO US THAT A MAJOR REVIEW OF US POLICY TOWARDS THE CHINESE PROBLEM WILL NOW BE UNDERTAKEN IN THE LIGHT OF THE RESULT OF THIS YEAR'S DEBATE.

5. WE SHALL DISCUSS THE SITUATION WITH THE AMERICANS AND OTHER FRIENDLY DELEGATIONS AND COMMENT FURTHER IN DUE COURSE.

FCO PLEASE PASS PEKING MOSCOW TAMSUI SAVING TO PARIS AND HONG KONG.

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UNCLASSIFIED 219118Z

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELMO, 2952 OF 23 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION

AND SAYING TO

TO PEKING MOSCOW WASHINGTON TAMSŪI PARIS AND HONG KONG.

M.I.P.T.: GENERAL ASSEMBLY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION.

136

THIS ITEM WAS CONCLUDED TODAY. FOR A REPORT ON THE VOTING SEE

M.I.P.T. STATEMENTS IN EXPLANATION OF VOTE BEFORE THE VOTE WERE MADE BY CAMBODIA, MADAGASCAR, CHAD, ALBANIA, GUATEMALA, CHILE, TUNISIA, JAMAICA, SENEGAL, INDIA, SAUDI ARABIA. EXPLANATIONS AFTER THE VOTE WERE MADE BY COLOMBIA, GUYANA, ITALY, AUSTRIA, ALGERIA, IRELAND, SIERRA LEONE, ALBANIA AND MOROCCO,

2. THE FOLLOWING COUNTRIES SAID IN EXPLANATION OF VOTE THAT THEY

VERE IN FAVOUR OF ADMITTING THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA BUT NOT OF EXPELLING TAIWAN: CHAD, GUATEMALA, TUNISIA, JAMAICA, SENEGAL, SAUDI ARABIA, COLOMBIA, GUYANA, AUSTRIA, IRELAND, SIERRA LEONE

AND MOROCCO, THERE WERE DIFFERENCES OF EMPHASIS IN THESE STATEMENTS

AND THE COUNTRIES MAKING THEM VOTED IN MANY DIFFERENT WAYS. DRISS (TUNISIA) WAS FOR GIVING TAIWAN A PROVISIONAL STATUS UNTIL PEKING'S

CONSENT TO SOME OTHER ARRANGEMENT COULD BE OBTAINED. THOMPSCY (GUYANA) SUPPORTED THIS SUGGESTION AND HOPED THERE WOULD BE A NEW SUBSTANTIVE RESOLUTION NEXT YEAR. BAROODI (SAUDI ARABIA) WAS IN

FAVOUR OF HOLDING A PLEBISCITE WHEN THE PRESENT HEADS OF STATES OF

THE TWO CHINAS HAD DIED AND CALLED FOR BOTH RESOLUTIONS TO BE WITHDRAWN. BENHIMA (MOROCCO) SAID THAT HE HAD RESERVATIONS ON THE SECOND PART OF THE OPERATIVE PARAGRAPH OF THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION AND WOULD HAVE PREFERRED IT TO HAVE BEEN VOTED ON SEPARATELY. THE REPRESENTATIVE OF COLOMBIA SAID THAT HE HOPED AT A FUTURE DATE TO PREPARE A RESOLUTION WHICH WOULD ADMIT THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLI YF

YAZID

CHINA TO MEMBERSHIP BUT WOULD NOT EXCLUDE TAIWAN. 3. SPEAKING AFTER THE VOTE BOTH BAHOLLI (ALBANIA) AND YAZID (ALGERIA) HAILED THE RESULT AS A GREAT EVENT. THEY DENOUNCED THE IMPORTANT

/QUESTION

-2-

QUESTION RESOLUTION. HOWEVER, WHILE BAHOLLI'S STATEMENT WAS CHIEFLY INVECTIVE AGAINST THE TWO CHINAS CONCEPT, YAZID SAID THAT HE HAD TAKEN NOTE OF COMMENTS CN THE CONTENT OF THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION AND THE FRATERNAL AND RESPECTABLE REASONS FOR WHICH DELEGATIONS HAD NOT BEEN ABLE TO SUPPORT IT.

4. INDIA, CHILE, ITALY, AND ALBANIA (BEFORE THE VOTE) GAVE THE USUAL REASONS FOR SUPPORTING THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION. LUPIS (ITALY) SAID THAT IF THE IMPORTANT QUESTION SEEMED LIKELY TO CONTINUE TO FRUSTRATE THE WILL OF THE ASSEMBLY THEY WOULD FAVOUR A POSITIVE DEVELOPMENT POSSIBLY THROUGH THE REVISION OF PROCEDURAL CRITERIA, 5. THE REPRESENTATIVES OF MADAGASCAR AND CAMBODIA BOTH SAID THAT THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA SHOULD NOT BE ADMITTED AS IT DID NOT RESPECT THE PRINCIPLES OF THE CHARTER.

6. 1MMEDIATELY AFTER THE VOTE, DRISS (TUNISIA) PROPOSED A RESOLUTION WHICH CALLED FOR THE ITEM TO REMAIN ON THE AGENDA FOR THE 26TH SESSION AND ENTRUSTED THE SECRETARY GENERAL WITH THE TASK OF EXPLORING THE POSSIBILITY OF SOLVING THE PROBLEM AND REPORTING TO THE 26TH GENERAL ASSEMBLY. YAZID (ALGERIA) SAID THAT WHILE HE APPRECIATED DRISS' INTENTIONS IT WOULD BE BETTER TO DO THIS AT ANOTHER SESSION. HE APPEALED TO DRISS TO WITHDRAW HIS RESOLUTION. KOSCIUSKO-MORIZET (FRANCE) SAID HE WOULD HAVE DIFFICULTY IN SUPPORTING THE SECOND PART OF THE TUNISIAN DRAFT RESOLUTION AND ALSO APPEALED TO DRISS TO WITHDRAW IT. DRISS THEN DID SO AFTER AND ASSURANCE FROM THE PRESIDENT THAT IT WOULD FORM PART OF THE

RECORDS OF THE ASSEMBLY.

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23 NOVEMBER 1974

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO. 2951°CF ko NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION

TO PEKING MOSCOW WASHINGTON TANSUI SAVING TO PARIS AND HONG KONG,

MY TEL. NO. 2939: GENERAL ASSEMBLY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION.

THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION WAS PASSED THIS MORNING BY 66 VOTES IN FAVOUR (INCLUDING U.K.) TO 52 AGAINST WITH 7

ABSTENTIONS (LAST YEAR THE VOTING WAS 71 IN FAVOUR TO 48 AGAINST

WITH 4 ABSTENTIONS AND SO THE MAJORITY HAS DROPPED BY 9 VOTES FROM

23 TO 14).

2. VOTING ON THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION WAS 51 IN FAVOUR (INCLUDING U.K.) TO 49 AGAINST WITH 25 ABSTENTIONS (THE FIGURES LAST YEAR WERE 43 IN FAVOUR, 56 AGAINST WITH 21 ABSTENTIONS).

3. CHANGES IN THE VOTING ON THE PORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION

WERE AS FOLLOWS:

ABSTENTIONS TO FAVOURABLE: AUSTRIA:

AGAINST TO FAVOURABLE: CAMBODIA :

NEW VOTE IN FAVOUR: FIJI:

FAVOURABLE TO ABSTENTICH: CAMEROON, CHAD, GUYANA, MAURITIUS, TRINIDAD:

FAVOURABLE TO ABSENT: MALDVIES:

FAVOURASLE TO AGAINST: CHILE, PERU:

ABSENT TO AGAINST: EQUATORIAL GUINEA, KUWAIT:

ABSTENTION TO AGAINST: HALAYSIA.

4. CHANGES ON THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION WERE AS FOLLOWS:

ABSTENTIONS TO FAVOURABLE: AUSTRIA, CANADA, ITALY, EQUATORIAL GUINEA, CHILE:

AGAINST TO ABSTENTIONS: BOLIVIA, BOTSWANA, CAMEROON, CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, IRELAND, LUXEMBOURG, MALAYSIA, PERU, SENEGAL:

FAVOURABLE TO AGAINST: CAMBODIA, MAURITIUS.

5. FOR COMMENT AND ACCOUT OF TODAY'S MEETING PLEASE SEE MY TWO

I.F.T.'S

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DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUZICK

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PROVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORD OF THE NINETEEN ́ HUNDRED AND

SECOND MEETING

Held at Headquarters, New York,

on Thursday, 12 November 1970, at 10.30 a.m.

Restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations [91] (a) and (b)

This record contains the original text of speeches delivered in English and interpretations of speeches in the other languages. The final text will be distributed as soon as possible.

Corrections should be submitted to original speeches only. They should be sent in quadruplicate within three working days, to the Chief of the Official Records Editing Section, Office of Conference Services, Room LX-2332, and incorporated in a copy of the record.

AS THIS RECORD WAS DISTRIBUTED ON 13 NOVEMBER 1970, THE TIME-LIMIT FOR CORRECTIONS WILL BE 18 NOVEMBER 1970.

The co-operation of delegations in strictly observing this time-limit would be greatly appreciated.

ZORA CON OF THE LAVPUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHÉNA IN THE

UNITED NATIONS:

"Į

(a) DRAFT RESOLUTION SURETTED BY AUSTRALIA, BRAZIL, COSTA RICA GABON,

HAITI, JAPAN,[IRSOTHO,/MADAGASCAR, MALAWI, NEW ZEALAND, WERARAGUA, PARAGUAY, THE PHILIPPINES, SPAIN, SWAZILAND, THAILAND, TOGO AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (A/L.599);

(b) DRAFT RESOLUTION SUBMITTED BY ALBANIA, ALGERIA, CUBA, GUINEA, IRAQ,

HALI, MAURITANIA, PAKISTAN, THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, ROMANIA, SOMALIA, SOUTHERN YEMEN, THE SUDAN, SYRIA, THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA, YEMEN, YUGOSLAVIA AND ZAMBIA (A/L.605).

The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): Before I call on the first speaker I should like to ask those representatives who wish to speak to be good enough to inscribe their names on the list of speakers, I should also like to ask the members who intend to submit further draft resolutions or emendments to do so se quickly as possible.

Mr. YAZID (Algeria) (interpretation from French): It is my delegation's honour to initiate the discussion on the question of the "Restoration of the lrful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nationa" on behalf of the countries of Africa, Asian, Latin America and Europe which have taken the initiative of asking once again that this question de placed on the agenda and which have submitted the draft resolution contained in document A/L.605.

I should like to say first of all on behalf of all those countries that, while we are anxious to contribute to the observance of the time-table that we have set for our work, we nevertheless consider that this question deserves to be amply discusand, to be sufficiently discussed so that our community of nations and international public opinion may realize that the time has come to say "no" to those who are responsible for this veritable anachronise in our time, that is to say, the absence from our midst of the People's Republic of China.

In this introductory statement in our debate I shall attempt to place this question in context, and my delegation proposes to speak again in the course of the debate to develop at greater length our arguments and those of the countries which are associated in our move to have the question placed on the agenda and in the submission of the African, Asian, Latin American and European draft resolution,

Algeria has associated itself once again in the move to have placed on the agenda the question of the "Restoration of the lawful rights

of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations". We consider that the restoration to the People's Republic of China of all its lawful rights in the United Nations is more necessary and more urgent than ever.

The twenty-fifth anniversary of our Organization was overshadowed by the absence of People's China, an absencs vhich made meaningless the slogans of justice, progress and peace which applied to our comemorative

Since the admission of Algeria to the United Nations, we have incessantly

denounced the discriminatory, hostile and provocative policy of certain

countries with regard to the only legitimate Government of Chips, the authentic

representative of the great Chinese people, which is the heir of age-old civilizations and has resolutely started down the road to national independence,

social progress and economie development. The stubborn refusal of certain

Powers to restore to the People's Republic of China its sent in the United Nations

is a flagrant denial of justice and a negation of the principle of universality,

the fundamental principle of our Organization,

China is recognized by all as being one of the great Powers, with the

largest population in the world and the richest in economic, technical and

scientific potential. It is a founding Hember of the United Nations and a

permanent member of the Security Council. Nevertheless, for more than twenty

years it has been denied its right to occupy the sent to which it is entitled,

The presence of the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek among us in the

result not of a failure to recognize reality, but of the deliberate, absurd,

dangerous and irresponsible attitude of the imperialists. This situation cannot

continue, and its prolongation would be fraught with consequences.

The triumph of the Chinese revolution, the triumph achieved after a long and heroic struggle by the Chinese people against their oppressors, is one of

the most important events of modern history.

For more than twenty years the Chinese people and the Government of the

People's Republic of China have been building a socialist society freed from

foreign colonialim and feudal exploitation, and they have von splendid

victories over underdevelopment, fanine, sickness and ignorance, The People's Republic of China is resolutely engaged in the struggle against imperialism,

colonialium and neo-colonialium, It is making a most positive and decisive

contribution to the attainment of the aspirations to justics, progress and pesce of peoples, It has always sought to solve by peaceful means existing disputes between States, thus giving full effect to the five Bandung

principles,

The Goverment of the People's Republic of China is one of the few Governants which respect the Geneve agrements of 195k on Indo-China and the agreements of 1962 on Laos. In its international relations it has always applied the principles of equality, mutual interest, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and non-intervention in domestic affairs. The People's Republic of China maintains diplomatie and friendly relations with an ever-growing maber of States and its contribution to economic, technical and cultural co-operation with the Third World is a model of generosity and effectiveness. Ita sesistance to people

struggling for their national liberation, their independence, their

ecomsaic development and their social progrese is an example of solidarity.

The People's Republic of China is a historical reality recognized by all States, including the enemies of the Chinese revolution. The international role of the People's Republic of China is the role of a

great Power, a great nuclear Power, and a great space Power. No proble

of importance could be or should be settled without China.

The myth of the so-called Republic of Taivan has been created out of

whole cloth, The Chiang Kai-shek clique, expelled by the Chinese people,

has taken refuge in the Chinese province of Teivan and maintaine

itself there thanks to the protection of United States land, air

and naval urned forces. The feudalists installed in Taivan have set up

• police régime which is the faithful instrument of imperialist provocations.

There exists only one Chim, only ona Chinese State, and that is the

People's Republic of China, The Chinese State vas a signatory of the

Charter of San Francisco and was granted a sent as a permanent member in

the Security Counell. The clique which unlawfully occupies the seat of

China vas expelled by the Chinese people, and placed itself

itself under

the protection of the bayonets of its American masters, Only the Governmen

of the People's Republic of China is empowered to enjoy the legitimate rights

of Chins in our Organisation, and ve should expel the feudal clique which

Non-recognition by the thited Nations of the legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China is a flagrent injustice. The overwhelming majority of the Members of the General Assembly have recognized the overriding need to see great socialist China bring us ita

indispensable contribution to and co-operation in the rehabilitation

For it is the United Nations and the proper operation of our Organization. which is suffering the disastrous consequences of the non-participation in our work of the People's Republic of China, The Chinese people do not need the United Nations to advance in their struggle, it is the United Nations which needs the presence of Chine.

The principle of universality is the main basis of our Cherter, and yet, since 1949, by systmurtia manoeuvres there has been a refusal to recognize the legitimate rights in the United Nations of a Power with more than 700 million inhabitante. That is a flagrant, scandalous and unique example of international injustice vhich detracts from the little authority that the Organization still has,

This year, again, we have before us

United States draft resolution

(A/E,599) which presents the question of the restoration of the

legitimate rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations as a question dealing with the admission of a new Hember whose solution requires a two-thirds sajority. That is a fraudulent and

illicit argusent which is contrary to the Charter and contrary to the facts, China is a founding Member of the United Nations and it holda a permanent sent in the Security Council. It is a question of expelling the unlawful occupants of China's sont and recognizing the real representatives of a State that is already a Heuber, namely, the People's Republic of Chios. This is a question of procedure which requires only a simple majority. The United States draft resolution is a challenge to common sense, to reason, to our rules of procedure and to the Charter of the

United Nationa.

(Mr. Yazid, Algeria

The Algerian delegation, together with a certain mumber of delegations

from Africa, Asia, Latin America and Europe, has submitted the draft resolution which will be found in document A/L.605. This draft resolution

will provide our General Assembly with an opportunity to work for the

safeguarding of our Organization, to defend our Charter and to demonstrate

its devotion to the principle of universality. In voting for the restoration

to the People's Republic of China of all its rights and for the recognition

of the representatives of ita Government as the only lawful representatives

of China in the United Nations, and for the immediate expulsion of the

representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the seat that they illegally occupy

in the United Nations and in all the organs attached to it, we shall be

performing an act of international equity and we shall be strengthening the

likelihood of the success of justice, progress and peace in the world.

We all realise that the prospect of a speedy restoration to socialist China of its lawful rights in the United Natione be atired actual panic in the imperialist ranks. The imperialists are therefore trying to vin support for the idea of an intermediate solution and compromise. There can be no compromise on principles. 1 repeat there

can be no compromise on principles. There is only one Chine the People's Republic of China. The feudal police clique of Chang Kai-shek represents only its imperialist masters and by expelling it from our Organization we will be performing an act that is realistic, just and necessary,

I have just read out our introductory statement to the debate on the question of the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of

China in the United Nations. I have spoken on behalf of a number of countries

which have jointed with Algeria in inscribing this question on the agenda

and then in the submission of a draft resolution. Our participation in the

debate will be a participation with the merit of being precise and clear and one that will be important frasmuch as it will, in a few years, be seen as an element which testifies to the fact that our countries are really the

countries which are working for the strengthening of the authority of our

Organisation and for the creation of the best chances of seeing Justice,

progress and posse established in the world,

MS. JIMENEZ (Philippines): Once again the General Assembly is confronted with the question of the so-called restoration of the lawful rights

of the People's Republic of China in the United Natione, As the People's Republic of China shows no desire to join the United Nations and abide by its rules, my delegation will mintain its opposition to its admission to this Organization. We have not found in the actions of

Communist China any valid reason to change our stand,

While this Assembly persists in its efforts to resolve the issue of Chinese representation, the Peking régine continues to impugn the integrity of the United Nations and has not evinced any interest in becoming a member and accepting the responsibilities of membership. Jurely evidence of such interest would be the very least we should expect of a prospective new Member of the thited Nations?

My delegation is fully aware of the fact that the People's Republic of China in a great Power possessing nuclear weapons and exercising control over a huge population, But precisely because it is in a position to vield great power Communist China should manifest a readiness to accept a correspondingly heavy responsibility towards the international community.

My delegation would respectfully remind those who invoke the argument of universality on behalf of the People's Republic of China that from the time of its conception the United Nations vas designed primarily as an Organizat.cn for maintaining and enforcing peace. The principle of universality was suggested by some States at San Francisco, but it was rejected in favour of the provision in article ↳ of the Charter which in effect restricts membership

to "peace-loving States which accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and... are able and willing to carry out these obligations." This is the essential criterion that the People's Republic of China must meet if it wants to participate in the work of the United Nations.

We cannot understand the logic of those who advocate the principle of universality to justify the admission of the People's Republic of China and their corollary proposal for the simultaneous expulsion of the Republic of China from the United Nations, Our sense of fairness and justice bids us to reject this corollary proposal.

As one of the founding members and architects

(Mr. Jimenez, Philippines)

A/FV.1902

of the United Nations, with a noteworthy record of commitment to the PurposES and Principles of our Organization and of constructive contribution to ita work, the Republic of China has proved itself worthy of contiming its membership. It fought courageously against fascist aggression during the Second World War. It is thriving in peace and has faithfully complied with Its obligations under the Charter, It has lived up to all the requirements

of membership in this Organization.

The advocates of the admission of the People's Republic of China also argue that its membership in the United Nations would have a mellowing effect on its revolutionary inclinations. However, we have no guarantee that this will be the case, Indeed, the policy of violent revolution was recently reaffirmed by General Lin Pino during the twenty-first anniversary of the People's Republic of China on 1 October last, He said that during the 1970s the Peking régime "would further strengthen its military unity with the revolutionary peoples of the world to wage the anti-imperialist struggle till the end", and that "a new high tide in revolution was fast developing". If these statements are correct indicators

of the policy of Communist China in the years shend we may expect to witness an intensification of violent revolution and of the so-called national

liberation movements in other lands,

With regard to the question whether or not the issue of Chinese representation is an important question requiring a two-thirds vote of the Assembly, my delegation will adhere to the position it has constantly aintained -- that the Chinese question is an important question.

The General Assembly has recognized the vital importance of the question of Chinese representation since it was first raised some twenty years ago, and has reaffirmed its decision on numerous occasions.

(Mr. Jimenez, Philipines)

At its sixteenth session the Assembly, in resolution 1668 (XVI), declared

that inasmuch as the representation of China vas vital and crucial for the future of the Organization, any proposal to change the representation of China ves an important question within the meaning of Article 18 of the

Charter. The Assembly reaffirmed that decision at its twentieth session

and successive sessions. It should be mentioned in this connexion that the

inclusion of the question in our agenda has been requested in the part as

an item of an important and urgent character,

Those are the reasons which prompted the delegations of Australia, Brazil, Costa Rica, Gabon, Haiti, Japan, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malavi,

New Zealand, Nicaragua, Paraguay, the Philippines, Spain, Svaziland, Thailand,

Togo and the United States to submit draft resolution A/L.599 on 13 October. Our draft would have the Assembly affim again its decision that, in accordance with Article 18 of the Charter, any proposal to change tha representation of China is an important question, There is neither a basis nor a justification for the Assembly to disturb that previous decision, which should therefore remain valid, We command it again to the Assembly

for vide support.

In conclusion, as a neighbour of the People's Republic of China ay country looks forward to the day when the Peking régine will manifest in deeds its respect for the independence of its neighbours and its readiness to accept and abide by the principles of the Charter, particularly those expressing the collective vill of the international community to uphold the rule of law and establish world peace based on Justics, Only then say we reconsider our opposition to Communist China's admission to the United Nations. For the present, that opposition standa and vill be duly reflected in our votes on this important question.

■

WEB, ah

A/FV.1902

Mr. EI (China) (interpretation from Chinese): Once again the General Assembly is called upon to debate so-called question of the representation of China,

Over the years my delegation has time and again called attention to the fact that to seat the Chinese Commmlet régime in the United Nations 18 to negate the basic Principles and Purposes of the Charter. This point bears repeating. for it has not been sufficiently appreciated that the Charter and the so-called Mao Tse-tung thought are diametrically opposed to each other both in purpose and in spirit,

ΓΙ

Tse-tung thought",

according to the 1969 constitution of the Chinese Communist Party, is "Marxian-Leninism of the era in which imperialim is heading tovară total collapse vhile socialle is heading toward world-wide victory". It is said to be the distillation of Mao's revolutionary experience; it is a guide to revolutionary action and it is as infallible as it is invincible. The Charter tells us that "the peoples of the thisted Nations" are determined "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of var". It categorically prohibita unilateral use of force except in legitimate self-defence, Mao Tse-tung revels in war, believing that it is not only Inevitable but positively desirable, "War", said his heir apparent, Lin Piso, "can temper the people and push history forward. In this sense, war is a great school." The Charter enjoins Member Statas to settle their disputes by peaceful means in conformity with law and justice. Mao Tse-tung pranches force and violence, proclaining that "the seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of issues by var, is the central task and the highest fom of revolution".

Peining.

The Charter bids States Members of the United Nations to "refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of any State". on the other hand, is the forumost exponent and the most nesiduous practitioner of camouflaged and indirect aggression in the form of infiltration and subversion, It is the promoter of what is called "people": war", vhose essential ingrediente are force and violence.

WFB/th

A/PV.1902 19-20

(Mr. Tel, China)

To succeed, "people's war" calls for the existence of a strong communist party capable of mobilizing, organizing and arming the people. The encouragement, training, financing and equipping of guerilles in a whole series of countries could be more of a menace to the territorial integrity and political independence of all non-communist governments in the vulnerable parts of the world than even the direct use of force by Peiping. This is because in almost all these countries there are dissident elements that, with aid and support from abroad, are ready to play the role which the Viet Cong are playing in the Republic of Viet-Nam,

Peiping' experience in the Korean far has taught it to avoid, es far as possible, direct confrontation with any military power, It has, however, never cessed to unleash a torrent of variike pronouncements against both the United States and the Soviet Union. "So long as we are fully prepared ideologically and materially", said the Feking Review of 9 January 1970,

can deal then head-on blows and win victory, whether they launch a big wer, 8 var at an early date, a conventional var, a large-scale nuclear war or a surprise attack.'

The Chinese communist propaganda machine is thus geared to creating a perpetual state of tension. The Sofia Rabotnichesko Delo of June 1970 observed:

"The maber one thesis of Chinese (Communist) propaganda is that war is inevitable and forthcoming, that the people must be prepared for it, that the peaceful solution of the Indo-Chinese, Near Eastern and other problems is impossible, and that attempta to find such a solution are a betrayal of the interests of struggling peoples."

That being so, any regional development and co-operation for the reduction of international tension must be looked upon with suspicion and hostility. No wonder Peiping has been so bitter about the recent Moscov-Bonn non-aggression treaty. The People's Daily of 13 September 1970 inbelled the treaty "a gross betrayal of the interests of the people of Germany, the Soviet Union and Europe by Soviet revisionist clique", "a monstrous fraud", and "a diabolie 'global Munich!" effected by the Soviet Union and the United States.

It is tru# crystal-clear that between the United Nations Charter and the

cult of violence and var preached and practised by Mao Tea-tung there can be no compromise and no possibility of accommodation. The acceptance of the one must necessarily asen the rejection of the other. There is no middle-ground

between the two. For the Chinese Communista, this exaltation of force is a

basic article of faith. It was written into the new Party Constitution,

adopted in April last year. It is by means of force that Peiping, as Lin Piso

spelled out in no uncertain terms in his political report to the Ninth Party Congress, intends to overthrow "imperialise headed by the United States" and

"modern revisionism with the Soviet Union at its centre". It is by seann of

force that Peiping intends to bring about the victory of the Maoist revolution

in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

Peiping practises what it preaches. It is a matter of record that since 1949 the régime has participated in a series of military adventures, either directly

or by proxy. It played a loading role in the Korean war. It attacked India In 1962 and Bikkia in 1965. Ita role in the way in Indo-China needs до

elaboration. All this suggests that Mao's doctrine of war and violence must

be taken seriously.

Yet, no matter how plainly the Chinese Communists talk and set, there are

always people who continue to cherish illusions about the real intentions of Felping. They seem unable or unwilling to couprebend the menace posed by that régime. Let me, therefore, cite a few instances of Chinese Communist aggrussion

in order to show that the coures of tlaidity and conciliation may be found to lead

to grave danger.

Let me first take the case of Burma. It is no secret that since 1967

Chinese Communist troops have begun to slip into northern Burma, The vanguard consisted of Burmese dissidents who had crossed over into thins years earlier,

had been trained, equipped and indoctrinated by the Chinese Communists. They were

backed by a force of Red Chinese siliṭim uma. The number of such militia men

cannot be accurately determined. They have been estimated at anywhere from 5,000 to 20,000 strong. Since they wear the common tribal costums of the people

of north Burns, they are indistinguishable from the Buzneen, The Chinese

Communist-backed force cut deep into the Shan State, and in the west controls the

Burma Road north of Lashio, deep into Kachin State pway Bhamo, east across the

Salveen, to include the whole north-eastern tip of Burus except the city of Kangtung. No wonder Felping is so proud of the achievements of the Communist

Party of Burma, under whose leadership

"the armed struggle of the Burmese people has developed rapidly and vigorously along the radiant road, as pointed out by Chairman Mao Tse-tung that 'political power grows out of the barrel of a gunt, the road of

establishing rural base areas, using the countryside to encircle the

cities and finally capturing the cities. The gunshots of the people's forces are resounding all over Burns."

That is from the Peiping-based Voice of the People of Thailand, dated 28 March 1970. Here we have a typical Maoist "people's war" in sction.

threat to the independence of Burna cannot be underestimated.

I think that Radio Moscow, in its broadcast of 7 June 1970, has succinctly sussed up the situation in South and South-East Asia, as follow:

"Hao Tan-tung and his followers....... are busy trying to bring under domination South and South-East Asia. This is done by fostering internal conflicts and strife in that part of the world." Radio Moscow then went on to list India, Bhutan, Sikkim, Nepal, Burns, the Philippines, Malaysin and Indonesia as targets of Peiping's subversive activities.

With regard to Malaysia, may I be permitted to quote a few lines from a

message went on 29 April 1970 by the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party to the Communist Party of Malays on its fortieth anniversary:

"At present the revolutionary situation in South-East Asia and Malays

is excellent. The revolutionary armed struggle in Malaya is developing

victoriously. We believe the Communist Party of Malaya....... will securedly persist la the correct road of using villages to encircle the cities...

so as to attain victory in overthrowing the reactionary rule of British

and United States imperialian and their puppets, the Rahman-Rasak plique

and the Leo Kuan Yew clique, and in establishing the People's Republic

of Halaya."

In the light of what the Chinese Communist régine has been doing to subvert

the established Governments in Burma, Malaysia and other South-East Asian countries, can anyone seriously contend that Paiping is "peace-loving"?

The Moist cult of violence has its vetaries not merely among diarident

elements in South and South-East Asia. In cities of the Western world there are youthful revolutionaries who carry out politically motivated arson, bombing, murder and other terrorist activities designed to overthrow the existing social and political order. Not all of them are professed "Moista".

But it camot be denied that Mao Tse-tung has been a powerful sources of stimulus to them. Mao's influence on the revolutionaries is bound to grow should his régine be seated in the thited Nations.

That the Chinese Communist région is the greatest threat to world peace and security, the greatest enemy to national independence and freedon, there

can be no question. Yet there are those who continue to insist that world

peace will be better served by having the Chinage Communists inside the United Nations than by having then out. They contend that the United Nations needs the presence of Paiping to solve such crucial problems as disarmament and the control of nuclear weapons.

I, for one, question the validity of this argument. It betrays a woeful lack of understanding of the nature of Chinese Communian. They exaggerate the role Peiping can or is willing to play in helping resolve the avesome

problems that face the United Nations. It is difficult to understand how a régime dedicated to reshaping the world by force of arms and the preaching of the inevitability and even the desirability of war can motribute to the cause

of world peace. Peiping's interest in the United Nations stems primarily from a desire to transform the Organization into its own instrument of policy.

It could wreck the United Nations just na it has undermined the much-vaunted

monolithic unity of the international Communist movement.

I am of course aware that weariness with recurrent conflict and fear of

nuclear holocaust have engendered in the sinds of men a yearning for normality and a craving for final and formal settlements. But peace does not come by

marely wishing it. Lasting peace can be built only on the basis of the Charter

principles of law and justice, while peace at any price can lead only to disastrous consequences, Lat it be praambered that it was in the name of pesce that Britain and France signed the Munich Agreement with Hitler in 1939.

Neville Chamberlain told his countrymen on his return to England that he had brought "peace with honour", What he had in fact brought was not peace, still less honour, but prologue to war. At a terrible price he had demonstrated the futility of appeasement.

AP/te

A/PV.1902

(!r, Wei, China)

As for the control of muclear weapons I know that Peiping heaped insult on the partial test-ban Treaty, the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, as well as the Treaty barming the launching of muclear arms in outer space. It has now taken a hostile attitude towards any agreement on questions concerning the limitation of strategic arme. It looks upon this as a vain attempt on the part of the United States and the Soviet Union to "maintain their superiority of nuclear pover by placing restrictions on others.' (New China News Agency, 5 November 1969)

Since Feiping's first muclear blast in 1964, it has from time to time advanced the Ides of a world conference to prohibit and destroy muclear weapons, But there is no evidence that that is anything wore than a propaganda move. The development of nuclear weapons has greatly increased the régime's ability for political blackmail, although its muclear capability is still a limited one. In these circumstances, it is unrealistic to think that it will give up or even limit that which is its chief claia to being an important factor in world politics.

Moreover, the partial nuclear test ban and the non-proliferation Treaty were negotiated, and the SALT talks are being conducted, outside the immediate orbit of the United Nations. On the other hand, France, e Hember of the United Nations and a permanent member of the Security Council, has not joined the United States and the Soviet Union in nuclear disarmament. It is all too obvious that membership in the United Nations has no discoverable relationship with the problem of muclear weapons control.

At any rate, the possession of nuclear arme is no ticket to ad-lesion. Mor are aggression and the threat of aggression a basis for aligibility for membership. To allow Piping to blast its vay into the United Nations would be to negate thi Principles and Purposes of the Charter, to reject the ideals of peace and progress towards which the world comunity has been striving, to undermine the rule of law in international relations, and to undercut whatever clain the United Nations may have to being a moral force in the world of today. And I may add that most of the issues on the agenda of the General Asambly racias, human rights, colonialien, self-determination, etc. -- are essentially moral issues, With the erosion of the

AP/Te

A/PV,1902

(Mr. Wei, China)

concept of collective security since the Korean var, the influence of the United

Nations is in a position to exert is for the most part a moral one, If you take

away what has remained of its moral authority, you leave the United Nations with

no legs to stand on.

If I may say 30, It

I come now to the so-called principle of universality. is more a slogan than an argument, and yet has been tossed about as an all-purpose argument for the seating of Peiging. My delegation has no quarrel with the

principle of universality as such. But we do not believe it is relevant to the

question of the Chinese représentation. In our view, the United Nations is alrendy universal, in smbership. We cannot accept the view that just because the Chinese Communist régime is not admitted to membership, the 700 million Chinese people are deprived of their representation in the world comunity. hay I be permitted

to quote what I said last year:

"The Chinese people and the Chinese Communist région, far from being one and the said,

are in fact" two "distinct and mutually hostile entities, The

interests of the Chinese people and those of the Communist régine are different and contradictory. The" Chinese "Communist régime cannot, therefore, represent the Chinese people; it represents only a tiny minority the

Chinese Communist Party, vhone total ambership does not exceed 2 per cent

of the population of China, Now even that tiny minority is town by power

strugglas. The large-scale purges of the past three years have failed to enable Mao Tse-tung to consolidate his authority over his rivals, whose

latent influence is still a factor to reckon with, Swali wonder that the

official Communist Press is filled with unabashed appeals for unity and vigliance in the face of "internal enemies'. That can be explained only by an acute sense of insecurity. (1798th meeting, p. 43-45}

What I said last year still holds true today. The assumption that the Communist régine is in effective control of the mainland and that it can

legitimately speak for the 700 million Chinese people is not supported by facts. Four and a half years after the launching of the so-called Great Proletarien

Cultural Revolution and twenty months after the Ninth Party Congress, order has not

yet been restored. The Party apparatus is still in disarmy, and its local

organizations remain to be built. Directives issued by Peiping are no longer being carried out in the provinces. That in itself is a sure sign of the breakdown

of the lines of authority, Popular unrest has been deepening. Restivanean is

Idespread among students, vorkers and peasants. Anti-liao and anti-Communist

organizations exist in all parts of the country. Like other totalitarian régimes,

it snemu Invincible until it is overth

The Government of the Republic of China, which I have the honour to represent, is the legally constituted Goverment of China, And as such, it commands the

allegiance of all Chinese people, including those on the mainland and elsewhere, This is the only Government that can give expression to the authentic aspirations

of the Chinesa people, speak in their name as vell as in their interest, and

bring to bear their peace-loving traditions on world affaire.

It is true that the mainland of China has for two decades been under Communist

occupation. But that done not give the Communists my right to represent the

Chinese people et international forums, This simply means that the civil var in

China has not yet come to an end.

It is,

The Government of the Republic of China is not an exile Government, my delegation hạa time and again reminded the Assembly, a Chinese Government on Chinese sofl. Its struggle with the Chinese Communist régime is purely an internal

tter which can be resolved only by the Chinese people.

The Republic of China is a founding limber of the United Nations and is specified by the Charter as a permanent member of the Security Council. The Government of the Republic of China that participated in the San Francisco Conference in 1945 is the ame Government of China on those behalf I am speaking

today. Indeed, I was syself privileged to serve as a delegate to that historie

institution Conference. There has been no break in the continuity of leadership, and policy. Its legal status has not changed. The fact that Communist rebels

are in occupation of the mainland does not affect that legal status. The Republic of China continues to exist and functions as a sovereign State,

(Mr. Wei, China)

The right to determine who should represent China in the United Nations, as my delegation has repeatedly called to the Assembly's attention, belongs to the Chinese people alone and to no one else. The Chinese people have certainly not asked Albenia or anyone else to speak for them and call into question my Government's rightful position in the United Nations. The

Chinese people categorically reject such affrontery.

The Chinese Communist régine has been at war with the Chinese people for a long time. The Chinese people have never ceased to struggle for the

recovery of their freedom. I have not the slightest doubt that they will

eventually succeed in overthrowing their oppressors.

I believe that the world community has a vital stake in the outcome of

this struggle.

There can be no doubt that the existence of a truly democratic, peaceful and free China will immeasurably strengthen the cause of vorld peace. On the other hand, if the Mao Tse-tung régine is allowed to continue its oppression at home and pursue its course of aggression abroad, thers cạn be no peace in Asia or security for the whole world.

The choice before the Assembly is thus clear enough. I trust the

Assembly in its wisdom vill once again reject all attempts to sent the Chinese Communist régime.

Mr. RASHID (Pakistan): The General Assembly finds itself once again. debating an issue which in all fairness should have required no further discussion. The issue is the uncomplicated question of having a founding

It is in Member of this Organization represented by its own Government, fact one of the misfortunes of this Organization that, since 1950, this simple question has been subjected to so much confusion and denied its correct

solution.

It was on 18 November 1949 that the Foreign Minister of the People's Republic of China duly informed the President of the General Assembly that the delegation which represented Chins until then had lost its right to speak on behalf of China, and that, therefore, its credentials vere no longer valid, Later, on 9 March 1950, the Secretary-General circulated a memorandum (6/1466) which stated hat the decisive consideration in solving the problem of representation in the United Nations should be whether a

AW/ab

A/PV.1902 32

AW/ab

(Kr. Rashid, Fakistan)

A/FV.1902

33-35

ney goverznent exercises effective authority vithin the territory State.

F..

There never has bem a shadow of doubt that the Government of the People's Republic of China exercises effective authority over Chinese territory, Therefore, according to this criterion, which has never been questioned, the representatives of that Government should have been enabled to occupy China's seat in all the organe of the United Nations,

Since 1950, Pakistan has consistently urged that this be done and that the lawful rights of the People's Republic of Chine be restored.

In the course of the statements during the many debates held on the question, our delegation has dealt with the various arguments brought forth year after your to make the question appear as different what it is in reality.

My deletion fully stands by all the statements made on the subject on behalf of Pakistan in the past, and I do not find it necessary on the present occasion to recapitulate all those arguments over again, the sore so vhen, during recent months, there has been velcome evidence of a growing realization in the Western world that the policy pursued so far is sterile and that it has only brought diminishing returns. Some of the arguments advanced in support of that policy in previous years have now been abandoned. I simll, therefore, address myself only to the argument which, unfortunately, is still being brought forth in order to postpone the only correct decision on this question.

It 18

This argument is based on what is called the concept of two Chinas. contended that the seating of the representatives of the People's Republic of Ching should not result in the expulsion of the representative of Chiang Kai-shek from the United Nations. The course of action suggested would lead either to the creation of two seats for China at the United Nations,

or to the advission of Formosa as a new Hember State, The unreasonablepene

of the former course is only too apparent. One has only to ponder the latter course to come to the conclusion that it would be legally wrong, politically disastrous and morally invalid.

As far as legal considerations are concerned, the two-Chinas concapt makes a wholly unwrranted and invidious distinction between China and other Hember States of the Organization. In the case of other States, the

(Mr. Rashid, Pakistan)

representatives of many déposed régimes were expelled from the Organization and no one ever thought that such expulsion was in any vay a punitive mesBUTE taken by the United Nations. Despite the fact that, in some cases, one or more Hember States vere in sympathy with the ousted régisss, no requima Vas over sung- No complaint vas made that representatives who had played a part in the life of this Organization were being thrown into the wilderness. Why something that is a necessary consequence of the seating of the representatives of a Member State which has witnessed a change of governsent, should be accepted as normal in the case of other States and abnormal in the case of China has never been explained.

Secondly, according to international law, based on well-known agreements, Formosa is a part of China, and not a separate State. What would justify this law being set aside? The Cairo Declaration of 1943 and the Potadan

Declaration of 1945 pledged the restoration of Formosa to China. It is

incontestable that the Charter of the United Nations took into account all

international sgressenta concluded by the Allied Powers of the Second World Wer; in a sense, those agreements were a background of, and supplementary to, the Charter. Until the time that Chiang Kai-shek's régime vas in

effective control of mainland China, no countenance vas given to the

proposition that Formosa was a separate entity. The fact that his régine has been ousted from China and, under foreign protection, has taken refuge in Formosa, dose not warrant a new claim to independent sovereignty for

Formosa being advanced. It is clear that the unity and the territorial

integrity of a State cannot thus be undermined for reasons which are not only

extraneous to, but at variance with, the Charter of the United Nations,

יוי

Politically, the two-Chinas solution would be no solution at all. We

are certain that, far from working towards an accommodation, it would make it impossible for the Government of the People's Republic of China to take its rightful seat in the Organization. It would not redress, but perpetuate

Let

■ grievance, It would not remove, but accentuate present friction.

us not forget that the People's Republic of China, representing as it does the

largest single national segment of the human race, and the oldest existing

civilization, yields to none in national pride and in the consistency with

which it pursues the principles to which it adheres. My delegation can speak vith

Bose knowledge on this subject.

DR/ch

A/PV.1902

(Mr. Rashid. Pakistan)

We are convinced that there is no prospect whatsoever of the leaders of the People's Republle of China ever accepting the division of their territorial Integrity and talerating the elevation of the people whom they ousted to the status of a separate Member State.

In short, the "two-Chicas" concept seeks to impose a duality on a petion not because any valid considerations warrant our doing so, but only because the restoration of the Unuful rights of Chios in the United Nations is sought to be postpoond. I need hardly paint out that such an attitude does not indicate the recognition of realities without which neither present tensions can be resolved nar the credit of the United Nations ever restored.

In previous debates on the subject, our delegation has pleaded that the question of the representation of a Member State has not been, and cannot be, considered as "important" question within the meaning of Article 13 of the Charter, requiring a two- thiede anjority for decision. We have therefore pointed out tent the propoml, which is contained in draft resolution A/L.599 is illegal. We would urge now once again that the General Assembly should refuse to adopt it. With due respect to its co-sponsors, 1t is but a device to delay the entry into these balls of the representatives of nearly

700 million people. I urge the Assembly to adopt the draft resolution contained in document A/1.605 which, along with seventeen other Mamber States, Pakistan

has the honour to co-sponsor,

I mat in conclusión point out to those of our fellow Hesbars who have had a direct dealings with the People's Republic of China that, in co-sponsoring our draft resolution, Pakistan has been guided not only by what it considers the right course for the United Nations, but also by ita ova experience of how China. conducts its external affairs and relations. It is this experience which has mada friendly relations with Chine, In the words of President Mohammad Yahya, "the corner-stour of our pɔlicy". We are certain that the People's Republic of China does not let ideological differences become a barrier to the promotian o Criendly relatiɔna among nations or inhibit the growth of cordiality between peoples. Won-Interference in internal affairs is a major principle of its foreign policy. It is also relevant to recall that, at the important internacionet conferences in which it participated, the role played by the People's Republic of China was positive and was not described as otherwise

DR/ch

A/PV-1502

(Mr. Rashid, Pakistan)

by even its adversaries. We therefore appeal to those of our fellow Members who are distant from China not to harbour the thought that the People's Republic

of China would disrupt the United Nations if it ever come in. On the contrary, its presence in this Organisation is Indispensable for peace in Asia, for strengthening international security through muclear disarmament and for the

solution of many other important questions before the United Nations.

Mr. CASTRO (Costa Rica) (interpretation from Spanish): My country,

together with a number of other Member States In the General Assembly, has subscribed to the draft resolution appearing in document A/L.599 out of conviction and principle and not as a matter of a mere postponement of a problem.

Here we always talk about empires; from this rostrum we hear about empires and imperialian- Costa Rica is not an empire because it is mall in size, but we can assart before this sugust body of nations that we constituta

an empire within the framework of our Constitution and our laws which guarantee the right to human life and freedom, the right to education; to the inviolability of correspondence; to alternation in the exercise of public power; the impossibility of the existence of political exiles; the right of asylum established in our Constitution; freedɔn of transit and labour,

and a whole series of principles that are expressed in our Constitution which appear alas in the United Nations Charter.

We consider that the admission of the People's Republic of China is an important question in accordance with Article 19 of the Charter. The Charter to which Chine subscribed mentions, inter alia, the principle of the reaffirmation

of faith in fundamental human rights, in the diguity and worth of the buzen

person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and call, promoting social progress and raising the standard of living within a wider concept of freedom. Article ↳ of the Charter states that States may become

Hambers of the United Nations if they are peace-loving and accept the obligations

DR/en

A/FV-1902 38-40

(Mr. Castro, Costa Rica)

contained in this Charter, and which, in the opinion of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out there obligations. I repeat the words "are....... willing to carry out these obligations". We have no guarantee that the People's Republic of China is ready to comply with these principles.

This attitude of opposition to the People's Republic of China by sy Government is similar to the opposition of Costa Rica to all of those issues that have been discussed, and are being discussed, in this Organization which endanger or impair the dignity and freedom of the human race because what is at atake here are those principles. For that reason these principles are so dear to my people. Hy country believes that we should reaffirm resolutions 396 (V), 1669 (XVI), 2025 (XX), 2159 (XXX), 2271 (XXXI), 2389 (XXIII) and 2500 (XXIV). When human dignity is at stake, the dignity of man, there is no doubt that we bacona faced with an important question which is clearly set out in Article 19 of the Charter. Accordingly, we have taken our position

on this question.

RSH/j-sh

A/PV.1902

Mr. PHILLIPS (United States of America): We have before us for consideration once again a proposal sponsored by Albanie, Algeria and sixteen other States to expel the Republic of China from the United Nations and to place in the same meat representatives from the People's Republic of China. I use the words "once again" because this proposal, and the draft resolution which seeks to effect it, differ not at all from similar proposals and draft resolutions which we have considered - and decisively rejected times in the past. Hy delegation hopes that it will be rejected again

this year.

The position of the United States is well known. We have joined with the Governments of seventeen other States, embracing representatives from every continent, in co-sponsoring a procedural draft resolution which affirms that any proposal to change the representation of China in the United Nations is an important question and requires a two-thirds majority for adoption. This is a long-established position of the General Assembly, affimed and re-affimed by large majorities on many occasions when there has been a substantive debate on the issue of Chinese representation.

We would do well to look back into the matter and understand why the "Important question" procedure has so consistently received overwhelming support, particularly since we have already heard it attacked as nothing more than a transparent device for withholding from the People's Republic of China something which, it is claimed, is its owa, The fact of the matter, however, is that far from being some sort of manoeuvre, the "important question" procedure found in Article 18 of our Charter is one of the most essential protections of all Members of the United Nations, whether large or small, The plain language of Article 18 is that decisions of the General Assembly on important questions shall be made by a two-thirds majority of members present and voting. "Important questions" are defined in that Article as recommendations with respect to international peace and security, election to various offices within our Organization, questions relating to the operation of the Trusteeship System and the budget, the suspension of rights and privileges of membership, the admission of new Members, and the expulsion of present Hembers and that is precisely what

the draft resolution submitted by Albanig and others would have us do.

REB/J-th

A/PY.1902

(Mr. Phillips, United States)

To insist on the integrity of the tharter, to reaffirm the protections which it provides, and to insist that these protections must be available to all Members without distinction is not only a matter of self-interest for all of us within this roan; it is also a matter of simple equity and justice. It would set a most dangerous precedent to expel a Nember of the United Nations - an act that has never been taken in this Organization's quarter of a century of life by a simple majority of those present and voting. Those who may be tempted to disregard the Charter's safeguards because of their views on the present issue should consider carefully whether at some future time on some future issue they might find themselves in a position sinflar to that in vhich some have sought to place the Republic of China. We should remain faithful to the plain words of the Charter and ensure that

In thus reaffirming the these vords apply to all without distinction.

"important question" principle we will be taking an action that relates to far more than just the question of Chinese representation.

It is for those reasons that my country has joined in co-sponsoring the draft resolution set forth in document A/1.599. It is for those reasons that I strongly urge all Members, regardless of their position on the substantive question of Chinese representation, to vote to reaffirm this vital procedure.

I turn now to the substantive draft resolution, contained in document A/L.605. Heeborn are all wall avare of my Government'i firm opposition to this draft resolution. Its proposal to expel the representatives of the Republic of

China is both unwise and unjust.

Article 6 The expulsion of a Hembar State is a most serious business. of the Charter reserves this action to cases in which a Member has persistently violated the principles upon which our Organization was founded, and it requires joint action by both the Security Council and the General Assembly. There is not a single act of the Republic of China that would justify these extreme mAGSUPER, Yat the draft resolution before us has deliberately Joined the concept of admitting the People's Republic of China to the call for expelling the Republic of China. Indeed, they are so joined as to prevent the extrication of one from the other,

ᅡ

A/PV.1602 43-45

(ür. Phillips, United States)

We have heard it sadd before, and doubtless it will be repeated during the course of this debate, that the People's Republic of China is a reality that cannot be ignored, Indeed thất is só, And I do not believe that any of us here today, or any of the Governments that we represent, ignore that reality. As far as the United States is concerned, as most are aware, we have actively sought to move from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiation. Representatives of my Government have met with representatives of the" People's Republic of China twice this year and we would have met more often had Peking been Willing to do so. And my Government has taken a mmbar of concrete actions actions for which ve neither proposed for anticipated

a quid pro quo to sase relations between us. The fact of the matter is that the United States it as interested as any in this room to see the People's Republic of China play a constructive role in the family of

nations.

All of us are mindful of the industry, talents and achievemen

of the great people who live in that ancient oradie of civilization,

But let us also remember that the Charter növhers confers upon States the right to make their own conditions for membership in the United Nations. Neither in the Charter nor in any resolution is it written that a State may say "We vill join, but only if you expal Member X". What the Charter does say is that membership shall be open to all peace-loving States able and willing to carry out the obligations of membership, and that Members may be expelled only if they have persistently violated the principles of the

(Fr. Phillips, United States)

All of us must recall that many times during the period of general debate earlier in this session, and in the speeches delivered during the special commemorative week, we heard representatives, Foreign Ministers, and even Heads of State warmly endorse the principle of universality of membership of the United Nations. How curious It is that some of the same delegationa which then urged universality of membership now, with equal fervour, urge that ve expel one of our present Hasbere. Surely if universality means wrything at all, it means that we add to our present membership, not subtract from it. My Government fails to see how it is possible for a delegation that favours universality of membership or for any

delegation at all to vote to expel from our aidat a Government which

effectively govtena 14 million people, & population larger than that of two-thirds of the limbers of this Assembly; which is recognized diplomatically by more than sixty of the Hembers of this Organization; which has been

a Hamber of the United Nations since the Organization's founding, which has

worked faithfully and constructively for the good of the Organization; which has contributed more than its share to the work of the specialized agencies; and which has consistently sought to assist the process of development throughout the world.

he sponsors of the draft resolution now before us, as they have done in previous years, would have us ignore such considerations and, by spurious sppeals to the principle of universality and misrepresentation of fact, call on us to expal a l'ember which has faithfully abided by the Charter of this Organisation. Such a demand clearly violates the principles of equity and justice, It should be opposed by all those who believe that

these principles should guide the actions of this Organization and who

sintain that the Charter must be upheld if this Organization itself is to survive and be affective,

We believe that those ressons require that this Assembly reject this proposal to expel the Republic of China from the United Nations. Whatever views Members may hold on the question of Peking's participation, ve

do not see how the purposes of this Organization can be served by expelling any Hamber which has long and faithfully observed the obligations set

forth in its Charter.

A/PV.1902

Phillips, United States)

It is on that bests that I urge the representatives in this Assembly to reject decisively the draft resolution contained in document A/1.605.

THE PRESIDENT: That exhausts the list of speakers for this meeting, but before we adjourn I should like to make two announcements. First,

it is my intention to propose that the list of speakers be closed on Monday

morning. This is an important debate, but since everybody has known for a long time that it vas coming there can be no hardship in asking representatives who wish to take part in it to put down their names as soon as possible so that the work can be planned efficiently.

Secondly, and to the same end, I shall also propose tomorrow a closing

date for the submission of further proposals and amendments on this item,

The meeting rose at 12.15 p.m.

FM OTT EXT OUN915 NOV17/70

TO STKHM

buer

23/11

WSHDC COPEN OSLO BONN PARIS TOKYO LDN VIENN BRU HAGUE CNBRA WLGIN

PERMISGENEV

DISTR GFE

REF OURTEL OUN899 NOV11

CHINESE REP IN THE UN

FOLLOWING IS ENGLISH TEXT OF STATEMENT DELIVERED BY AMBASSADOR

BEAULNE IN PLENARY SESSION OF UNGA FRI NOV13.STATEMENT WAS

DELIVERED IN FRENCH.TEXT BEGINS.ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANI

DEVELOPMENTS IN CDN EXTER RELATIONS IN RECENT YEARS HAS BEEN OUR

AGREEMENT WITH THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA ON MUTUAL RECOGNITION

AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF DIPLO RELATIONS EFFECTIVE OCT 13/70.IT IS

NOW POSSIBLE FOR THE CDN GOVT TO STATE THAT THE GOVT OF THE PEOPLES

REPUBLIC SHOULD OCCUPY THE SEAT OF CHINA IN THE UN.WE LOOK FORWARD

ESPECIALLY TO THE DAY WHEN THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC WILL BE SEATED

IN THIS ASSEMBLY AND IN THE SECURITY COUNCIL.WE WILL ACCORDINGLY

VOTE IN FAVOUR OF THE DRAFT RESLN CONTAINED IN A/L 605.0VER THE

YEARS THAT THE QUESTION OF FILLING THE SEAT OF CHINA HAS BEEN

CONSIDERED IN THE ASSEMBLY,CDA HAS BOTED IN FAVOUR OF RESLNS

ARE TO BE REPRESENTED AT ALL IN THE UN AND ITS PRINCIPAL ORGANS,

INCLUDING THE SECURITY COUNCIL,IS OBVIOUSLY OF THE UTMOST IMPORT-

ANCE.THE EXCLUSION OF THE REPS OF THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC HAS HAMPERED

...2

13th

PAGE TWO OUN915

THE UN IN FULFILLING ITS ROLE AS A CENTRE FOR HARMONIZING THE ACTION

OF NATIONS.FROM STATEMENTS MADE OVER THE YEARS, IT IS OBVIOUS THAT

THE GENERAL CONSENSUS OF THE MEMBERSHIP IS THAT THE QUESTION IS

AN IMPORTANT ONE.CDAS VOTE IN THE PAST HAS NOT/NOT BEEN A

PROCEDURAL TACTIC DESIGNED TO FRSUTRATE THE WILL OF THE MAJORITY

OF THE MEMBERSHIP.IN SUPPORTING THIS RESLN OUR PURPOSE HAS BEEN TO

ENSURE THAT A DECISION ON A QUESTION WHICH IS IMPORTANT,PER SO,

DOES INDEED REFLECT THE CONSIDERED JUDGMENT OF A SIGNIFICANT

PROPORTION OF THE MEMBERSHIP.MY DEL WILL, THEREFORE, ON THIS OCCASION VOTE IN FAVOUR OF THE RESLN IN DOCU A/L 599.I WISH TO MAKE IT CLEAR,

HOWEVER, THAT IF, IN OUR JUDGMENT,CONTAINUED SUPPORT OF SUCH A RESLN

COULD IN THE FUTURE FRUSTRATE THE WILL OF THE GA,MY GOVT WILL .

CHANGE IIS POSITION.TEXT ENDS.

non to The Appley and

INFO IT WSHDC LDN PARIS TOXYO MKONG CNBRA DE OTT CANDELNATO

MOSCO DELHI DE LDN SIKHM DE HAGUE

BAG JKRTA WLGTN DE LDN ROME BRU COPEN GENEV DE OTT

DISTR OUN

REF OURIEL 2138 NOV17

UNGA XXV:CHINESE REPRESENTATION

та

LATEST HEAD COUNT SUGGESTS POSSIBILITY ALBANIAN RESLN MAY NOT/NOT

IN FACT OBTAIN MAJORITY.FOLLOWING COUNTRIES MAY BE EXPECTED WITH

AT LEAST REASONABLE CONFIDENCE TO SWITCH FROM ABSTENTION TO YES:

CDA ITALY CHILE EQUATORIALGUINEA AUSTRIA.IN SAME WAY FOLLOWING

MAY BE EXPECTED TO SWITCH FROM NO/NO TO ABSTENTION:PERU BOLIVIA

MALAYSIA LUXEMBOURG.FOLLOWING WILL SWITCH FROM YES TO NO/NO:

CAMBODIA.FOLLOWING WILL SWITCH FROM YES AT LEAST TO ABSTENTION:

MAURITIUS.THIS GIVES RESULT OF 51-53-22(FIJI WILL ABSTAIN AND

INDONESIA WILL BE ABSENT).

2.THERE ARE HOWEVER AT LEAST THREE OTHER POSSIBLE SWITCHES FROM

ABSTENTION TO YES:GUYANA JAMAICA TANDT AND AT LEAST TWO POSSIBLE

SWITCHES FROM NO/NO TO ABSTENTION:CHAD AND SENEGAL. IF THESE

SWITCHES OCCURRED RESULT WOULD BE 54-51-23.WE GUESS GUYANA AND

SENEGAL WILL SWITCH GIVING 52-52-22.

3.THESE CALCULATIONS NATURALLY EXLUDE POSSIBLE SURPRISES WHICH

CANNOT/NOT BE ENTIRELY RULED OUT IN PRACTICE.AFTER SEVERAL DAYS

OF DESPONDENCY USA DEL HAS NOW RECOVERED CONFIDENCE. VOTE NOT/NOT

NOW LIKELY BEFORE NOV20.

RFT 1800102

ENCLAIR

ROUTINE UKMIS NEW YORK

TELNO 2911

132

TOP COPY

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

4418 NOVEMBER 1970

pri

UNCLASSIFIED 190209Z

ADDRESSED TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE TELNO 2911 OF 18

NOVEMBER 1970 REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING, WASHINGTON, TAMSUI AND SAVING TO PARIS, MOSCOW, HONG KONG, FORT LOUIS.

MY TELEGRAM NO.2960: (NOT TO PORT LOUIS) GENERAL ASSEMBLY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION.

121

THE DEBATE CONTINUED TODAY WITH STATEMENTS FROM SOUTHERN YEMEN, GHANA, ZAMBIA, MALAYSIA, PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, HAITI, SYRIA, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, U.A.R., NIGERIA, NEPAL, MAURITIUS AND UGANDA.

THE REPRESENTATIVE OF MALAYSIA SAID THAT HIS COUNTRY SUPPORTED THE ADMISSION OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA BUT NOT THE EXPULSION OF TAIWAN, THEY WOULD THEREFORE

ABSTAIN ON THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION.

3. THE REPRESENTATIVE OF GHANA SPOKE IN FAVOUR OF A TWO CHINAS SOLUTION. HIS DELEGATION WOULD NOT VOTE FOR THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION, THEY WOULD BE PREPARED TO VOTE FOR THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION BUT WOULD PREFER THE CO- SPONSORS TO DROP THE CALL FOR THE EXPULSION OF TAIWAN. THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO ALSO INDICATED SOME SUPPORT FOR THE CONCEPT OF TWO CHINAS. ON THE OTHER HAND UGANDA AND NEPAL SPOKE VIGOROUSLY AGAINST A TWO CHINAS SOLUTION,

/4. AFTER

- 2 -

4. AFTER A LONG STATEMENT ON THE VIRTUES OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA, RAMPHUL (MAURITIUS) SAID THAT HIS COUNTRY OPPOSED THE EXPULSION OF TAIWAN. LAST YEAR. THEY HAD VOTED FOR THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION TO SHOW HOW STRONGLY THEY FELT

ON THE QUESTION OF ADMITTING THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC, THIS YEAR THEY WOULD VOTE AGAINST IT TO SHOW HOW STRONGLY THEY FELT ABOUT THE EXPULSION OF TAIWAN. THEY WOULD ABSTAIN ON

THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION.

5. THE GENERAL DEBATE WILL END TOMORROW MORNING AND THE

VOTE WILL BE TAKEN ON FRIDAY MORNING,

FCO PLSE PASS ROUTINE TO PEKING, TAMSUI AND SAVING TO PARIS, MOSCOW, HONG KONG, PORT LOUIS.

SIR C CROVE

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

ROUTINE UK MISSION NEW YORK

TELEGRAM NO. 2938

UNCLASSIFIED 230333Z

FC 2/4

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

19 NOVEMBER 1978

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO. 2938 OF 19 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING MOSCOW WASHINGTON TAMSUI SAVING TO PARIS AND HONGKONG,

MY TEL. NO. 2911: GENERAL ASSE"PLY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION.

THE GENERAL DEBATE CONCLUDED TODAY WITH STATEMENTS FROM YEMEN, MALI, THAILAND, AUSTRALIA, USSR, ALGERIA AND CHINA. STATEMENTS IN EXPLANATION OF VOTE WERE MADE BY TCGO, BURMA, PERU, TURKEY, LIBERIA AND ROMANIA,

2. MALIK (USSR) MAKING HIS FIRST APPEARANCE IN THE PLENARY SINCE THE CHINA DEBATE STARTED, INTERVENED IN THE DEBATE AT THE LAST MINUTE. THE USSR HAD NOT BEEN INSCRIBED ON THE SPEAKERS LIST BEFORE THIS WAS CLOSED, AND THE PRESIDENT ALLOWED HIM TO SPEAK BY COURTESY OF THE ASSEMBLY. HIS SPEECH LASTED LESS THAN TEN MINUTES (HE SPOKE FOR AN HOUR ON KOREA THIS AFTERNOON) AND STRESSED THE NEED FOR UNIVERSALITY AND GETTING RID OF THE TAIWAN CLIQUE'',

ONITTING VIRTUALLY ALL REFERENCE TO PEKING.

3. CHIN (TOGO) SAID HIS DELEGATION WOULD VOTE FOR THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION, HE SAID THE EXPULSION OF TAIWAN WAS NOT ACCEPTABLE TO HIS COUNTRY BUT DID NOT MAKE IT CLEAR WHETHER HE WOULD VOTE AGAINST THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION AS USUAL OR SWITCH TO AN

ABSTENTION.

4. ALVARADO (FERU) SAID HIS DELEGATION WOULD CHANGE VOTING AGAINST THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION. HE SPOKE IN FAVOUR OF UNIVER- SALITY AND IMPLIED, AGAIN WITHOUT SPECIFICALLY COMMITTING HIMSELF, THAT HE WOULD SWITCH TO AN ABSTENTION ON THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION, 5. ALL THE OTHER STATEMENTS HERE OM PREDICTABLE LINES.

FCO PLEASE PASS FEKING MOSCOW TA SUI SAVING TO PARIS AND HONG KONG SIR COLIN CROWE

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

F.E.D.

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

(P,E,SECT) (AMER GECT) (SOVIE" SICT)

ivssure that this paper is given the

Mawson h25/ Me Aakeyond 3M

45.11

29939

(& due to how accente te

)

Steamingh 1261711

FC 3/4 2: Listence cright

CHINESE REPRESENTATION AT THE UNITED NATIONS

At the Cabinet Meeting on 13 November the Secretary his recorded an

having

of State/commented

..."It remained to be seen, however, whether the

Chinese People's Republic would now be prepared to

accept entry into the United Nations on a "two China"

basis, a solution which they had hitherto consistently

rejected. If they did, a number of other problems

would arise, including the question which Chinese

régime (if either) should occupy the seat on the

Security Council at present allotted to China",

わ

22/11

This Department's assessment, and U.N. (Pol) Dept. concur,

is that the Peking Government will only take its place at the

Peking

L. United Nations if the representatives of Taiwan are excluded

and Peking given the China seat in the Security Council.

This has consistently been Peking's policy; they are even

less likely to change it now that things seem to be going

their way.

Ministers have made it clear to the Americans in the past

that we could not support any new proposal which amounted to a

device to delay the seating of Peking.

This precludes support

for any "two China" type of resolution.

When the Belgians

floated the idea of a "two China" resolution earlier this year

SECRET

/ we joined

SECRET

we joined in arguing against it on the grounds that it

would be unacceptable both to Peking and Taiwan.

I doubt if the Secretary of State

solutions being acceptable to Peking.

}

expect

What

he wars only expressing

Some people might like to See happen.

British Embassy, Mexico City.

10 November, 19

chinese keɔrescitetion

FC 44.

You may be interested to know that the Under Secretary at the M.F.A. here responsible for political affairs told the Ambassador a day or two ago that he doubted whether the present trend towards recognition of the C.P.R. or to switch notes on C.P.R. admission to the U.N. would change Mexican policy in the short term. In particular he seemed certain that Mexico would continue to regard the matter as an important question". is of this moment therefore, it seems that opinion in the .F.A. is in favour of sitting tight following previous voting patterns, and seeing which way the cooky crumbles.

This view seems the more likely in that not so long ago Carrillo Flores said in public that the U.N. could not go on ignoring the existence of 700 million Chinese. while Rosenzweig Diaz specifically told the Ambassador that this should not be interpeeted as any kind of indication of an immediate or even early change in Mexican policy, it did moan that, in the light of this year's debate and voting on Chinese representation, the Mexican Government would especially if it looked as though the trend in favour of admission was going to succeed, be obliged to review their position with some care, certainly on their U.N. vote and possibly on relations as well.

3. We ourselves do not think it particularly likely that there is any anger of Nexico switching her vote thid year. The Mexicans gre not given to sudden switches of this kind; it is an issue of some moment to the U... and the new President will want to five solidly based relations with his northern neighbour during his first year or two in office; and above all the debate and vote take place very close to the actual transfer of puter botween Diaz Ordaz and Echeverria,

/ a time when there

A.D. Parsons, Esq., C.".G.,".V.O.,".C.,

U.K.MIS New York.

RESTRICTED.

RESTRICTED

time when there is very little prospect of anyone being

a position to take let alone think about - a decisión

of this magnitude. But we would not be so certɛin about next year.

c.c. American Dept., Far East Dept., Chanceries:

Pekin,

Washington, Paris. Moscow.

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

17 NOVEMBER 1970

୮

RIC

CONFIDENT I AL 170800Z

FED

FEC zlu

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELEGRAM NÓ 460 OF 17 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR

INFORMATION TO UKMIS NEW YORK.

GIBBS' LETTER OF 11 NOVEMBER: AUSTRIAN VOTE ON THE SEATING OF

COMMUNIST CHINA IN THE U.N.

THE AUSTRIAN HEA HAVE NOW TOLD US THAT THEIR FOREIGN MINISTER

HAS DECIDED THAT AUSTRIA WILL NOW CHANGE THEIR POSITION ON THIS

QUESTION TO ONE IDENTICAL TO THE U.K.'S. APPROPRIATE INSTRUCTIONS

ARE ACCORDINGLY BEING SENT TO THE AUSTRIAN MISSION IN NEW YORK.

WE HAVE BEEN ASKED TO REGARD THIS INFORMATION AS CONFIDENTIAL UNTIL

THE VOTE IS TAKEN.

FCO PASS TO UKMIS NEW YORK,

SIR P.WILKINSON

FILES

U.N.D.

M.EUR DEPT. SIR P.ADAMS

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

CONFIDENTIAL

128

EN CLAIR

ROUTINE UKMIS NEW YORK

TELNO 2930

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

ADDRESSED TO FOREIGN AND CO'MMONWEALTH OFFICE. TELÑO 2902 OF 17 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING, WASHINGTON, TAMSU! AND SAVING TO PARIS, MOSCOW, HONG KONG AND SUVA.

MY TELNO 2881 (NOT TO SUVA)

༣

GENERAL ASSEMBLY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION.

THE DEBATE CONTINUED TODAY WITH STATEMENTS FROM CEYLON, GUINEA, ECUADOR, FIJI, FRANCE, MALAWI, POLAND, GABON, BULGARIA, CUBA, SUDAN, MAURITANIA, GAMBIA, JAPAN, AND THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. 2. SIKIVOU (FIJI) SAID HIS DELEGATION WOULD VOTE FOR THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION. WHILE FIJI WISHED TO SEE THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA A MEMBER OF THE UN IT WAS OPPOSED TO THE EXPULSION OF TAIWAN AND WOULD THEREFORE ABSTAIN ON THE SUBSTANT RESOLUTION.

3. KOSCIUSKO-MORIZET (FRANCE) SAID HIS DELEGATION WOULD AGAIN SUPPORT THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION AND VOTE AGAINST THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION.

4. TSURUOKA (JAPAN) MADE ALMOST EXACTLY THE SAME STATEMENT AS LAST YEAR, ONLY OMITTING ANY ADVERSE COMMENTS ON THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA.

ALL OTHER STATEMENTS FOLLOWED THE SAME LINES AS LAST YEAR.

FCO PASS ROUTINE PEKING, TAMSUI, AND SAVING TO PARIS, MOSCOW,

HONG KONG AND SUVA.

SIR C CROWE

DEFARIMEWAAL DISARIBUZION

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

AMPHER/CAT A

ITY GEORGETOWN

TELEGRAM NO.565

CONFIDENTIAL 1314452.

CONFIDENTIAL-

TO FOPEIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

DATED 13 NOVEMBER 1970

126

TOP COPY

RECEIVED IN RO TRY No. 6

ADDRESSED TO F CO TELNO. 565 OF 13 NOVEMBER R F TO

WASHINGTON AND UKHIS NEW YORK.

FEER 4

SANKEY'S LETTER 2/37 OF 14 OCTOBER (NOT TO UKHIS).

та

RAMPHAL TOLD MY U.S. COLLEAGUE ON 12 NOVEMBER THAT UNDER

PRESSURE FROM NON-ALICKED COUNTRIES IN NEW YORK GUYANA WAS

LIKELY TO CHANGE ITS VOTE ON THE QUOTE IMPORTANT QUESTION UNQUOTE

RESOLUTION FROM YES TO ABSTAIN.

FCO PASS TO WASHINGTON AND UK IS NEW YORK.

HA. BATES

FILES

U.N.D.

[REFENTED AS REQUESTED]

United Kingdom MISSION to the UniTED NATIONS

845 Third Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10032~

Chinese representation in the Security Council

Van Ussel, the Minister at the Belgian Mission, told Ken Jamieson recently that he expected the question of Chinese representation to come up in the Security Council in January and that on his calculation the new composition of the Council would result in a vote favourable to Peking on a procedural motion.

We should start giving thought to this possibility particularly since we shall be President of the Security Council in January.

In fact we do not necessarily agree with van Ussel about the new composition of the Council if he means that it will be more pro-Peking than the old one. It can be argued that the new Council will be virtually the same as the old one on this issue. Finland (pro-Peking) is replaced by Belgium (still just on the fence). Spain (pro-Taiwan) is being replaced by Italy (newly pro-Peking). The change of Argentina for Colombia should make no difference nor the replacement of Zambia by Somalia. However Nepal (pro-Peking) is being replaced by Japan (firmly pro-Taiwan). In sum therefore the composition of the new Security Council could be said to be fractionally less pro-Peking (because of Belgium's still doubtful position) although this might be offset by a possible swing by Sierra Leone in the Peking direction.

However, apart from the actual question of theoretical vote counting a marked swing in favour of the Albanian Resolution in the General Assembly would well alter the climate in the Council and lead to a determined move by someone in the New Year against the credentials of Ambassador Liu.

We should therefore brush up our contingency plans. enclose the relevant extracts from my Security Council guidebook and would be grateful for your comments on them. Obviously Annex B needs bringing up to date as regards U.K. statements in the Assembly. But do you think there are any changes of substance that we ought to make?

(and in Parliament)

J.H. Lambert, Esq.,

U.N. (Pol.) Dept.,

Foreign and Commonwealth Office,

Our contingency plan for dealing with an attempt to challenge the presence of the Chinese Representative in the Security Council is attached. The following paragraphs consider the special problems which may arise for us if the matter is raised when we hold the Presidency of the Council.

A challenge is raised to the Chinese credentials or a move is made to have the matter discussed

Reaction: Invite the views of other members of the Council on the matter raised (in practice the Americans would certainly react at once).

Assuming objection is raised to the Council taking up the matter of Chinese credentials

Reaction: Inform the Council that since there would not seem

to be agreement on the proposal, the Council should proceed with the business in hand unless those favouring consideration of the new matter raised wish to press the issue, in which case it would have to be decided by the Council.

If the question of Chinese credentials is pressed

Reaction: Put to the Council the proposition "that the matter raised by the representative of

should be considered

by the Council in the first instance and that the Council's

consideration of the matter for which it has been summoned should

be deferred until that has been dealt with."

In the unlikely event that the preceding proposition was adopted by the Council and the Council came to consider the question of Chinese credentials, the United States would be likely to intro- duce a motion or resolution to the effect that "the Council decides to take no further action"

Reaction: Put the U.S. motion or resolution to the vote.

If the U.S. motion fails and the Council comes to vote on the Chinese credentials

Reaction: Put the challenge to the credentials to the vote.

/If

If at any time in the above proceedings matters seem to be going vrons and there appears to be a readiness on the part of the Council to adjourn for consultations

Reaction: Propose an adjournment.

Comment

The main purpose of the series of steps outlined above is to overcome the difficulty that we would not as President be prepared to give a ruling that a separate agenda item was necessary to deal with the Chinese credentials. (The furthest we have been prepared to go on this is to agree not to vote in favour of a challenge to a Presidential ruling in this sense.)

Our voting on the various motions as United Kingdom Represen- tative would continue to be governed by the attached contingency plan.

CONFIDENTIAL

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE SECURITY COUNCIL

U.K. CONTINGENCY PAPER

Contingency paver against the eventuality of Chinese credentials/ representation being raised in the course of a Security Council meeting called to deal with another matter

A proposal that an urgent debate should not be interrupted by consideration of the question of Chinese representation or credentials.

Vote in favour

Explanation of vote as at Annex A

A motion or resolution to the effect that the Council "Decides to take no further action at this time to consider the

beci credentials of any of its members" (or priority for such a motion or resolution)

Vote in favour

Explanation of vote as at Annex A.

If there has been any substantial debate of the motion or resolution, it may also be necessary to use the material in Annex B.

A motion that a decision should be taken on the Chinese credentials separetely

Abstain

Explanation of vote as at 2 above.

If 2 fails and 3 passes and the question of the Chinese credentials comes to a vote:

(a) A motion that it is the challenge which is put to the vote

(8)

Vote in favour

Explanation of vote as at Annex C

On the challenge to the Chinese credentials (or on the credentials themselves, 4 a) having failed)

Abstain

Either make no explanation of vote or speak as at Annex B depending on the circumstances

CONFIDENTI AL

/ 5.

CONFIDENTIAL

A motion that the matter can only be discussed under an agenda iteru

Abstain

Make no explanation of vote

A challenge to a presidential ruling that the matter can only be discussed under an agenda item provided that the ruling is so worded as to avoid cate orizing the question as substantive or otherwise

Abstain

Explanation of vote as at Annex A

A motion to add an item on credentials to the arenda before the Council

Abstain

Explanation of vote as at Annex A

(N.B.

This is an abstention on a proposal to add an ites to the agenda currently before the Council.

The question of a separate debate on another occasion would be another catter to be decided in the light of the circumstances. The initial line to take on a proposal of this kind would be that the matter should be subject in the first instance to the normal informal consultations to be conducted by the President outside the Council).

Any motion to adjourn for consultations or instructions

Vote in favour

Explanation of vote according to the circumstances.

CONFIDENTIAL.

CONFIDENTIAL

ANNEX A

Chinese Representation

The Security Council has before it on its agenda a

matter of great importance. My delegation believes that

it should deal with that matter without delay. We believe

that to raise the issues which have now been introduced in

the context of this debate in the Security Council could

only obstruct the achievement of the Council's more immediate

objective. My delegation is accordingly of the view that

the Council should not now at this meeting seek to deal with

the complex questions of principle which have been raised by

the distinguished Representative of

The position we have taken on this matter is without

prejudice to our view on whether the inscription of a

separate item was required for procedural reasons or on

whether the issue should be taken up at another time.

It is simply our belief that here and now the Council should

deal with the matter of great importance which is on our

Explanation of vote in favour of a motion or resolution to the effect that the Council should not consider the matter further.

There are two principles and two purposes which my Government has consistently supported and consistently advocated. It is unnecessary today to repeat in full past statements on these principles and purposes, but I nevertheless wish to make the position of my Government absolutely clear.

First. The British Government has for long past maintained that the Government of the People's Republic of China is the Government of China and that consequently its representatives should be seated in the United Nations. In successive debates in the General Assembly I have so spoken and so voted. It is our hope, as I said again in the Assembly in November, 1967, that the Assembly will without delay finally decide in favour of the seating of the representatives of the Chinese People's Republic. That has been the declared policy of my Government for many years past. We stand by it. We have no reason to retract or retreat

from it.

Second. We have moreover taken the view, to which we also

firmly adhere, that in this question we should take into account the wishes of the whole membership of the United Nations. This is not any new position. Indeed, our view on this issue too has been long publicly declared. A statement was made by my Government in the British Parliament (mere-than-two-yeare-age which clearly set out our policy. We recognised of course that the decisions of the Assembly in this respect are not binding on the Council, but at the same time we stated our carefully-considered opinion. The statement of the British Government was

consequently

and I quote the words of the declaration of

13 December, 1965

"Her Majesty's Government consider that the right organ of the United Nations in which decisions of principle about a change in Chinese representation should be taken is the General Assembly".

** A/PV.1610 28/11/1967

We still strongly feel that it is right that the general membership of the United Nations should first decide on this

issue.

It is with these two basic principles and clear purposes in mind that we shall deal with the questions raised in the Council today.

Annex C

CHIMESE CREDENTIALS Explanation of vote in favour of the proposition that it is the challenge to credentials which must be put to the vote.

one.

The question which we have to decide is a purely procedural It is a question of general application which may arise not only in this case but in other cases. Indeed, it has arisen in relation to the credentials of representatives of various countries in the past.

The question is this: where a representative's credentials are called in question, is it the challenge to those credentials which should be put to the vote, or is it the credentials them- selves which should be submitted for approval?

In the view of my Delegation, it is clear from Rule 17 of the Security Council's provisional Rules of Procedure that it is the challenge that shall be put to a vote. What the Council has to take a decision on, in accordance with that rule,, is the objection raised to the

credentials of a representative.

In this connection I would like to recall to the Council whet

was said by the British Representative on this subject as long ago as 1958 in connection with a challenge to the credentials of a representative of a Kiddle Eastern state. I quote now from the official record of the Security Council's 827th meeting on 15 July, 1958. Sir Pierson Dixon, the then British Representative, said at that meeting: "He the representative in question has taken his seat under the authority of this rule .e. Rule 167 and it is quite clear to me that under Rule 17 he may continue to sit, unless objection to his credentials has been sustained by a vote

of this Council".

That was our position in 1958 and it is still the position of my Delegation today.

But this is not only our position; it is a view-point which has been supported by statements of the President of the Counc11 at earlier meetings.

Aiy

Ly Delegation accordingly considers that it is the challenge to the credentials which should be put to the vote.

Note. The President's statements were at the 752nd and

BRITISH HIGH COMMISSION

1. When to Fackelin jo Amic, wow (Pre)ink".

14 October, 19761723/10

October the to see. 2) Ragy, Pl.pty.

Mr. Burnham gave a Press Conference on 10 October, primarily to report on his attendance at the Non-aligned Conference in Lusaka and his subsequent tour of East and Central Africa. I enclose a copy of his prepared statement.

23/10

2. The main interest of the Conference was in the question and answer period which followed. I have already reported by telegram Mr. Burnham's remarks on Garfield Sobers' visit to Rhodesia, and I am sending separate letters by this bag (not to all) reporting Mr. Burnham's remarks on relations with the Soviet Union and Brazil arms sales to South Africa and race relations" in the UK.

3. The only comment I wish to make in this letter relates to the seating of China in the United Nations. In his prepared statement, Mr. Burnham recalled that he had affirmed while in Africa his support for membership by the People's Republic of China on both the General Assembly and the Security Council. He amplified his remarks in the question and answer period, and I enclose the relevant extract.

4. My American colleague, who was rather concerned at these remarks, has told me that Mr. Burnham subsequently indicated to him that

C. S. Roberts, Esq.,

Caribbean Department.

Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

CONFIDENTIAL

/there would

Je, 18/1, hen. Pl. watter to

VUND, with f.

to (21). Da

PIA

there would in fact be no change in Guyana's voting on this issue in the United Nations, 1.e. Guyana would vote for the "important question" resolution and abstain on the Albanian resolution; but it seems doubtful whether Guyana really can continue to vote this way after Mr. Burnham's statement.

5. I am copying this letter and its enclosures to Chanceries in Bridgetown, Kingston, Port of Spain, Castries, Washington, and Caracas.

Seating of China in the United Nations

RICKEY SINGH: Mr. Prime Minister, on this question of the seating of China, you said that you support China taking her rightful place in the United Nations. What do you see that rightful place to be, bearing in mind that Taiwan claims to speak for mainland China as well.

PRIME MINISTER: That I thought was apparent in my open- ing statement. The People's Republic of China should be admitted to the United Nations, both to the Assembly and the Security Council. If the People's Republic of China is admitted to the Security Council, quite obviously Taiwan could not speak for China.

H. WILLIAMS: Looking back over the past two years, in terms of the resolution in seeking to seat China

in the United Nations, is the Guyana Government prepared now to back any resolution, or do you still take the view that as in the past two years: if its a two-edged sword you won't back it? Have you moved from this position in terms of China..

PRIME MINISTER: No, but we are carrying on discussions With some of our collegues, because it is our view that the People's Republic of China is the proper Government and representative of China. But it's a hard fact of life that the Government in Taiwan is the effective Government of a nation of over 13 million people; and though it is our view that they should be excluded from the Security Council amongst the big 5, it is still our view that they should continue to be members of the United Nations" at the General Assembly

level.

;

STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER AT A

PRESS CONFERENCE

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1970

Good morning, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Press. It

feels good to be with you after a period of eight weeks.

this morning

I propose to report briefly on the Third Summit Confer-

ence of Non-Aligned Nations held at Lusaka, Zambia, September

8-10, which along with my colleagues I attended, as well as my

official visits to five Central and East African countries thereafter.

We participated in and contributed to the deliberations and

decisions of this Conference which was the first since Guyana,

achieved independence. We also had an opportunity of sharing our

experiences with and learning from the nations assembled at Lusaka,

who shared our determination to achieve economic emancipation,

strengthen independence and make a contribution to the world peace

and economic and social progress for the benefit of all mankind.

The official visits were to Zambia, Uganda, Konya,

Tanzania and Ethiopia, and offered the opportunity not only of re-

establishing previous contacts and furthering goodwill, but also of

making arrangements for mutually bonoficial relations between these

countries and Guyana at the trade, economic, cultural and political

levels.

I was able to make arrangements with all of the countries visited for an oxchange of diplomatic reprosentatives, mutual tech- nical assistance, increased trade relations and cultural exchangos, In the cases of Zambia, Uganda and Tanzania, it was further agreed that there should be an exchange of fraternal delegates between the

/People's

People's National Congress and the ruling Parties of those countries

at their respective Annual Conferences.

It was further possible to learn at first hand, particularly

from the Commonwealth countries visited, their experience, tactics

and plans for securing the ownership, control and rapid development

of their resources, and to explain in each case what Guyana was doing

and planning in this direction.

While in Tanzania, we mot Ministers of the East African

Community at their headquarters at Arusha and it was agreed that

there would be valuo in an exchange of information between them and

the Caribbean Regional Secretariat in Georgetown. I propose to com-

municate this view to the Socrotary-General of CARIFTA.

At the Conference and in the course of the visits, I was able

to amplify and explain to my counterparts my Government's policies

on both the domestic and external fronts. For instance, it was made

clear that Guyana saw the United Nations as the best available vehicle

for achieving international democracy and amity, but that it should

become a universal organisation including in its membership, both of

the Assembly and the Security Council, the People's Republic of

China whose Government was an effective one of a nation of over 7

hundred million people. We also urged that every effort should be made

to have established a preventivo poaco-kaoping force under the aegis

of the United Nations as early as possible.

On the Middle East, our position which we communicated was,

is, and always has been that the United Nations Security Council

Resolution No. 242 of 22nd November, 1967, should be adhered to by

all sides. On Indo-China our firm opinion was that all foreign troops

/should.

should be withdrawn from South-East Asia, particularly South

Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos, and the people of these countries

and that region be left to their own dovices, skills and initiative

to settle their problems and decido the form of political and econ-

omic organisation best for them.

We pledged our support to our African brothers in Angola,

Mozambique, Guinea Bissau, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Nimíbia

in their struggle to rule themselves and rid their countries of minority racist regimes and colonial powers, and as you know, made the first of annual contributions in the sum of $50,000 to the Liberation Com- mittee of the Organisation of African Unity.

We were one with our colleagues in opposing the proposed sale of arms to South Africa by the United Kingdom and the continued zalo by countries like France and West Germany.

In the circumstances wo welcomed and supported the appoint- mont by the Organisation of African Unity of a team headed by President Konneth Kaunda of Zambia to visit certain European countries for the purpose of persuading them against supplying arms to South Africa.

The Summit Conference agreed to appoint President Kaunda as co-ordinator for the purpose of pursuing the decisions of the Confer- once, exchanging information, taking initiatives and arranging for ministorial and other mootings between that Conference and the next

ono.

In my private discussions with Prosident Kaunda subsequently,

I intimated to him that if he felt the need for it the Government of Guyana would be proparod to offer the services of an officer on secondment to assist in any area where the necessity arose.

/From...

From my own point of view one of the most important

positions taken by the delegates at the Conference related to the

emphasis on the need for self-reliance on the part of developing

nations, the increase of trade, technical assistance and economic

co-operation as between them, the control of their resources for

their individual and mutual benefit and the general pooling of their

respective resources, not only to support and make real their

political independence, but also to improve their bargaining position

vis-a-vis the rest of the world.

་

I was one of those who took note of the fact that the non-

aligned and developing countries represent at least one half of the

population of the world and the actual or potential ownership of

more than one half of the world's natural resources which should be

exploited to remove us from the status of mendicants and recipients

of charity to that of truly independent and economically viable nations.

ti stre

I have circulated copies of the Declaration of Lusaka and

from these you will see what was the consensus of the 53 countries

there represented at delegate level and how this basically accords with

our own thrust and objectives.

I should also like to mention that it was both a pleasure and a

privilege to have had an opportunity of successfully sponsoring the

admission of Trinidad and Tobago as a full member of the Conference

and of Barbados as an Observor

Further, our Permanent Represent-

ative to the United Nations

Mr. Pat Thompson

was unanimously

elected as Rapporteur to both the Foreign Ministers' and Summit

Conferences. This was an honour to Guyana and Mr. Thompson

acquitted himself with distinction.

/It...

-5

It is perhaps also apposite to report that on Thursday,

Fusaka

3rd September, in London, on my way to the Conference, I had

discussions with the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Mr.

Heath, and indicated to him clearly and unequivocally the stand of

my Government on the proposed sale of arms by his to South Africa

under the terms of the Simonstown Agreement.

Later the same day, in the evening, I spoke to a large

gathering, numbering several hundrods, of Guyanese and Wast

Indians at a macting at Porchester Hali. There I informed thom

on the developments in Guyana, our plans and programme, and was Bome

able to learn at the same time of the problems faced by West Indians

in the United Kingdom.

In sum,

it is my view that my recont trip abroad was most

useful, and if as will be the case, follow-up action takes place, will

prove to be beneficial to the poople and nation of Guyana.

EN CLAIR

123

COUTINE UKMISSION NEW YORK TO FOREIGN AND CO

TELEGRAM NUMBER 2881

UNCLASSIFIED 177C15Z

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE 16 NOVEMBER 1970

Ez zHx

TOP

COPY

ADDRESSED TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE TELEGRAM NUMBER 2081 GF 16 NOVEMBER RE÷EATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING WASHINGTON TAMSU! SAVING TO PARIS MOSCOW HONG KONG.

MY TELEGRAM NO. 2858: GENERAL ASSEMBLY CHINESE REPRESENTATION.

THE DEBATE CONTINUED TODAY WITH STATEMENTS FROM YUGOSLAVIA, ROMANIA, TANZANIA, IRAQ, SAUDI ARABIA, AND TUNISIA,

THE FIRST FOUR SPEAKERS ALL CONCENTRATED THEIR ATTACK ON THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION AND ANY SUGGESTION OF A TWO CHINAS'

SOLUTION.

DRISS (TUNISIA) SEEMED TO BE LEANING IN THE TWO CHINAS' DIRECTION. HE SUGGESTED (BUT DID NOT FORMALLY PROPOSE) AMENDING THE RESOLUTION TO PUT IN SEPARATE PARAGRAPHS THE QUESTION OF ADMISSION AND THE QUESTION OF EXPULSION, SO AS TO ALLOW THEM TO BE VOTED ON SEPARATELY. ALTERNATIVELY, INSTEAD OF CALLING FOR THEIR EXPULSION, THE RESOLUTION COULD ASK THE REPRESENTATIVES OF FORMOSA TO REMAIN UNTIL THE NEW STATUS OF FORMOSA HAD BEEN DEFINED. HE ALSO WANTED A NEW PARAGRAPH TO REQUEST THE SECRETARY-GENERAL TO REPORT TO THE 25TH SESSION ON THE QUESTION OF CHINA. HE MADE NO COMMITMENT TO VOTE EITHER FOR OR AGAINST THE RESOLUTION AS IT STOOD.

FCO PASS PEKING TAMSUI SAVING PARIS MOSCOW HONG KONG.

SIR C. CROVE

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTIENTAL DISTRIBUTION

SCV. SECT.) (AER. SECT.)

Friday, November 13th, 1970

FED

UNITED STATES INFORMATION SERVICE, AMERICAN EMBASSY, LONDON

OFFICIAL

TEXT

FROM USIS

TEXT OF AMBASSADOR C, PHILLIPS' SPEECH IN U.N. CHINA DEBATE, NOVEMBER 12TH

Following is the text of the speech made in the U.N. General Assembly November 12th by U.S. representative Christopher H. Phillips on the question of seating Communist China: (Begin Text)

"We have before us for consideration once again a proposal sponsored by Albania, Algeria and sixteen other states to expel the Republic of China from the United Nations and to place in the same seat representatives from the People's Republic of China. I use the words 'once again' because this proposal, and the resolution which seeks to effect it, differ not at all from similar proposals and resolutions which we have considered and decisively rejected many times in the past. My delegation hopes that it will be rejected again this year.

Mr. President, the position of the United States is well known. We have joined with the Governments of seventeen other states, embracing representatives from every continent, in co-sponsoring a procedural resolution which affirms that any proposal to change the representation of China in the United Nations is an important question and requires a two-thirds majority for adoption. This is a long-established position of the General Assembly, affirmed and re-affirmed by large majorities on many Occasions when there has been a substantive debate on the issue of Chinese representation.

We would do well to look into the matter and understand why the important question' procedure has so consistently received overwhelming support, particularly since we have already heard it attacked as nothing more than a transparent device for withholding from the People's Republic of China something which, it is claimed, is its own. The fact of the matter, however, is that far from being some sort of manoeuvre, the

'important question' procedure found in Article 18 of our charter is one of the most essential protections of all members of the United Nations, whether large or small. The plain language of Article 18 is that decisions of the General Assembly on important questions shall be made by a two-thirds majority of members present and voting. Important questions are defined in that Article as recommendations with respect to international peace and security, election to various offices within our organization, questions relating to the operation of the trusteeship system and the budget, the suspension of rights and privileges of membership, the admission of new members and the expulsion of present members and this is precisely what document A/L.605 would have us do.

Mr. President, to insist on the integrity of the charter, to re-affirm the protections which it provides, and to insist that these protections must be available to all members without distinction, is not only a matter of self-interest for all of us within this room; it is also a matter of simple equity and justice. It would set a most dangerous precedent to expel a member of the United Nations -- an act that has never been taken in this organization's quarter century of life by a simple majority of those present and voting. Those who may be tempted to disregard the charter's safeguards because of their views on the present issue should consider carefully whether at some future time on some future issue they might find themselves in a position

This text may be used in quotation or in full, with or without attribution to USIS, by press. radio and other media. In the case of wireless texts, whilst every effort has been made to maintain accuracy, transmission problems may result in certain inaccuracies and allowance must be made accordingly.

-2-

It is for these reasons that my country has joined in co-sponsoring the resolution set forth in Document A/L.599. It is for these reasons that I strongly urge all members, regardless of their position on the substantive question of Chinese representation, to vote to re-affirm this vital procedure.

Mr. President, I turn now to the substantive resolution, contained in Document A/L-605. You are well aware of my Government's firm opposition to this draft resolution. Its proposal to expel the representatives of the Republic of China is both unwise and unjust.

Mr. President, the expulsion of a member state is a most serious business. Article 6 of the charter reserves this action to cases in which a member has persistently violated the principles upon which our organization was founded, and it requires joint action by both the Security Council and the Assembly. There is not a single act of the Republic of China that would justify these extreme measures. Yet the resolution before us has deliberately joined the concept of admitting the People's Republic of China to the call for expelling the Republic of China. Indeed they are so joined as to prevent the extrication of one from the other.

We have heard it said before, and doubtless it will be repeated during the course of this debate, that the People's Republic of China is a reality that cannot be ignored. Indeed that is so. And I do not believe any of us here today, or any of the Governments that we represent, ignores that reality. As far as the United States is concerned, as most are aware, we have actively sought to move from an era of confrontation to an era of negotiation. Representatives of my Government have met with representatives of the People's Republic of China twice this year and would have met more often had Peking been willing to do so. And my Government has taken a number of concrete actions actions for which we neither proposed nor anticipated a quid pro quo to ease relations between us. The fact of the matter is, the United States is as interested as any in this room to see the People's Republic of China play a constructive role among the family of nations. All of us are mindful of the industry, talents and achievements of the great people who live in that ancient cradle of civilization.

But let us also remember, Mr. President, that the charter nowhere confers upon states the right to make their own conditions for membership in the United Nations. Neither in the charter, nor in any resolution is it written that a state may say 'we will join, but only if you expel member X. What the charter does say is that membership shall be open to all peace-loving states able and willing to carry out the obligations of membership, and that members may be exeplled only if they have persistently violated the principles of the charter.

All of us must recall that many times during the period of general debate earlier in this session, and in the speeches delivered during the special commemorative week, we have heard distinguished delegates, Foreign Ministers, and even Heads of State warmly endorse the principle of universality of membership of the United Nations. How curious it is that some of the same delegations who then urged universality of membership, now with equal fervour urge that we expel one of our present members. Surely if universality means anything at all, it means that we add to our present membership, not subtract from it. My Government fails to see how it is possible for a delegation that favours universality of membership or for any delegation at all

to vote to expel from our midst a Government which:

-3-

Effectively governs 14 million people a population larger than that

of two-thirds of the members of this Assembly;

organization;

agencies;

Is recognized diplomatically by more than sixty of the members of this

Has been a member of the United Nations since the organization's founding;

Has worked faithfully and constructively for the good of the organization;

Has contributed more than its share to the work of the specialized

And has consistently sought to assist the process of development

throughout the world.

The sponsors of the resolution now before us, as they have done in previous years, would have us ignore such considerations and, by spurious appeals to the principle of universality and misrepresentation of fact, call on us to expel a member which has faithfully abided by the charter of this organization. Such a demand clearly violates the principles of equity and justice. It should be opposed by all those who believe that these principles should guide the actions of this organization and who maintain that the charter must be upheld if this organization itself is to survive and be effective.

Mr. President, we believe that these reasons require that this Assembly reject this proposal to expel the Republic of China from the United Nations. Whatever views members may hold on the question of Peking's participation, we do not see how the purposes of this organization can be served by expelling any member which has long and faithfully observed the obligations set forth in its charter.

It is on this basis, Mr. President, that I urge the distinguished delegates of this Assembly to reject decisively the resolution contained in Document A/L.605." "

(End Text)

OFFICE OF THE

HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR CANADA,

HAUT-COMMISSARIAT DU CANADA,

MAISON DU CANADA,

LONDRES, 8-0.1,

tet about cucentias

& Landinavian atty luck to

CONFIDENTIAL.

November 12, 1970.

munbership of Granther's Committee. As?.

Attached for your information are copies of two telegrams from the Canadian Delegation, New York, No. 2019 of November 10 on South African Credentials, and No. 2038 of November 11 on the Special Committee on Apartheid.

Also attached, for you and Mrs. Chitty to see, is a copy of Ottawa telegram OUN 899 of November 11 informing our Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York that Canada will vote in favour of "Important Question" resolution this year when the issue is considered in UNGA.

نامرد

David M. Miller, Counsellor.

Mr. J. H. Lambert,

Head,

F.END...

United Nations (Political) Dept.

Foreign and Commonwealth Office,

King Charles Street, S.W.1.

Enter

intron

יי

dr. J. Lantart + & B. Chitty

CONFIDENTIAL

FM OTT EXT OUN899 NOV11/70

TO PERMISNY IMMED

WSHDC PARIS TOKYO LDN CNBRA WLGTH IMMED

TT BRU HAGLE IMMED DE LDN ROME INMED DE PARIS STKHM COPEN OSLO IMMED

DE HAGUE

INFO IT PERMISGVA DE PARIS

DISIR GFE MIH PDS PDG FLE

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN UN-IMPORTANT QUESTION RESEN

INFORM IN CONFIDENCE APPROPRIATE AUTHORITIES IN FM/STATE DEPT

THAT AFTER CAREFUL CONSIDERATION IT HAS BEEN DECIDED THAT CDA WILL

VOTE IN FAVOUR OF QUOTE IMPORTANT QUESTION UNQUOTE RESLN THIS YEAR

WHEN ISSUE IS CONSIDERED IN UNGA.CDN POSITION IN FUTURE YEARS

WILL BE SUEJ TO REVIEW.

2.FOR PERMISNY:

GIVE ABOVE INFO ON CDN POSITION PRIVATELY TO UN DELS OF COUNTRIES

OF POSTS TC WHICH THIS TEL ADDRESSED AND OTHER DELS YOU CONSIDER

IT APPROPRIATE TO INFORM,HO/NO PUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT HAS YET BEEN

MADE.STATEMENT FOR USE IN PLENARY IS BEING SENT TO YOU SEPARATELY.

3.FOR ALL ADDRESSEES:

CDA WILL VOTE IN FAVOUR OF SEATING OF PRC REP AND THIS IS

CHINESE REPRESENTATION

تسه

ра

로

Mr. Miller of Canada House has just telephoned to say that the Canadians will be voting like us, for both the "Albanian" resolution and the Important Question resolution.

Please refer to your telegram No. 1693

of 12 November to UKMis New York about Chinese representation in the United Nations. We would like to see a copy of Morgan's letter of 4 November to Jamieson in case we are called upon to discuss this question with the Quai d'Orsay. Perhaps you could let us have a copy if you have not already done so.

Yours ever,

Chancery

Far Eastern Department,

F.C.O.

CONFIDENTIAL

EN CLAIR

ROUTINE UKMISSION NEW YORK

ADDRESSED TO F C O TELEGRAM NO. 2858 DATED 13 NOVEMBER, 1970, REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING AND WASHINGTON, AND SAVING TO MOSCOW, PARIS AND HONG KONG,

Exalt

MY TELEGRAM NO. 2846: GENERAL ASSEMBLY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION.

THE DEBATE CONTINUED TODAY WITH STATEMENTS FROM HUNGARY, CANADA, ALBANIA, SOMALIA AND AFGHANISTAN.

2 BEAULNE (CANADA) SAID HE WOULD VOTE FOR BOTH THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION AND THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION. ON THE LATTER HE

HE WENT SAID THAT CANADA'S VOTE HAD NEVER BEEN A PROCEDURAL TACTIC. ON, DUOTE I WISH TO MAKE IT CLEAR, HOWEVER, THAT IF IN OUR JUDGMENT CONTINUED SUPPORT FOR SUCH A RESOLUTION COULD IN THE FUTURE FRUSTRATE THE WILL OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, MY GOVERNMENT WILL CHANGE ITS POSITION. UNQUOTE.

3. FARAH (SOMALIA) STRESSED THAT THE IMPORTANT QUESTION WAS A DEVICE TO FRUSTRATE JUSTICE. ARTICLE 18 WAS IRRELEVANT AS CHINA WOULD NOT BE A NEW MEMBER. HE WAS EMPHATIC ALSO ON THE UNACCEPT- ABILITY OF A TWO CHINAS SOLUTION: NEITHER SIDE WANTED IT AND IT WOULD CREATE ENORMOUS LEGAL DIFFICULTIES.

4. THE SPEAKERS' LIST IS TO BE CLOSED ON MONDAY. AT PRESENT A FURTHER 25 SPEAKERS ARE INSCRIBED FOR THE FIRST THREE DAYS OF NEXT WEEK AND THE SECRETARIAT EXPECT THE VOTE TO BE TAKEN ON WENNESDAY

AFTERNOON OR THURSDAY.

F C O PLEASE PASS ROUTINE TO PEKING, AND SAVING TO MOSCOW, PARIS

AND HONG KONG.

SIR C. CROWE

[REPEATED A'S REQUESTED]

DEPARAMENTAL DISTRIBUTION:

PRIORITY UK MISSION NEW YORK JO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE TELEGRAM NO. 2846

|_13_NOVEMBER 1973

UNCLASSIFIED 131355Z

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO. 2846 OF 13 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING WASHINGTON TAMSI SAVING TO MOSCOW PARIS AND HONG KONG.

YOUR TELEGRAM NO. 1693: GENERAL ASSEMBLY: CHINESE REPRESENTATION THE DEBATE ON CHINESE REPRESENTATION OPENED YESTERDAY MORNING (THURSDAY). THE TWO DRAFT RESOLUTIONS WERE INTRODUCED RESPECTIVELY BY ALGERIA AND THE PHILIPPINES, AND STATEMENTS WERE ALSO MADE BY CHINA, PAKISTAN, COSTA RICA, AND THE UNITED STATES.

2. PHILLIPS (US) DEVOTED A MUCH GREATER PART OF THE US STATEMENT THAN IN FORMER YEARS TO ARGUING THAT THE MATTER WAS AN IMPORTANT QUESTION. HE ALSO APPEALED FOR THE REJECTION OF THE ALBANIAN RES-

OLUTION ON THE GROUND THAT THE EXPULSION OF TAIWAN WOULD BE UNACCEPTABLE. HE OMITTED THE USUAL CRITICAL REFERENCES TO THE

ATTITUDE OF PEKING AND ANY IMPLICATION THAT THE PARTICIPATION OF

THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA WOULD BE AGAINST THE INTERESTS OF

THE UN

3. OTHER STATEMENTS WERE ON PREDICTABLE LINES. THE REPRESENTATIVES

OF ALGERIA AND PAKISTAN BOTH MADE A POINT OF THEIR OPPOSITION,

AND THAT OF PEKING, TO ANY SUGGESTION OF A TWO-CHINAS SOLUTION.

FCO PLEASE PASS PEKING TAMSU) SAVING TO MOSCOW PARIS AND HONG KONG,

SIR COLIN CROWE

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTIENTAL DISTRIBUTION

RESEARCH D. (.F.E. SECTION)

PRIORITY FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

ADDRESSED TO UKMIS NEW YORK TELEGRAM NUMBER 1693 OF 12 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING, WASHINGTON, MOSCOW, PARIS HONG KONG, TAMSU1,

YOUR TELEGRAMS NOS. 2772 AND 2773: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE

UN.

IN THE LIGHT OF PEKING TELEGRAM NO. 752 WE THINK IT WOULD BE

BETTER ON BALANCE NOT REPEAT NOT TO MAKE A STATEMENT THIS YEAR.

IN YOUR DISCUSSIONS WITH FRIENDLY MISSIONS ABOUT OUR VOTE YOU

SHOULD CONTINUE TO BE GUIDED BY PARAGRAPH 5 OF MORGAN'S LETTER OF 4 NOVEMBER TO JAMIESON (NOT TO ALL). YOU SHOULD NOT REVEAL TO OTHER MISSIONS, APART FROM THE AMERICANS, THAT WE SHALL BE TAKING A FRESH LOOK AT OUR VOTE NEXT YEAR, DEPENDING ON THE VOTING THIS

SESSION.

DOUGLAS-HOME

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION:

F.E.D.

U.F.D.

MERICAN D.

E.EUR.& SOV.D. NEWS D.

SECURITY CLASSIFICATION

Date and time (G.M.T.) telegram should

reach addressed(s)

1232

12/1

++++beterbootklon-truiufmo▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬Wuququnaquaque --------------

CYPHER

[Security_classification

Privacy marking -if any

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

Code Cypher

Draft Telegram to:- UKMIS New York

telegram N...............

LOJ LIIJI ILILI-Upanayu +

PEKING, WASHINGTON, MOSCOT,

repeated for information to

PARIS, HONG KONG, TANGUI

ppter in---------------------¶-urudurm

Repeat to:- Peking Tashington Mostow París Hong Kong

EXAMINED AT SKINATURE

1122

Saving to

Your telegrams nos. 2772 and 2773:

Chinese representation in the UN.

In the light of Peking telegram no. 752

we think it would be better on balance not repeat

not to make a statement this year.

In your

discussions with friendly missions about our vote

you should continue to be guided by paragraph 5 of

Morgan's letter of 4 November to Jamieson (not to

all). You should not reveal to other missions,

apart from the Americans, that we shall be taking a

fresh look at our vote next year, depending on the

Twenty-fifth session Agenda iten 97

TE /u

Distr. LIITTED

1/1.605 stones

2 November 19tawa ENGLISH

ORIGINAL: FRENCH

RESTORATION OF THE LAWFUL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC

OF CHINA IN THE UNITED NATIONS

Albania, Algeria, Cuba, Guinea, Iraq, lali, Mauritania, Pakistan, People's Republic of the Congo, Romania, Somalia, Southern Yemen Sudan, Syria, United Republic of Tanzania, Yemen, Yugoslavia and Zambia; draft

resolution

The General Assembly,

Recalling the principles of the Charter of the United Nations,

Considering that the restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China is essential both for the protection of the Charter of the

United Nations and for the cause that the United Nations must serve under the

Charter,

Recognizing that the representatives of the Government of the People's Republic of China are the only lawful representatives of China to the United

Nations,

Decides to restore all its rights to the People's Republic of China and to recognize the representatives of its Government as the only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations, and to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place which they unlawfully occupy at the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it.

TAKSUI TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

CONFIDENAIAL

1103302

11 NOVEMBER 1970

Addressed to FCO telno 52 of 11 November. Repeated for information to Peking, UKIIIS liew Yorkas

China Seat.

Five 2/4

The Nationalist Authorities are worried about their prospects in the General Assembly. The Australian Ambassador informs me that the Nationalists most hopeful analysis of the outcome of the vote on the Albanian Resolution as dajority of one in their favour.

FCO please pass.

Mr. Duffy

(REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARAMENTAL DISTRIBUZION

RESEARCH D. (F.E. SECTION)

Castan fin Morgen FE.C.

My Moberly Warmungtim,

UKMIS, New 'uck "mys. Oslo

Promint

[

The Korwegian Chargé d'Affaires oulled this afternoon to compare noter about the: likely vobe on the Albanian Revolutiɔe · foresaw six switches from shavensímtaleta \ votes in favour and two possible nitebas from votes against to in favour. He also conceded that Cambodia would not vote i favour and agreed that they would probably

If the Norwegian absent themselves. Krithmatic is correct, this would produće, 54 positive votes against 2 negative VOSOK,.

Mr. Belle said that at a dimer he gave last week for the Chinese they dwelt on the significance of the "Important Question" this year.

He thought that they would like so enter the United Nations at once because they ferred that the United States would think

up a new device to exclude them, for example

a resolution on "divided nations" which sight have some appeal to those who thought that on

grounds of equity Taiwen should be

represented. He thought that this wus the reason why the Chinese had recently been so critical of the Belgian attitude which they construed as 'one China, one Taiwan" (I have heard this confirmed from other scurces). Fr. Helle added that if it become clear to the Chinese that the Albanian Resolution would carry tuoy would regard a vote in favour of the Important "uestion

e know from or an unfriendly act. conversations during Mr. Morgan's visit that they also regard it as an unfriendly act but their attitude would no doubt be sharpened if they thought that only the "Important Question" was frustrating their entry.

3. Mr. Helle in a roundabout way made a plea for the United Kingdom to change its vota on the Importart question emphasising that if we do so the resolution would collapse (this is undoubtedly true). He also probed me about the American attitude and I told him that I thought the Americans were ready for a change but did not want it this year as they had had insufficient time to prepar thenзelves and could not therefore demonst to the Nationalists that they had made everë. effort on their behalf. Mr. Helle said that their opinion from Washington and Bak York coincided with this view.

4. Mr. Helle also said that be had learxy } from the French thation two occurioní desi

M. Couve de- Pharwille's visit thay land about "sexi-relations" with the United and the Netherlands. The Chinese maintain he said, that our vote in the United Mathe was a result of our wasakinfactory stat about Talwan. I pointed out that she? not in fact related and that in the qur rata, in the United Sations could

OONE IDENTIAL:

OCLYDE WILL

au alteration in our public position over the juridisel positiön of Thiwan gould bó mụch more difficult,

Cutting dated-1 NOV 1970

New York, 31 October THE probability that next year's United Nations Assembly will vote to admit Communist China to the United Nations is now in- creasingly accepted by American Administration.

American officials believe that when the annual debate on Chinese representation comes up during the clarrent Assembly they will sull be able to muster enough votes to pre- vent Peking from taking the sext now held by the Chinese National- at regime in Formosa. But the virtual certainty that July will shortly follow Canada in recogňak- ing Communia. China is a sign chit the United States may not be able to maintam its present stand after this year.

A1 UN headquarters it is believed that Peking may be softening its attitude towards accepting member- ship. A senior Norwegen diplomat who was recently in Peking is re- ported to have found the Chinese Foreign Minstry interested

entering the UN as soon as possi- ble. They did not repeat the con- ditions formerly attached by Peking. namel virtual adimation by the GN that it was an imperialist - dominated institution requiring radios) reform and the rescinding of UN's resolutions condemning China over the Korean War.

American officials still here that if the UN voles to seat Peking, some way will be found of avoidhor the complete expulsion of Formosa. They admit that this wủi be difficult, boca um both Poking and the Chinese Naboosinta reject any concept of two Chinas or of an in- dependent Formosa.

Chiang Kai-shek's position sull tests un his claim that ha regume is the legtraute Government of the whole of China and both be and sking consider Formosa as part of China One ingenious solution has been canvassed in UN circle is to give Formosa separate membership while recognising her unity with China. The analogy is drawn with the Ukraine and Byelorussia, which are integral parts of the Soviet Union but the have separate weat alongude Russia at the UN.

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

13 NOVEMBER 1978

TOP COPY

CONFIDENTIAL 18333392

ADDSD TO FCO TELNO 752 OF 13 NOVEMBER

RFI UKIS NEW YORK, WASHINGTON, MOSCOW, PARIS, TAMSU

AND HONG KONG

FIL

UKMIS NEW YORK TELNOS 2772 AND 2773:

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED NATIONS.

后 Fe 2/4

THE CHINESE MADE CLEAR DURING MORGAN'S RECENT VISIT THAT THEY REGARD OUR VOTING IN FAVOUR OF THE QUOTE

IMPORTANT QUESTION UNQUOTE AS UNFRIENDLY AND THE RESULT OF A MISTAKEN DECISION TO FOLLOW THE AMERICANS

RATHER THAN A DIFFERENCE IN INTERPRETATION OF

THE INTENTION OF THE RESOLUTION. WHILE OUR POLICY

OF VOTING THIS YEAR BOTH FOR THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION

AND FOR THE QUOTE IMPORTANT QUESTION UNQUOTE DOES NOT REPRESENT A CHANGE ON OUR PART, THE ATTITUDE

OF THE CHINESE HAS CHANGED IN THAT THEY ARE NOW SHOWING A MUCH KEEMER INTEREST IN ENTERING THE UNITED NATIONS. THEY APPEAR TO HAVE DROPPED ALL PRE-CONDITIONS APART FROM THE EXPULSION OF TAIWAN AND THEY HAVE RECENTLY BEEN EXPRESSING FEARS TO WESTERN REPRESENTATIVES (SEE RECORDS OF CONVERSATIONS WITH THE NOPWEGIAN CHARGE D'AFFAIRES AND THE DANISH AMBASSADOR SENT BY BAG) THAT IF TAIWAN IS NOT EXPELLED SOON, THEIR ENTRY MAY BE BLOCKED BY ANOTHER DEVICE THOUGHT UP BY THE AMERICANS E.G. A QUOTE DIVIDED NATIONS

V'IQUOTE RESOLUTION.

IF, AS NOW SEEMS POSSIBLE, THE ALBANIAN

RESOLUTION CONTRARY TO EARLIER PREDICTIONS IS CARRIED,

THE QUOTE IMPORTANT QUESTION URQUOTE WILL FOR THE FIRST TIME

BE THE REAL OBSTACLE TO CHINESE ENTRY AND THE

ARGUMENT WE USED DURING MORGAN'S VISIT THAT IT WAS A QUOTE PAPER TIGER UNQUOTE WILL NO LONGER HOLD UP.

2. WE ARE CERTAIN BY SUPPORTING THE QUOTE

IMPORTANT QUESTION UNQUOTE TO DAMAGE OUR RELATIONS WITH CHINA AND PROBABLY SLOW DOWN PROGRESS WHICH IS BEING MADE IN VARIOUS FIELDS.I ASSUME THAT THIS

WAS TAKEN INTO ACCOUNT WHEN THE DECISION WAS MADE.

BUT I THINK WE SHALL BE COMPOUNDING OUR DIFFICULTIES WITH THE CHINESE IF WE AT THE SAME TIME MAKE A STATEMNET ON THE LINES PROPOSED "HICH HOWEVER DEFENSIBLE FROM OUR POINT OF VIEW WILL BE REGARDED BY THE CHINESE AS

THE ULTIMATE IN HYPOCRISY. WE SHALL IN THEIR

WORDS BE LIFTING UP ONE HAND TO KNOCK IT DOWN

WITH THE OTHER, THE LAST SENTENCE OF THE DRAFT

IS LIKELY TO BE REGARDED BY THE CHINESE AS PARTICULARLY GRATUITOUS AND COULD, IN MY VIEW, ONLY CAUSE IRRITATION.

WHILE I FULLY RECOGNIZE THE ADVANTAGE OF A STATEMENT

IN THE UNITED NATIONS CONTEXT, I RECOMMEND

THAT IN THE INTERESTS OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS

NO, REPEAT NO, STATEMENT SHOULD BE MADE.

THE ABSENCE OF A STATEMENT MIGHT GIVE RISE TO SPECULATION

BJT WOULD IT NOT SUFFICE IF ADVANCE ASSURANCES ON OUR VOTING THIS YEAR WERE GIVEN IN PRIVATE TO OUR FRIENDS AND

TO ANY COUNTRIES WE JUDGED SENSITIVE ON THE QUOTE IMPORTANT QUESTION UNQUOTE RESOLUTION. IF WE COULD

AT THE SAME TIME INDICATE THAT NEXT YEAR WE SHOULD BE RECONSIDERING OUR POSITION (AND THIS WERE IN

DUE COURSE RELAYED TO THE CHINESE ) IT WOULD

DO SOMETHING TO MITIGATE THE DAMAGE OF THIS

YEAR'S VOTE.

FCO PASS IMMEDIATE UKMIS NEW YORK

PRIORITY WASHINGTON MOSCOW PARIS AND TAMSU|

MR. DENSON

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

SOV. SECT. AKER. SECT.)

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED NATIONS

A draft reply to UKMIS New York telegrams numbers 2772

and 2773 is submitted.

United Nations (Political) Department concur.

From The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State

Foreign and Commonwealth Office

London S.W.1

5 November, 1970.

10.8

The Prime Minister has asked me to reply to your letter of 25 October on Chinese representation in the United Nations, since I am the Minister in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office with responsibility for Far Eastern affairs.

It is true that for many years we have consis- tently voted in the United Nations for resolutions calling for the occupation of the China seat by the representative of the People's Republic of China. The continued exclusion from the United Nations of the representative of Peking benefits neither the United Nations nor China. As you pointed out in your letter, if the United Nations is to fulfil properly its role as an international body in which the views of all nations can be represented, it is clearly illogical that a country which contains a quarter of the world's population should in effect have no proper representa- tion. Sir Alec Douglas-Home said in his speech to the United Nations on 21 September that the absence of a representative of the People's Republic of China makes it all the more difficult for the United Nations to tackle effectively some of the most pressing and dangerous problems that trouble the world.

At the same time, we believe that any change in the representation of China, which is a Permanent Member of the Security Council, is an "Important Question" under Article 18(2) of the United Nations Charter. I do not think that it can reasonably be denied that this matter is one of great importance, particularly in view of the deep divisions of opinion on this issue in the United Nations itself. This

/explains

Mrs. Sybil Cookson,

Chairman,

Women's International League for Peace

and Freedom

29 Great James Street,

London WC1 N 3ES.

explains why we vote as we do on the procedural issue.

Anthony Royle

(118281) DA. 391999- 1,300u 2209 Bw.

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

Registry No.

SECURITY CLASSIFICATION

Women's International League

for Peace and Freedom,

29 Great James Street,

The Prime Minister has asked me to reply to

your letter of 25 October on Chinese representation

in the United Nations, since/I am the Minister in the

Foreign and Commonwealth Office with responsibility

for Far Eastern affairs.

It is true that før many years we have consis-

tently voted in the United Nations for resolutions

(o cempation of the China Bear by the representative) calling for the seating of the People's Republic of

China. The continued exclusion from the United

the representative of Peking

Nations of

-country of its sise and population

benefits neither the United Nations nor China. As

you pointed out in your letter, if the United Nations is to fulfil/properly its role as an international

body in which the views of all nations can be

represented, it is clearly illogical that a country

which contains a quarter of the world's population

in effect have no proper reprometaking should not be gʻamber.. Sir Alec Douglas-Home said

in his speech to the United Nations on 24 September

a representative of)

that the absence of the People's Republic of China

makes it all the more difficult for the United

Nations to tackle effectively some of the most

pressing and dangerous problems that trouble the

world.

/At the

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

WEDOL 51-7406

At the same time, we believe that any

change in the representation of Chins, which

is a Permanent Member of the Security Council,

is an "Important Question" under Article 18(2)

and

of the United Nations Charter. I do not

think that it can reasonably be denied that

this matter is one of great importance,

particularly in view of the deep divisions

of opinion on this issue in the United Nations

This explains why we vite

itself. It is for these reasons that we vote

the procedural issue.

wook year for the resolution defining this

issue as en "Important Question".

LETTER TO THE PRIME MINISTER:

CHINA AND THE UNITED NATIONS

107

I submit a draft reply from Mr. Royle to Mrs. Cookson's

letter of 25 October.

Mr. Lambert, (U.N.(Pol.) Department)

UM For

WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE & FREEDOM

Founded at The Hague in 1915

International Headquarters: Centre International, 1 rue de Varembé, 1201 Geneva 20, Switzerland

Consultative Status B with United Nations, ECOSOC, UNESCO; Special Consultative Relations with FAO, ILO and UNICEF

Mr. Barbara M. Coppock

GENERAL SECRETARY

Ma, J. La Griad

EX-PRESIDENT Dame Kathleen Lonsdale, F.R.S.

VICE-PRESIDENTS :

Miss B. M. Baker

Lady Boyd Orr

Mrs. Joyce Butler, M.P.

Mrs. P. Gusden

Mrs. W. Garnett Mrs. D. Gundry Mrs. B. Ineton

Lady Mayer

Miss C. McAr

Miss Sybil Morrison Mrs. E. de Swiet

Mr. E. Turkie

29, GREAT JAMES STREET, LONDON, W.C.1 N 3ES

Telephone: 01-242 4817

pps.

not relevaul-

Amp

Deer Mr Crime Minister

Oct 25 1970

Fec 2/c гри

Fro

I write on beheld of our League, with reference to the seeting of the People's Republic of China at the United Nations.

We pray awere that this proposel has been supported by the United Kingdom delegation over the years. And in the statement we sent to the British Delegation to the United Nations Assembly

of course we urged them to vote for this. But in the past, our Delegation hes only supported the proposal to admit the People's Republic of Chine on a two-thiras me jority,

We ask you to advise the British Delegation to vote for a simple majority.

In your speech to the United Netions to the General Assemoly, you allude to the proviens thet veset us. The Secretary-General, U Thant, to whom you pay tribute, has called for the universellty of the United Nations. You yourself mention that we have not yet achieved this.

Surely you will agree that the omission of whine, with its 750 million people, from the counsels of the world, must weeken eny agreement on Disermement that may be reached ?

It is good that Cenede hes recently recognised the People's Republic of Chine, and I note that several other states are expected to follow suit,

So we do ask you, to advise our Delegation to vote for the seating of Chine on a simple me jority vote, and to take the lead in getting other States to support this motion.

Mrs Dybil Cookson cheirmen

Life Mlford Sir D. Greenhill

attitude to Tarian in 19771?

Éc

Ec zlu

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED NATIONS

The Secretary of State's quation will be barcon cup in the context of our voting init

the

V.N. in 1971. mAreagad 1/12

Enter apla

BACKGROUND NOTE

NH T6/1.

The debate on Chinese representation is expected to begin

Since there are signs

in the General Assembly on 12 November.

that some countries will change their positions this year, and

there has been speculation about the result of the debate,

this background note has been prepared in consultation with

U.H. (Pol.) Department.

2. The item on the agenda is entitled "Reatoration of the

Lawful Rights of the People's Republic of China in the United

Nations". Since 1961 the pattern has been that two draft

resolutions are debated. These are:-

(a) the American-sponsored "Important Question"

Resolution, which provides for the Assembly to

re-affirm its decision in 1961 that any proposal

to change the representation of China is

important" under Article 18(2) of the Charter

and therefore requires a two-thirda majority;

(b) the substantive "Albanian" Resolution which calls

for the restoration of the "lawful rights" of the

Chinese People's Republic to represent China and

for the expulsion forthwith of the representatives

3. The Important Question Resolution itself, which is

procedural, only requires a simple majority. In the past it

hes always passed comfortably (71-48-4 in 1969).

4. The voting on the "Albanian" Resolution has usually been

much closer. Although the Resolution has never attained even

a simple majority, there was a tie in 1965. Last year the

Resolution was rejected, 56-48-21.

and probably the last

time).

The

5. We are the only country which has consistently voted for

both resolutions (Mauritius voted as we did last year for the

first

This year there are

signs that a number of countries will change their voting in

Peking's favour, The Canadians and Equatorial Guinea have

recently recognised Peking, and Italy will do so today.

Malaysians have stated that they will abstain on the Albanian

Resolution instead of voting against. Other countries, which

are reported to be contemplating changing in Peking's favour,

are Kuwait, Austria, the Central African Republic, Togo,

Sierra Leone, Cameroon, Gabon, Dahomey, Chile, Ireland and

Mauritius, while several Latin-American countries may also

switch. On the other hand, the Cambodians will almost

certainly absent themselves this time. It is still by no

means clear how many of these countries will in the end decide

to change, but the best estimate we can make at present is that,

for the first time, the Albanian Resolution could be carried,

possibly 52-51.

We estimate that the Important Question Resolution is still

likely to secure a comfortable majority this time, so that, even

if the "Albanian" Resolution obtains a simple majority, this

CONFIDENTIAL

/will

CONFIDENTIAL

will not lead to Peking's entry.

But a simple majority on

the Albanian Resolution could have an important effect on

voting next year, particularly as other countries will

probably recognise Peking in the next twelve months. This

will be even more likely if the Chinese maintain their current

somewhat more conciliatory foreign policy. This means that

by 1971 there may well be a pronounced swing in Peking's

favour.

But we

We do not intend to change our vote this year.

have told the Americans that we shall have to take a fresh

look at our vote in 1971. We have also reminded the

Americans that, as Ministers have told them in the past, we

could not support any new proposal which appeared to be simply

a device to prolong Peking's exclusion, For their part,

American officials appear to be taking a much more relaxed

view of the possibility of Chinese entry.

We have reassured

the Americans that there is no question of our changing our

vote without full consultations with them first.

8. Our Mission in New York have been authorised to let other

delegations know that we shall not change our vote this year.

We do not intend to reveal to any country other than the

United States that we shall be looking again at our vote in

1971.

Copies to:

Kr. Lambert (3) Sir S. Tomlinson Miss Deas

Sir L. Monson

Sir P. Adams

mitt this agree anscorment of this year's prospects.

PRIORITY UK MISSION NEW YORK TELEGRAM NUMBER 2773

104

CONFIDENTIAL

TOP COPY

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE 7 NOVEMBER 1970

CONFIDENTIAL 071735Z

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO 2773 OF 7 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PEKING, WASHINGTON, MOSCOW, PARIS, TAMSUI AND HONG KONG.

M.I.P.T.: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE U.N.

FOLLOWING IS TEXT OF DRAFT STATEMENT:

THE UK. GOVERNMENT HAS LONG BELIEVED THAT IT IS BOTH RIGHT AND NECESSARY THAT THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA SHOULD BE SEATED IN THE UNITED NATIONS REPRESENTING CHINA,

THE PRESENCE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA IS IMPORTANT TO THE UNITED NATIONS. FOR THE WORLD ORGANISATION TO IGNORE NEARLY A QUARTER OF THE WORLD'S POPULATION IS ABSURD. WORSE, IT IS DANGEROUS WHEN THE ISOLATED QUARTER IS A MAJOR WORLD POWER AND A NUCLEAR POWER AT THAT. THE ABSENCE OF CHINA MUST WEAKEN THE CAPACITY OF THE UNITED NATIONS FOR ACTION, PARTICULARLY IN ASIA. AS MY SECRETARY OF STATE SAID IN THE GENERAL DEBATE THIS YEAR, THE ABSENCE OF CHINA QUOTE HAS MADE IT UNDOUBTEDLY MORE DIFFICULT FOR US TO TACKLE EFFECTIVELY IN THIS FORUM SOME OF THE 1ST PRESSING AND DANGEROUS PROBLEMS THAT TROUBLE THE WORLD. UNQUOTE

WE HAVE, HOWEVER, TO RECOGNIZE THAT THIS IS A DEEPLY DIVISIVE QUESTION IN THE U.N. AND THUS MY DELEGATION WILL VOTE IN FAVOUR OF BOTH THE DRAFT RESOLUTIONS BEFORE US TODAY. WE HOPE BEFORE LONG TO HAVE THE REPRESENTATIVES OF PEKING WITH US. AS IT IS IN OUR INTEREST TO HAVE GREATER AND CLOSER CONTACTS WITH THE CHINESE PEOPLE SO IT IS IN THEIR INTEREST TO HAVE MORE TO DO WITH THE REST OF THE WORLD. FCO PASS PEKING, MOSCOW, PARIS, TAMSU! AND HONG KONG.

SIR. C. CROWE

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

SOZIET SECTION) AMERICAN SECTION)

CONFIDENTIAL

103

CYPHER/CAT A

VRIORITY U K MISSION NEW YORK

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

7 NOVEMBER 1970

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO 2772 OF 7 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TJ FEKING, WASHINGTON, MOSCOW, PARIS, TAMSUI AND HONG KONG.

* TELNO 2740: CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED NATIONS.

I HAVE BEEN THINKING ABOUT WHAT TO INCLUDE IN MY STATEMENT THIS YEAR

IN THE FORTHCOMING DEBATE IN THE PLENARY.

2. IN PREVIOUS YEARS U.K. STATEMENTS IN THIS DEBATE HAVE CONCENTRATE CN TWO POINTS: FIRST, THE OBVIOUS NECESSITY TO ADMIT THE REPRESENTATIVES OF ONE OF THE MAJOR COUNTRIES IN THE WORLD:

SECONDLY, THE IMPORTANCE OF THE QUESTION BOTH FROM THE GENERAL AND FROM THE U.N. TECHNICAL POINT OF VIEW,

3. WE MUST BE A BIT CAREFUL THIS YEAR ABOUT WHAT WE SAY ON THE IMPORTANCE OF THE QUESTION. IF, AS IS GENERALLY EXPECTED, THE VOTING THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION COMES CLOSE TO A TIE OR EVEN LEADS TO A VERY SMALL SIMPLE MAJORITY IN ITS FAVOUR, WE SHALL BE FACED WITH A NEW SITUATION NEXT YEAR. THE AMERICANS ARE ALREADY THINKING ABOUT THIS. THUS WE DO NOT WANT TO GO TOO FAR OUT ON A LIMB OVER THE QUOTE IMPORTANT QUESTION UNQUOTE RESOLUTION SINCE I IMAGINE IT IS NOT INCONCEIVABLE THAT, IF IT IS STILL ON THE STOCKS NEXT YEAR, WE MIGHT WISH TO CHANGE OUR VOTE.

4. THE SIMPLEST COURSE WOULD BE NOT TO SPEAK AT ALL. WE HAVE NOTHING NEW TO SAY AND, FOR THE REASON IN PARAGRAPH 3 ABOVE, IT MIGHT BE SLIGHTLY EMBARRASSING TO REITERATE WHAT WE HAVE SAID FOR A NUMBER OF YEARS PAST. HOWEVER, THE ABSENCE OF A U.K. STATEMENT EITHER IN THE MAIN DEBATE OR IN EXPLANATION OF VOTE BEFORE THE VOTE WOULD LEAD TJ

MUCH SPECULATION.

5. ON BALANCE, I THINK I SHOULD SPEAK BRIEFLY IN EXPLANATION OF VOTE BEFORE THE VOTE. IT WOULD BE A MISTAKE TO AVOID ALL MENTION OF THE IMPORTANCE OF THE QUESTION AS THIS TOO WOULD EXCITE SPECULATION.

/BUT

CONFIDENTIAL

.2.

BUT IT WOULD BE AS WELL TO MOVE AWAY FROM SPECIFIC MENTION OF THE IMPORTANCE OF THE QUESTION IN THE TECHNICAL U.N. SENSE.

6. M.1.F.T. CONTAINS A ROUGH DRAFT OF A POSSIBLE STATEMENT, WHICH ATTEMPTS TO TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE CONSIDERATIONS SET OUT ABOVE.

7. I SHOULD BE GRATEFUL FOR COMMENTS. THE DEBATE STARTS ON 12

NOVEMBER AND

FOLLOWING WEEK.

SHOULD NOT HAVE TO SPEAK BEFORE THE MIDDLE OF THE

FCO PASS PEKING, MOSCOW, PARIS, TAMSUI AND HONG KONG. SIR C. CROWE

REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

SOVIET SECTION) ÇAMERICAN SECTION)

ORITY UKMISSION NEW YORK TO FOREIGN AND COMMON EALTH OFFICE

TO FOREIGN AND COMMON EAT COPY

TELEGRAM NUMBER 2749

CONFIDENTIAL COCCODZ

5 NOVEMBER 1970

ADDRESSED TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE TELEGRAM NUMBER 20 OF 5 NOVEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO WASHINGTON SAVING TO FEKING MOSCOW TAMSU PARIS HONG KONG OTTAWA ROME.

MY TELEGRAM NO. 2742: CHINESE REPRESENTATION AT THE U.!

VED IN

RY No. 6

FEC

WE HAVE DISCUSSED THE VOTING POSITION WITH THE U.S. AND CANADIAY MISSIONS. THE CANADIANS THINK THAT THE MAXIMUM SWING LIKELY WOULD GIVE THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION A SIMPLE MAJORITY OF 5 VOTES. BUT THEY WOULD NOT EXPECT THIS TO HAPPEN AND THINK IT MORE PROBABLE THAT IT WILL BE CLOSE TO A TIE.

THE AMERICANS ARE THINKING IN TERMS OF A SPECTRUM RANGING FROM A SIMPLE MAJORITY FOR THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION OF A MAXIMUM OF 7 VOTES TO A MAJORITY AGAINST IT OF 4 VOTES. THEY EXPECT THE' RESULT TO FALL SOMEWHERE BETWEEN THESE FIGURES, PROBALY CLOSE TO A

TIE.

3. WE THINK THAT THESE ESTIMATES ARE ABOUT RIGHT. THERE ARE A FEW COUNTRIES WHO SEEM CERTAIN TO SWITCH, NAMELY CANADA AND ITALY (FRO" ABSTENTIONS TO FAVOURABLE VOTES), AND MALAYSIA (FROM A NEGATIVE VOTE TO AN ABSTENTION). CHILE ALSO SEEM LIKELY TO GO FROM AN ABSTE!!TION TO A POSITIVE VOTE, OTHER COUNTRIES WHICH HAVE BEEN MENTIONED AS POSSIBLE SWITCHES FROM NEGATIVE VOTES TO ABSTENTIONS ARE LUXEMBOURG, CAMEROUN, SENEGAL, IRELAND, COLOMBIA, PERU, SIERRA LEONE, CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, BOLIVIA, TOGO, DAHONEY AND

TUNISIA, GABON. THERE IS ALSO SOME TALK OF KUWAIT, INDONESIA, AUSTRIA, TRINIDAD AND EQUATORIAL GUINEA MOVING TO A VOTE IN FAVOUR.

THE LATEST RUMOUR IS THAT IRELAND MISHT EVEN SWITCH FROM A NEGATIVE TO A FAVOURABLE VOTE.

ALL THIS IS, OF COURSE, HIGHLY TENTATIVE AND MANY OF THE COUNTRIES MENTIONED ABOVE, PARTICULARLY THE AFRICANS AND THE LATIN AMERICANS, ARE QUITE UNPREDICTABLE.

CH THE OTHER TAČK IT SEEMS CERTAIN THAT CAMBODIA WILL CHANGE FROM A FAVOURABLE VOTE ON THE ALBANIAN RESCLUTION TO AN ABSTENTION OR THAT THEY WILL NOT PARTICIPATE IN THE VOTE.

6. EVERYONE TO WHOM WE HAVE SPOKEN IS AGREED ON TWO POINTS: FIRST THAT THERE WILL BE A FURTHER SWING IN FAVOUR OF THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION THIS YEAR AND SECONDLY THAT THE IMPORTANT QUESTION RESOLUTION IS IN NO DANGER.

FCC PASS SAVING TO PEKING MOSCOW TAMSUI PARIS HONG KONG ROME

SIR C. CROVE

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

U.N.D.

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

RES. DEPT. (F.E.SECT)

RIORITY U K MISSION NEW YORK TELEGRAM NUMBER 2742

CONFIDENTIAL 5213:Z

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH CFFICE

5 NOVEMBER 1972

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO 2742 OF 5 NOVEMBER REFEATED FOR INFORMATION T› WASHINGTON AND SAVING TO FEKING, MOSCOW, TAMSUI, PARIS, HONG KOTS,

CTTAJA AND ROME.

CHINESE REPRESENTATION AT THE U.N.

THE QUOTE ALBANIAN UNQUOTE DRAFT RESOLUTION HAS NOW BEEN CIRCULATED

(DIQU'EVT A/L.605 OF 2 NOVEMBER). ITS WORDING IS IDENTICAL TO THAT OF LAST YEAR'S RESOLUTION, AND THE SPONSORS ARE ALSO THE SAME, EXCEPT

FOR THE ADDITION THIS YEAR OF SOMALIA AND YUGOSLAVIA.

2. THE DEBATE IS SCHEDULED TO START IN THE PLENARY ON THURSDAY 12

NOVEMBER. THE SECRETARIAT ENVISACE IT LASTING FOR ABOUT TEN MEETINGS OVER FIVE OR SIX DAYS, WHICH WOULD MEAN THAT THE VOTE WOULD BE TAKEN

TOWARDS THE END OF THE FOLLOWING WEEK.

3. THE ALGERIANS HAVE GIVEN UP THE ATTEMPT THEY WERE MAKING TO

PRODUCE A QUOTE SARITISED UNQUOTE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION, AND ARE CO- SPONSORING THE ALBANIAN DRAFT AS USUAL. (WE UNDERSTAND THAT THE QUOTE

SANITISED UNQUOTE DRAFT WOULD HAVE EXCLUDED MENTION OF THE EXPLUSIO":

OF THE QUOTE REPRESENTATIVE OF CHIANG KAI-SHEK UNOVOTE FROM THE

OPERATIVE PARA). THE BELGIANS AND THE ZAMBIANS HAVE ALSO APPARENTLY

ADANDONED THEIR EFFORTS TO FIND A FRESH FORMULA. DESPITE RUMOURS TO

THE CONTRARY THE CANADIANS SAY THEY HAVE NO INTENTION OF COMING

THROUGH WITH ANY NEW RESOLUTION, AND THERE ARE NO INDICATIONS THAT

ANYONE ELSE IS DREAMING UP ANYTHING AT THE MOMENT.

4. WE SHALL SEND ANOTHER VOTING ESTIMATE SEPARATELY.

FCO PASS SAVING TO PEKING, MOSCOW, TAMSUI, PARIS, HONG KONG AND ROME.

SIR C. CROWE

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

(F.E. SECT. (SOV. SECT. (AIER. SECT.)

Far Eastern Department

Chigage Ropresentation in the United Nations

During my brief visit on 23 October we had a few words about Chiness representation. I mentioned that in my talka with the State Department they had raised tentatively the thought that during Mais year's debate some new proposal to seat Peking might energe, They thought that this would be more likely to happen if the Albanian Resolution received a simple majority.

2. I said that I expected the Important Item Resolution to be passed by a comfortable majority, but that from our calculations the Albanian Resolution could obtain a small simple majority now guess by one vote, 52-51-20, but there are lots of question

marks.

3. You asked whether we could let you have some contingency briefing in oase a new proposal is put forward. My own view is that a new move is most unlikely. ▲ "two Chinas" resolution is the variant which has hitherto proved attractive to those not primarily concerned, but after the Belgian experience with their draft resolution your telegram no. 2055), we can probably rule out this gambit. We feel that you should not go along with any- thing of this kind but would of course like to be consulted, and give you more considered instructions should a new variant in fact appear.

4. The basic point is that our Ministers have gone on firm record in favour of seating Peking. In particular, the Secretary of State, in his s peech at the United Nations on 24 September, said that without the presence of Peking in the United Nations it was undoubtedly more difficult to tackle effectively some of the most pressing and dangerous problems that trouble the world. you know, only we have consistently voted for both the Important Question and the Albanian resolutions (Mauritius did so last year!). Our reasons for this were based on the sensitivities that existed in Washington in 1961. Since then, most recently in 1966, Ministers have told the Americans that we should have great diffi- culty in supporting any other procedural device to exolude Peking. From my talks with the State Department and the White House last week it is clear that the present Administration are more relaxed.

K. D. Jamieson, Esq., 0.X.0., VILIS,

Nevertheless the U.8. Consul-General in Hong Kong mentioned a new ploy to Michael Wilford then he was there last month, and it is conceivable that he may have obtained the ear of the State

Department.

Ve may learn more of this next week when Marshall

Green is visiting London for talks on Bast Asia.

5. In these circumstances, our thinking is that this year ve should stie to existing policy. You should vote for the Important Question Resolution as usual, but should not be party to any other proposal which amounted to a device to delay the entry of Peking. There is no objection to your making this known to other interested delegations. As we have already made clear to the Americans, but to no one else, we gh:11 want to take a fresh look at the situation next year, in the light of the voting in the Assembly this session.

Conies to:

J. D. I. Boyd, Maq., WASHINGTON.

7. B. Denson, Req., 0.3.3., PE Tê.

(J. A. L. Morgan)

さ

ка

CHUJA KO PHA INIZIA TIGU

I submit a draft zuply from Mr. Rayle to Pro, Cookson'a

latter of 25 Oetabor.

(8. A. im Morgan)

4 November, 1970

Copied tai

Zambert, (U.K.(Iol.) %partment)

ட்

Letter

Sybil JosknON A omen's fatamaational Le

fer keson and Freudes, 29 6rest 'Jamos

Mr. Boyle

The Frime Kinister has enkod no se reply to

yoɑr Letter of 25 Orbeber

Chinese representstion

in the Maided Txtisas, sinos I am the Hinister in

Foreign, and

for For Zaster affairs.

affios with responsibility

It is true that for many youre ne bays comeles

tently vebed in the United Ústions for rosulntiSALO calling for the resting of the "ouple's Neublic of

fər

The oạnkáime! ezelusion from the United

X-tions of a comixy of its size må ptysiakin

bonefits kaither she United Zations Reg (Mina.

you pointed out in your letter,

is to fulfil properly its role

United Intions

internatiɔmž

body in which the views of all nations sen be

repansenbeʻl, it is ̈oloerly illogical that a country

which contains e

arber of the world's population

should mot

Vir Alee Tonglia-lens said

in hi♬ apoook de the United Nations on 24 September that the abonnee of the People's Repubiis af hinn

makes it all the mɔre di£fiosis for

diffieslt for the UniŠod

Nations do benkla effectively

of the

the most

pressing and dangerous peskians that trochle

world.

49 150 samo time, ́ believe that my

ohange in the repremsatation of Minim, which

Perw‐nert Kamber of the Security Jounoil,

lâ(2)

is and "importɑat nestion" under stisie 13(2)

of the Jalted Xabi ng Carber. I də nət

think that it ma pesmaably be denied that

tula matter is que of great 11portunoe, this

particularly in view of the deep division..

of opinion on this isave in the United Taki‚ÆR

itself. It is far these reasons that me vota

cash year for the resolution defining this

UNITED KINGDOM MISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS 845 Third Avenue, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10022

Fac

November, 1970

3r 198

Copied to UN (PU) Hapor Mr. Nason

American Hepr.

Mr. Magan

Azar der. Applepant. Enter

China and the U.N.

3.11

Thank you for your letter of 15 October. I am sorry not to have sent you another up-to-date head-aount on the likely China vote before this, but the situation is still very fluid, and, except that the Cambodians will probably be absent rather than switch to voting against the Albanian resolution, there is little to add to the assessment in our telegram No. 2238. The U.S. Mission refuse to make any predictions and have told us that, according to their current estimate, there are 15 delegations which might, or might not, swing either to an abstention or to an affirmative vote on the "Albanian" resolution at the last minute. The Peruvians say that their Government, and several of the other Latin countries, have still not made up their minds. Italy is also an enigma.

Thus about the only new definite element to report is that the Secretariat have informed us today that the debate on the China Question has been scheduled to start on Thursday, 12 November. Since it usually runs for about five days, the vote would therefore be taken in the middle of the following week.

Yours

ever

Many Stallard-Dewayne

Нама

(M. B. Stallard-Penoyre)

вела

L. V. Appleyard, Esq.,

CC:

Far Eastern Department,

F.C.O.

J.D.I. Boyd, Esq., WASHINGTON.

C.J. Howells, Esq., HONG KONG

J.P.P. Nason, Esq., U.N.(Pol) Dept., F.C.0. Chancery, TAMSUI

J.N. Allan, Esq., PEKING

CONFIDENTIAL

written #AJKOTE

OCTOBER 1970

FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH

AFFAIRS

Aircraft (Hi-jacking)

76. Sir R. Russell asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs it. in view of the further hi-jackings of aircraft which have

occurred in recent weeks, he will request an emergency meeting of the Inter- national Civil Aviation Organisation to consider the draft convention on the pre- vention of bi-jacking.

Mr. Gadber: The draft Convention on Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, drawn up by the International Civil Aviation Organisation (1.C.A.O.) earlier this year. will be considered and tinalised at a Diplomatic Conference in The Hague in December. To try to change the arrange- ments for this important Conference would. I fear, not be possible. Our objectives of rapid conclusion and wide adherence to the Convention have, how- ever, assumed even greater importance as a result of recent events.

Middle East (United Nations Location)

77. Mr. Rankin asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will consider proposing a new location for the United Nations in the Middle East.

Mr. Godber: No.

United Nations (China) 78. Mr. Rankin asked the Secretary of Stale for Foreign and Commcawealth Affairs what steps he proposes taking to enable China to be invited to join the United Nations Organisation.

Mr. Godher: For many years we have voted for the seating of the Chinese People's Republic and shall do so again this year. As my right hon. Friend said in his speech in the United Nations on 24th September, the absence of China from the United Nations makes the solu- tion of many pressing world problems all the more difficult.

U.N.E.S.C.O. (National Targets) 79. Mr. Willey asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what action he has taken pursuant

$ € 20

Written Answers

to the recommendation of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul- tural Organisation Conference of Ministers of European Member States clude in the list of national targets for responsible for Government Policy to in-

dealing with problems which have priority research a certain number of subjects importance for the developing countries.

Mr. Wood: The Final Report on the Conference, which was held in Paris from 22nd to 27th June, was published on 9th October. The recommendations are now being considered at U.N.E.S.C.O.'s 16th Government will continue to play their General Conference. Her Majesty's part in providing aid moneys to support the development of science and Tech- nology in the developing countries.

European Economic Community (Hong Kong)

Mr. Rankin asked the Secretary of Alfairs whether, in the negotiations for State for Foreign and Commonwealth

Great Britain to become a member of the European Economic Community, he will propose that Hong Kong should auto- matically acquire associate membership: and if he will make a statement on the

matter.

Mr. Rippon: Her Majesty's Govern ment have formally proposed association for Hong Kong as for other dependent territories under Part IV of the Treaty of Rome, as a means of making adequate provisions for Hong Kong's interests. The Community have however said that they will wish the question of Hong Kong to be discussed separately from that of other dependent territories. Her Majesty's Government is pursuing the question of the relationship of Hong Kong with the Community in full consultation with the Hong Kong Government.

International Organisations (Parliamentary Delegations)

Mr. Pavill asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will publish in the OFFICIAL REPORT a list of hon. Members of the House representing Great Britain at the United Nations and other international bodies to which Her Majesty's Government appoints representatives.

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE UNITED NATIONS

I should like to write to the Delegation in New

York on the lines of the enclosed self-explanatory draft.

American Department and United Nations (Pol.) concur.

Chinese Representatim in the United Nations

Many thanks for the full and admirable record enclosed with your letter of 23 October.

I enclose a copy of the final version together with a copy of my covering subzission. As I mentioned, it would be very useful if it were possible to have your assessment before the debate in the Assembly this year.

Important Iten Resolution

FEC.

Fec. Yo.

In his minute of 25 Septenbar, Mr. Royle agreed that

I should sake a tentative approach to the State Departmen↑

about their likely reactions to a change in our vete

Important Item Lesolution next year. This would be in

light of this year's voting.

I attach a record produced by the Embassy in Tashington

of my talk with the State Department 22 October. át ne

point in my subsequent discussions with the State Department,

the White House and the 0.I.A., was any disquiet expressed

about a possible change by us next year. Indeed, both at

the itate Department and the White Houre those with when

spoke tended to favour the United States itself taking a mér

positive line so secure Peking's entry.

0.1.4. said

categorically "the China lobby is dead",

The State Deparment told me that they had briefed Vino-

President Agnew for his diseosaims with Mr. G. X. Yen,

Vice-President of Taiwan, to say that he should not give any

specific assuraness of continued support in the United

Xations.

They were not at that stage elaar what

Vise-President had in foot said.

I have asked the Fabasay to lat įs have their assesomma 1

of the state of current American thinking on China and in

particular how far these with whom I spoke can be regarded

an mosurately reflecting the sort of policy line the United

States would in fact be likely to adopt.

Genies (with enclosure) to:

American Department

U. N. (Pel.) Department

Office of the Political

Record of a conversation betreen Far. Fastern Department and the Country for Asian Communist Affairs at the

Department on 22 October

Kr. Morgan said that he had given an account of his

recent experiences in Peking to the U.S. Consul-General in

Hong Kong and the State Department would no doubt have had

a report from then, He would be glad to fill in any gaps.

Meanwhile it might be of interest if he said some words

about Sino/British relations in general, The Foreign and

Commonwealth office had been looking at this question

following the change of government in the United Kingdom

and in the better atmosphere following the release of

Anthony Grey.

It had seemed desirable to establish whether

the apparent relaxation in Bino/British relations had

underlying substance. Ministers had therefore been con-

sulted under five headings:

(a) The question of the six British subjects still

detained in China and the related question of

confrontation prisoners in Hong Kong;

(b) The policy of H.M.Q. regarding Chinese repre-

sentation in the United Nations;

(a) The level of British representation in Peking;

(d) The British official presence on Taiwan

(the Consulate);

(e) H.M.G.'s view of the status of Taiwan,

Ir. Morgan said that (a) naturally had absolute priority.

would Be/ It was howaver a subject of no direct concern to the U.S.

therefore confine himself at this stage to discussion of the

remainder, in reverse order. First, H.M.G. had no intention

This was of changing their view of the status of Taiwan.

still, in their view, undetermined. Second, they had, equally, no intention of withdrawing the British Consulate from Taiwan

It would maintain or changing its terms of reference.

relations with the provincial Government but with that only. Third, H.M.G. had no intention of paying a price to the Chinese for a change in the level of British representation in Peking. The Chinese list of pre-requisites had never been clearly

defined; it had always had an element of open-endedness. However, the Chinese had consistently listed three stumbling

blocks:

(a) The U.K. vote on the Important Question

Resolution;

(b) The British official presence on Taivan;

Taiwan.

H.M.O.'■ criteria for the recognition of states were well

known.

In particular, we took the view that it was

inappropriate to lay down conditions for recognition.

had recognised the Chinese People's Republic in January 1950 and had told the Chinese at that time that we were ready to

/proceed

COMPI

CONFIDENTIAL

proceed to an exchange of Ambassadors. This offer was still

on the table.

3. Yr. Morgan said that following the review of H.M.G.'

China policy, which he had described, the only slight element

of change was in our thinking on the Important Question

Resolution. Ministers had authorised him to mention the

following to the State Department in a most tentative way, and

against the background of the determination to make no other

changes. Next year, like the United States, we should be

examining the results of this year's vote on Chinese represent-

ation in the United Nations. We should have to take a hard

look at this issue. We should be very happy to discuss the

matter with the State Department when their own views were

clear, and to learn whether the United States would regard as

extremely unwelcome or as tolerable a change in the U.K. vote

on the Important question Resolution.

Kr. Morgan wished to

tress that H.M.O. had at this point taken no firm position on

the matter. Ne should certainly not change our vote at this

Assembly. If however the Important question Resolution, next

year, seemed destined to fail, H.M,G. would be reluctant to

"go down with it". Britain was the only country showing

sufficient flexibility of thought to vote in the affirmative

on both the Albanian Resolution and the Important question

Resolution. But to vote thus at the moment when the C.P.R.

actually gained the China seat would be to invite particular

difficulties in our relations with Peking. Our mission there

sould expect to be put in a particularly exclusive dog house

this price could perhaps be too high,

b. Ir. Farr observed that some other countries planned to

move this year to a position on this question similar to our

/own

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAI

own present position,

The Canadians had so far failed to

reveal precisely how they planned to vote.

5. Mr. Korgan reiterated that what he had said was put

It should be seen in the context

forward most tentatively,

of a re-appraisal which we should all have to make next year.

Noanwhile, we were doing no more than weigh the advantages.

Kr. Jenkins said that he saa relieved to hear this. A change

in our position this year would raise probleme. Mr. Morgan.

said that we had told the Chinese that there would be no

change in our position this year.

The

But

6. Mr. Brown thought that there would be a majority of

12-14 for the Important Question Resolution this year.

Albanian Resolution however would be a hard run thing.

Mr. Morgan thought that the Albanians sight gain a simple

majority. He asked about the position of Bolivia, Mr. Brown

said that Torres had indier ted that Bolivia would not recognise

China, North Vietnam or Cuba. There might be a majority for

the Albanian Resolution of between one and three votes,

the vote could go the other way by the same margin. The

Itslian position was unclear. Before Canadian recognition

of the C.P.R., the Italians had given the impression that they

were in no hurry. Now it seemed more likely that they would

recognise the C.P.R. before this year's vote. Indeed they

might adjust their vote even if they had not recognised the

C.P.R. at the time of the debate.

The U.S.3.2. would no

doubt try to take credit from the outcome.

It was no table

that the Russians had leaned hard on the Belgians to withdraw

their proposal for dual Chinese representation.

CONFIDENT

17.

CONFIDENTIAL

7. Er. Brown said that the U.S. experts had placed question

marks against the following U.X. members, who might éwitch from

a negative to a positive vote on the Albanian Resolution:

Bolivia, Cameroon, C.A.R. (despite recent contacte with Taiwan),

Luxembourg, Colombia, Malaysia and Peru. The following might

Canada,

also switch to a positive vote, from an abstention:

Chile, Equatorial Guinea, Guyana, Italy, Tunisia, Mr. Brown

naked whether, to our knowledge, the Chinese had been exerting

pressure on other countries to vote against the Important

Question Resolution. Nr. Morgan said that this had not cropped

up with colleagues in Peking. However, he had been struck

how much attention the Chinese paid to this point in their

conversations with him. Hr. Brown thought that the following

might vote this year against the Important Question Resolution:

Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Guyana, Italy, Peru, Malaysia

(definitely), and Austria.

Mr. Yorgan turned to the question of British subjects

detained in China. H.1.0, took the position that relations

with China could not be described as good or even normal se

If the Chinese long as six British subjects were detained,

wished to make a gesture, they had been told, they should

relcase Mr. Crouch and Mr. Johnston and allow the other four

detained Britons to return to their work in Peking.

Meanwhile,

he preferred to talk of a normalisation in the mechanics of our relations; a recent example was restoration of the parcel post between Canton and Hong Kong. Nr. Parr asked whether

the Chinese had linked the question of detained British subjecta with the Important Question Resolution. Kr. Morgan said that

Mr. Morgan said that the most interesting point to emerge

from his visit to Peking was the categorical statement by the

Chinese that the C.P.R. had withdrawn its conditions for

taking the Chins seat should the Albanian Resolution be adopted.

Apart from the State Department we had informed the Canadians

and Japanese of this exchange with the Chinese. We must aak

that it remain confidential.

T'ang had at first

10.

Mr. Morgan contrasted the reiteration by the Chinese

Chargé d'Affaires in London in Kay of the customary list of

sonditions to be satisfied before China would take her place

in the D.N. with the attitude adopted in the last week of

September by the Aeting Director of the West European

Tupartment of the 1.P.A. în Peking.

declined to confirm the assumption expressed by Mr. Morgan

that the Chinese conditions remained in force. Later T'ang

had said that he had been instructed to reply that there was

a "rumour and plot" that China would not take her seat ir

voted in. Mr. Morgan had replied that the rumour and plot

had apparently been spread by the Chinese Minister of Foreign

Affairs when speaking to Japanese journalists in 1965.

Was

it & Ægir daduetion that Chen Yi's words on that occasion no

longer represented Chinese policy? T'ang had confirmed this

paint: China's ambitions were limited to "restoration of her

legitimate rights", by which, he made it clear, he meant

passage of an Albanian type resolution followed by ita

consequences.

11. Mr. Morgan said that there had earlier been hinta to

the Yugoslavs and Swedes in Peking on these lines, but, he

thought, nothing so categorical as Ir. T'ang's statement,

CONFIDENTIAL

/It seemed

CONFIDENTIAL

It seemed clear that a change in Chinese policy had occurred

between May and September. Hr. Jenkina naked whether there

was more to the present show of moderation by the Chinese

than a return to reasonable behaviour following the Cultural

Revolution.

Mr. Horgan thought that the present phase might

best be described as one of tidying up after the excesses of

the Cultural Revolution. The Chinese had sent back a number

of Ambassadors, Their missions were behaving more correctly.

Presumably they were reporting with more efficiency, This

could lead to further foreign policy initiatives in due course,

but it was early to expect a general relaxation.

FROM PARIS TO FOREIGN AND COLLIONWEALTH OFFICE

Addressed to Foreign and Consonwealth Office telegrEM No 70 baving of 20 October 1970. Rr 1 saving to:

Washington Kome

UK is New York UKis Geneva

pla

ينيا

From UK Delegation to UNESCO General Conference

CHINESE REPRESENTATION IN THE UN AND SPECIALISED AGENCIES

On 12 October the Chairman of the Credentials Committee presented the Committee's first report to the plenary session of the Conference. He reported inter ali that the Roumanian representative on the Committee had objected to the credentials presented in the name of the Republic of China, declaring that the delegation which presented them did not represent the Chinese people. The US representative on the Commit:ee, supported by the Australian representative, had submitted to the Committee a draft resolution in the following terms:

"La Conférence générale,

Rappelant la recommandation de la cinquième session ordinaire de l'Assembléee générale des Nations Unies, en date du 14 décembre 1950, recommandant que 'l'attitude qu'aura adoptée l'Assemblée générale' sur la question de la représentation des Etats membres 'soit prise en considération par les autres organes des Nations Unies et par les institutions spécialisées'

b. Happelant la décision prise par l'Assemblée générale à sa vingt-deuxième session ordinaire, le 28 novembre 1967, concernant la représentation de la Chine,

1. Décide de ne prendre aucure décision concernant bute proposition tendant à modifier la représentation de la Chine à så seizième seosion ordinaire;

2. Constate que les pouvoirs des délégués du gouvernement de le République de Chine sont conformes aux dispositions de l'article 22 du Règlement intérieur."

This resolution had been adopted in the Committee by 4 votes for, 3 against and 1 abstention. The Committee accordingly recommended the resolution to the Conference.

2. In the ensuing debate the UK delegation spoke as instructed in the brief as follows:

"The United Kingdom delegation has great difficulty with the

/paragraphs

•

-2-

paragraphs of this draft resolution dealing with the representation of China.

The view of the United Kingdom delcgation is that representatives appointed by the Government of the People's Republic of China, which is the Government of China, should be seated in other organs of the United Lutions and in the Specialised ..gencies as they should be soetod in the General Assembly. It is clear, however, that the views of the British delegation are strongly contested by others. It is clear also that our objective, which is to seek a solution as just as possible in the vexed circumstances which have surrounded this issue for so many years will not be achieved by procedural wrangles in the Specialised Agencies. Furthermore, the Goverment of the Yeople's Republic of China themselves have indicated that so long as their representatives are not seated in the General Assembly they would scorn participation in the activities of other organs of the United Rations and of the specialised "gencies.

It therefore appears to the British delegation that although this Organization is legally competent to decide the question for its own purposes, our efforts should be centred upon a settlement in the General Assembly. We believe that it is there, through a more reasonable and sensible attitude by the protagonists of both sides, that the problem must be set.led. Ge think, indeed, that we may dilute and weaken our efforts to this ond if we force the issue here.

The British delegation therefore supports the draft resolution of the Credentials Committee. 15

3. A roll call voto was taken. The result was 59 for (UK), 39 against, 20 abstentions and 4 absentees.

The proceedings will be reported in the verbatim records of the second plenary meeting of the 16th Session of the General Conference of UNESCO.

FCO/WHITEHALL DISTRIBUTION

W.E.D.

C NFIDENTIAL

"outh "hst Asian Departnení

co./..

U.M. (Political) Department.

Thile I was in Bangkok I saw a copy of a telegram from UKMI8 New York about Chinese representa- tion in the U"N, which suggested that the Cambodian, following the change of regime, would vote against Peking's occupation of the China seat. I think that there is already on record an account of Kr. Royle's conversation with the Cambodian Foreign Minister during his recent visit to London. On this occasion the question about Cambodia's vote was out direct to Ir. Koun Vick and he replied that the Cambodian delegate would absent himself, UKNIS New York appear to have overlooked this or perhaps the Cambodians have changed their minds.

U Agle you

MAZ

FED.

(K.H. Wilford) 23 October. 1970

CONFIDENTIAL

UNCLASSIFIED

BRITISH EMBASSY WASHINGTON, D.C.

hur (rowow Tance

|A22/

Cups to UM (PA) Depr Americanteger

19 October, 1970

Dear Len, RAIFE, IRD, PUSD.

Chinese Representation

Fac qu

The New York Times of 18 October carried a brief item recording the results of a Gallup Poll, completed in September, on American attitudes to Chinese representa- tion. The paper pointed out that according to this survey the number of Americans favouring the seating of the C.P.R. had reached its highest point ever. Asked "whether Communist China should or should not be admitted as a member of the United Nations", 35% answered in the affirmative and 49% in the negative. There were 16% don't knows.

Чт ети

Jour

(J. I. Boyd)

L. V. Appleyard, Esq.,

Far Eastern Department,

Foreign ; and Commonwealth Office.

c.c. Chanceries: Peking, UKMis New York

P.S.

The Washington Post has pointed out that during the 1950's the affirmative response never rose higher than 17%.

M. Purcell (East African Department) Mr. Banbury (West African Department) Mr. Woodfield (West African Department) Mr. Poaton (est African Department) Mr. de Ling (American Department) Mr. Austin (American Department) Mr. Hendrie (American Department)

Hr. Doble (Arabian Department)

Hr. Sullivan (South West Pacific Department)

Mr. Nason (UN (Pol) Department) (For information/

Mr. Brewer (Research Department) (For information/

Kr. Crowson (Far Eastern Department) For information

CHINA AND THE UNITED NATIONS

There has been considerable speculation recently, mainly in Peking and New York, that some countries will change their votes this year on the two resolutions on Chinese representation in the United Nations. You will recall that the two resolutions are: firstly, the American-sponsored Important question Resolution, laying down that any resolution calling for a change in Chinese representation must have a two-thirds majority; and, secondly, the Albanian Resolution, which calls for the immediate seating of Peking and the exclusion of the Nationalists.

2. I have put down below a list of countries about which there is some speculation of one kind or another, together with their voting pattern for 1969.

3. Some other countries have already indicated that they will change their vote (e.g., Malaysia and Canada). The Central African Republic was reported earlier to be contemplating a switch, but judging by Tamsui telegram No. 3 to UKMIS New York, reporting a recent visit to Taiwan by General Bokassa, this seems highly unlikely.

4. Without any background knowledge of the current political situation in these countries, it is difficult to know how much weight to attach to the speculation in New York. I should be grateful if Desk Officers could let me have some idea of whether there have been significant changes in the internal balance of power in their countries which might affect voting on the China seat this year, Chile is an obvious example.

L. Appleyard. F.E.D.

Liffreeyard

(L. V. Appleyard) Far Eastern Department

19 October, 1970.

Mauctions.

I should wingine thar Manation's wild contrine or vote

Live

the Important Question Resolution. I do not understand the Albanian Revolution look by low "bler voting for the Albanian Pesolation look Ati in corect?)

year. (Are you

over twes

2. The mauritian's are not dispored to favour any from Peking. Some experts from Tamian have assited the

reci-grow.

Mauritian's recently, welt exfermental reci- mancican Government fears Itar a left-wing

the in land

possibly receiving some

(Iltih).

militant grouping

form of examenchip or support from Peking will I think, fermave Item or take a

ir line and drove against the Albanian resolution'. Its

(9069) (1.8)3852 3m 1/47 G.W.B.LM. GSM)

PARLIAMENTARY QUESTION

for [ORAL answer 7th October 1970

FAR EASTERN

V. p. Pre

The draft reply should reach the Parliamentary Office through your Under-Secretary by

Now Thunday Sw

*La./Co. Mr. John Rankin (Glasgow, Govan): To ask the

Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, what steps he proposes taking to

enable China to be invited to join the United Nations Organisation.

Mr. Grzell Gelber,

For many years we have voted for the seating of the Chinese

my it. hon. friend People's Republic and shall do so again this year. As said

his

in speech in the United Nations on the 24th of September, the

absence of China from the United Nations makes the solution of many

pressing world problems all the more difficult.

27th October 1970

*La./Co. Mr. John Rankin (Glasgow, Govan): To ask the

Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, what steps he proposes taking to

enable China to be invited to join the United Nations Organisation.

No. 78

MR. JOSEPH GODBER

For many years we have voted for the seating of the Chinese People's Republic and shall do so again this year. As my right honourable Friend said in his speech in the United Nations on the 24th of September, the absence of China from the United Nations makes the solution of many pressing world problems all the more difficult.

REFERENCES

Flag A

Secretary of State's speech in the United Nations

Flag B P.Q. Hr. Foley's reply to

Mr. Allaun

Flag C

Flag D

P.Q. Mr. Foley's reply to Mr. Judd

P.q. Mr. Roberts' reply to Mr. Whitaker

Flag E P.q. Mr. Roberts' reply to

NOTES FOR SUPPLEMENTARIES

U.K. Vote for the Important Question Resolution

1. We take the view that a change in the representation of

China, which is a Permanent Member of the Security Council, is

an "Important Question" under Article 18(2) of the Charter.

This view is borne out by the deep division of opinion in the

United Nations on this matter as shown by the voting each year.

Are Me Proposing to Change our Vote this Yearî

We have no plans to change our vote this year.

orments on Canadian Recognition of China

I do

3. This is a matter for the Canadian Government alone.

not think it would be right for me to comment. Our own position

is well known. We recognise the Government of the Chinese

People's Republic as the only Government of China.

Effect of Canadian Decision of Voting

4. I do not think it would be useful for me to speculate on

this point. I have already made our own position quite clear.

/Two Chinas Solution

Jings Jolution

I do not think that in the present circumstances a solution on

these lines is possible. The position of both the Chinese People's

Republic and of the Nationalist Authorities is that they are the

sole legitimate Government of China, and should rightfully occupy

the China seat in the United Nations. Two delegations cannot

represent the same country. Moreover, any suggestion that

Taiwan is not an integral part of China is anathema to both the

Chinese People's Republic and the Nationalists.

Would the Entry of the Chinese People's Republic Disrupt the Work of the United Nations?

16.

It is likely that the entry of the Chinese People's Republic

would add to existing difficulties in the operation of the

Organisation and the Specialised Agencies.

But we believe that

the United Nations should be a universal organisation, and that

the exclusion of the Chinese People's Republic is harmful both to

the United Nations and China.

Sovereignty over Taiwan (Formosa)

7. Our representatives at the United Nations have made it

abundantly clear on many occasions that, in the opinion of Her

Majesty's Government, sovereignty over Taiwan remains

Chinese Representation in the United Nations

Mr. Rankin's Parliamentary Question

Mr. Rankin has put down a question for oral answer on

27 October about our position on Chinese representation in

the United Nations.

On past form, Mr. Rankin is likely to

take the line that we are not doing enough to secure the

entry of Peking and that our voting pattern is contradictory.

I submit a draft reply and notes for supplementaries

There has been a good deal of speculation recently in

the press about the changes of voting this year on the Chine

seat in the United Nations; Canada's recent recognition of

China has strengthened this interest. I have therefore

prepared a short background note to cover this point.

3. U.N. (Political) Department concur.

Mr. Lambert (U.N. (Political) Department) Mr. Laird (Hong Kong Department)

CONFIDENTIAL

BACKGROUND NOTE

Chinese Representation in the United Nations

Our Position

1. Since 1961 we have consistently voted for the Soviet (now

Albanian) resolution calling for the seating of Peking and the

exclusion of the Nationalists. We also vote each year for the

American-sponsored resolution (automatically taken first) which defines Chinese representation as an "important" question under

Article 18 (2) of the Charter, so that any resolution proposing

a change requires a two-thirds majority.

We argue that this

stems from the inherent importance of the question, and the

deep division of opinion in the United Nations on this matter.

Canadian Recognition of China

On 13 October this year the Canadian and Chinese Governments

reached agreement on mutual recognition, and published a communiqué

in this sense. It now seems likely that Canada will support the

Albanian resolution this time, but it is not clear how they will

vote on the Important Question resolution (presumably they will

either abstain or vote against). Other countries, notably Italy,

could follow Canada's example in recognising China, but it is

doubtful whether they will do so in time for this year's vote.

Voting Changes

3. There has been a good deal of speculation in New York that

a number of countries will change their votes this year.

include Kalaysia and Canada (who have already declared their

intention of so doing) and also certain Francophone African

countries and possibly some Latin American countries. Our

Mission in New York estimates on present showing that voting

on the Albanian resolution will be close this year and could

end in a simple majority for the first time. But the

Important Question resolution is expected to be passed again

quite comfortably, so that the odds are still strongly against

Peking's entry this year.

Far Eastern Department,

20 October, 1970

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIΑΣ,

Registry Circulated 19/10

LC.

Mr. Purcell (East African Department) Mr. Barbury (West African Department)

Kr. Woodfield (West African Department)

Mr. Poator (Feat African Department) Mr. de Lång (American Department) Mr. Austin (American Department) Kr. Hendrie (American Department) Hr. Dobla (Arabian Department)

外

сто

2/4

Mr. Sullivan (South West Pacific Department) Mr. Nason (uw (Pol) Department) For information

Mr. Brever (Research Department) (For information? Mr. Grosson (Far Eastern Department) [For information

CHINA AND THE UNITED NATIONS

There has been considerable speculation resently, sainly in Paking and New York, that some countries will change their votes this year on the two resolutions on Chinese representation in the United Fations. You will recall that the two resolutions are: firstly, the American-sponsored. Important question Resolution, laying down that any risolution calling for a change in Chinese representation mat have a two-thirds majority; and, secondly, the Albanian Resolution, which onlls for the immediate seating of Peking and the exclusion of the Nationalists.

2, I have put down below a list of countries about which there is some speculation of one kind or another, together with their voting pattern for 1969.

3. Some other countries have already indicated that they will change their vote (e.g., Malaysia and Canada). The Central African Republic was reported earlier to be contemplating a switch, but judging by Tamsul talegram No. 3 to UKNIS New York, reporting a recent visit to Taiwan by General Bokassa, this seem highly unlikely.

Without any background knowledge of the current political situation in these countries, it is difficult to know how mch weight to attach to the speculation in New York, I should be grateful if Desk officers could let me have some idea of whether there have been significant changes in the internal balance of power in their countries, which might affset voting on the China seat this year, Chile is an obvious example.

(L. V. Appleyard) Far Eastern Department

Move to admit China to Unesco is rejected

From Ger Own Correspondent 61 votes to 29 and 20 abstentioas

Paris. Oct. 13

The sixteenth session of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisa. tion general conference which opened in Paris yesterday decided by 59 votes to 39 and 20 absten- tions not to admit communist China to membership of the are anization. France voted [or China's admission, together with Sweden, Finland, Rostia and the eastern European countries. Japan, west Germany, the United States, Canada and Biras voted against.

The conference also decided by

not to place the question of the admission of east Germany on the agenda.

Señor Attilio Dell'oro Maini, of Argentina, was unanimously elec tod president of the conference.

M. René Mahou, the Director- General of Unesco, presented the two-year programme and budget and the outline long-term plan for 1971 to 1976.

M. Maheu quashed all rumours that he was contemplating retire ment before his second term of office as Director-General ended in 1974. He would stay another four years, "in spite of all the man- oeuvres against me ".

TAMSUI TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

TAMSUI TELEGRAM NO.3 TO UKMIS NEW YORK OF 17 OCTOBER 1970

CONFIDENTIAL 1701302

Addressed to UKNIS New York telegram No.3

And to FCO and Peking, Repeated for information to Bangui, Washington,

Hong Kong.

Your telegram No.2238:

United Nations.

Chinese Representation at the

It would seem unlikely Central African Republic will switch its vote this year. General Bokassa is on 10 day official visit to Taiwan and was guest of honour at Double Tenth Celebrations. In his public statements he has reiterated his wish that Central African Republic and Republic of China will strengthen their ties. The

2 countries signed a trade pact and agricultural corporation agreement on 16 October.

FCO please pass.

Mr. Duffy.

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

RES. DEPT. (V.E.SECT)

[Repeated as requested]

Far Eastern Department

15 October, 1970.

Chipa Vote

Many thanks for your letter of 13 October, which I am copying round, We are grateful to you for keeping us up-to-da te

We shall on the score sheet for the vote on the China soat. continue to welcome periodic assessments, especially in the wake of the Canadian decision, and would prefer to have too many, rather than too few reports. We should also be glad to have the earliest possible prior warning of when the vote is likely to take place, though we appreciate that this is hard to predict in advance.

2. We take your point about the difficulties of revoting the

We had reached the same Important Question Resolution,

conclusion here. We agree with you that it looks as if the Resolution will get through safely this year (with a reduced majority), but we wonder whether it will not already be under pressure next year,

(L. V. Appleyard)

Miss M. B. Stallard-Penoyre,

UK Mission to the United Nations,

C. d. Howalls, rage, 50

TONG

J. D. I. Boyd, Esq.,

Esq., WASHINGTON,

J. K. Allan, Esq., PEKING.

J. P. P. Nason, Esq., UN (Pol.) Dept., FCO. (with enclosure)

(With enclosure)

CONFIDENTIAL

(134999) D4. 737113 750W 400 31m.

NOTHING TO BE WRITTEN IN THIS MARGIN

CONFIDENTIAL

Registry No.

SECURITY CLASSIFICATION

Top Secret. Secret. Confidential Restricted. Unclassified.

Miss M.B Stallard- Pendyre MYOMRYWILNES, äsen,

UK Mission to the United

Nations,

845 Third Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10022.

J.D.I. Boyd, WASHINGTON.

J.N. Allan, PEKING.

C.J. Howells, HỒNG KONG.

China Vote

anylaming to

Many thanks for your last 130 her, which lang

rosand. We are grateful to you for keeping us up-to-date

on the score sheet for the vote on the China seat.

We shall continue to welcome perfodic assessments,

especially in the wake of the Canadian decision, and

would prefer to have too many, rather than too few

reports. We should also be glad to have the earliest

possible prior warning of when the vote is likely to

take place, though we appreciate that this is hard to

predict in advance,

We take your point about the difficulties of revoting the lymportant Ovention Resolution. We had renched the danfe conchesion here. We agree with you

The

that it looks as if the Resolution wind get through

(wid a redeyed majusity),

Safely this fear and we wonder whether it wish

.P.P. Nason, gready be U.N.(Pol.) Dept. w

pressure next year.

Endlere cries atniss SAPs litter

UNITED KINGDOM Mission to the UNITED NATIONS 845 Third Avenue, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10022

We were grateful to receive a copy of Boyd's letter (UN 2/6) of

2 October to you, and agree with most of its conclusions.

With regard to the procedural point raised in paragraph 4, the relevant UN Rule of Procedure (Rule 83) reads as follows:-

"When a proposal has been adopted or rejected it may not be reconsidered at the same Session unless the General Assembly, by a two-thirds majority of the Members present and voting, so decides. Permission to speak on a motion shall be accorded only to two speakers opposing the motion, after which it shall be immediately put to the vote."

There is some speculation current here that the Albanians or some other ardent supporter of Peking might propose the reconsideration of the Important Question resolution if the Albanian resolution gets a simple majority. But, even though there may be a small slippage on the voting on the Important Question resolution this year (from 71 in favour to 48 against with 4 abstentions in 1969), it should sail through the first time without any difficulty. Even though in the event of a subsequent simple majority for the Albanian resolution a number of countries might be embarrassed into abstaining on a procedural motion to reconsider the Important Question resolution, it seems unlikely that there would be insufficient negative votes to block a proposal for reconsideration. We therefore still feel that even if the Albanian resolution gets a small simple majority, the pressure on the Important Question resolution will not be felt until 1972.

his. Mym. You will have seen unasubion

already. I assume this was your

L. V. Appleyard, Esq.,

Far Eastern Department,

FCO.

new too.

MATH/10

(M. B. Stallard-Penoyre) (Miss)

J. D. I. Boyd, Esq., WASHINGTON Chancery, PEKING

Mrs. Chi, (U.N. (Political) Department.)

I. Lamber.N. (Political) Department.)

Ar. Appleyard, (Far Eastern, Department). Roon K.248

But note

From El

China and U.N.

Paragraph 4 of Mr. Boyd's letter.

I believe I am right in saying that if the Albanian resolution is passed, then someone could propose that whether the issue was en "important question" or not should then be put to the vote; would only require a simple majority; many might vote against its being an "important question" because of the result of the Albanian resolution, and then there might never be a vote on the "important question" itself, and the West might lose the battle on a simple majority.

this

2. I think we must accept there is a distinct possib- ility that the stalemate of the last few years might be resolved, to the CPR's advantage, this session. believe FED are preparing submissions for such a contingency.

Mith

(J. P. P. Nagon)

U.N. (Political) Dept.

8 October, 1970.

голо

Ju 22 10

M. let me have pp. complete

BRITISH EMBASSY WASHINGTON, D.C.

The Americans are now bee

becaring really worried about voting a

InApply October, 1970 16/10

the China seat.

the Groton My Dear Len,

Fur. Wasan UN (Pd) Agst.

China and the U.N.

FEC 2/4

지나

for guidance un para 4 please. Mink fed for

Copy to CD(FE), IRD, PUID

I had a word this morning with Bill Brown in A.C.A. about the fruits of John Morgan's visit to Peking. A.C.A. were glad and I think a little relieved to have the gist of the exchange on U.N. matters and on our attitude to Taiwan (Peking telegram No. 627). Brown told me that as a result of the recent misleading A.P. story on Sino/British relations (my letter U 3/1 of 18 September) there had been a touch of departmental unease

about British intentions towards China which A.C.A. had done their best to scotch.

I for Mr. Morgan might be some slippage in voting, there would be no fundamental

to see).

2. We went on to have a word about Chinese representation in gneeral. Brown said that, as I knew, departmental orthodoxy at the time we last discussed the question was that, while there

The change this year on either of the two standard resolutions. State Department and the U.S. Mission in New York had exchanged a number of comforting messages in this sense. However, Brown said, as the days passed his personal doubts about the wisdom of this orthodoxy were growing. (As you know, Nick Platt has felt this way for some time). Brown suspected that the vote on the Albanian resolution this year would in fact be very close indeed. The Malaysians were believed to be considering & switch of vote. The Latin American situation, because of the possibility that Allende might achieve power, was now less certain tha before. There was absolutely no news on Canadian and Italian intentions, which only added to the general uncertainty. Brown said that sine the meeting of 1 August in Stockholm the Canadians had been polite but singularly reticent with the Americans on the subject.of their negotiations with the Chinese.

3. Brown felt that the Chinese had played a shrewd game in allowing it to be believed that there had been a general change in their policy on Chinese representation. There was of course no doubt that in practice they would still insist on the tabling in the Assembly of a resolution which specifically expelled Taiwan. The Albanian Foreign Minister was coming to this session, it was believed with the task of making quite sure that the Albanian resolution was the only substantive one tabled this year by supporters of the C.P.R. The Chinese thought, in short, that the famous "Zambian resolution" had served

/its

L. V. Appleyard, Esq.,

Far Eastern Department,

Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

CONFIDENTIAL

c.c.

CONFIDENTIAL

purpose of shaking the fabric and that the time had now come to kill it.

4. Brown thought that if the Albanian resolution passed, the important question resolution would be in some peril. Many of those who had voted for it would, in retrospect, feel considera- bly embarrassed. Without being an expert on practice in the General Assembly he had the feeling that it was technically pos- sible for the Assembly, after the vote on the important question and Albanian resolutions, to vote to re-consider its position on the former (is this fact?) If so we might see a slide.

5. I said that if Brown was right, time was short indeed for any change in U.S. strategy. He agreed that this was so but made no further comment.

PRIORITY UK MISSION NEW YORK

TELEGRAM NO. 2238

CONFIDENTIAL

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

6 OCTOBER 1970

CONFIDENTIAL 262331Z

ADDRESSED TO FCO TEL40. 2238 OF 6 OCTOBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO WASHINGTON PEKING SAVING TO MOSCOW TAMSUI PARIS HONG KONG OTTAWA

* AND FIJI.

MY TELNO. 2:54 AND IEKING TELS. NOS. 627 AND 628: CHINESE

REPRESENTATION AT THE UN.

IT LOOKS AS THOUGH THE VOTE ON THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION THIS YEAR MAY BE VERY CLOSE AND THAT IT MIGHT EVEN JUST SECURE A SIMPLE

MAJORITY.

2. THERE WERE SOME INTERESTING STATEMENTS IN THE RECENTLY CONCLUDED GENERAL DEBATE. FOR EXAMPLE, THE KUWAITI STATEMENT GAVE A CLEAR INDICATION OF A CHANGE FROM LAST YEAR'S ABSTENTION TO A POSITIVE VOTE THIS YEAR. THE INDONESIAN STATEMENT WAS ON SIMILAR LINES (INDONESIA WAS ABSENT FROM THE VOTE LAST YEAR). THE STATEMENTS OF TOGO AND SIERRA LEONE IMPLIED THAT THEY MIGHT MOVE FROM A NEGATIVE VOTE TO AN ABSTENTION. ON THE OTHER HAND THE CAMBODIAN STATEMENT SUGGESTED A SWITCH FROM A POSITIVE TO A NEGATIVE VOTE.

3. THE FRENCH MISSION THINK THAT THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, CAMEROON AND SENEGAL MAY WELL SWITCH FROM NEGATIVE TO POSITIVE VOTES ALTHOUGH THERE IS NO EXTERNAL EVIDENCE FOR THIS SO FAR. 4. THE PERUVIAN MISSION HAVE TOLD US THAT THEY AND A NUMBER OF OTHER LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES ARE RELUCTANT TO CONTINUE TO VOTE AGAINST THE SEATING OF PEKING. THEY WOULD FOR EXAMPLE HAVE BEEN INCLINED TO SUPPORT SOMETHING LIKE THE PROPOSED BELGIAN RESOLUTION, HOWEVER, IF AS SEEMS LIKELY THE RESOLUTIONS ARE THE SAME AS USUAL THIS YEAR, THERE WILL PROBABLY NOT BE ANY SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN LATIN AMERICAN VOTING · EXCEPT PERHAPS FOR CHILE IN THE LIGHT OF

THE RECENT ELECTION RESULT.

5. THE CANADIANS AND ITALIANS ARE LYING LOW. THE CANADIANS HAVE TOLD US THAT THE TALKS WITH THE CHINESE ARE STILL GOING ON AND

THAT THEIR VOTE WILL OBVIOUSLY DEPEND ON THE RESULT OF THESE. THEY

MAY NOT MAKE A DECISION UNTIL THE LAST MOMENT.

6. THE AMERICANS HAVE INSTRUCTIONS 'TO EXUDE CONFIDENCE'' AND

ARE THEREFORE TENDING TO BELITTLE THE SIGNIFICANCE OF GENERAL

DEBATE STATEMENTS. HOWEVER THEY HAVE ADMITTED TO US IN PRIVATE

THAT THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION WILL BE A VERY CLOSE RUN THING.

7. AGAINST ALL THIS, NO ONE HAS ANY DOUBT THAT THE IMPORTANT

QUESTION RESOLUTION WILL BE ADOPTED WITHOUT DIFFICULTY. THEREFORE

A SIMPLE MAJORITY FOR THE ALBANIAN RESOLUTION WILL MAKE NO

DIFFERENCE THIS YEAR ALTHOUGH IT COULD HAVE A CONSIDERABLE EFFECT

ON NEXT YEAR'S VOTING ON THE IMPORTANT QUESTION.

8. MEANWHILE THE AMERICANS ARE ALREADY ON THE TRACK OF THE FIJITAN

VOTE. WE HAVE DISCUSSED THIS BRIEFLY WITH A MEMBER OF THE FIJILAN

DELEGATION. HIS FIRST INSTINCT WAS THAT HIS DELEGATION WOULD DO REST

TO ABSENT THEMSELVES FROM THE VOTING THIS YEAR BOTH ON CHINESE REPRESENTATION AND ON KOREA (THE SOUTH KOREANS ARE AFTER THEM TOO).

THIS WOULD GIVE THEM TIME TO STUDY THE PROBLEMS AND TO COME TO A

DECISION FOR NEXT YEAR.

FCO PLEASE PASS PEKING SAVING TO MOSCOW TAMSUI PARIS HONG KONG

CTTAWA AND FIJI

SIR COLIN CROWE

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

F.D.J.

U.N.D.

S.L.A.D.

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

RES. DEPT. (W.E.SECT)

HMS MENA.

W.E.D.

W.U.D.

(F.3.SECT) (SOVIET SECT)

ENTORIEY FELING TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

ADDRESSED TO F.C.O. TELEGRAM NO. 623 OF 32 SEPTEMBER REPEATED FOR

INFORMATION TO WASHINGTON AND UKHIS NEW YORK.

CHINA AND THE U.N.

Fee

AS I HAVE BEEN REPORTING IN THE LAST FEW MONTHS THE EXTENT OF CHINESE EFFORTS TO WIN SUPPORT IN THE U.N. THIS YEAR IS UNPRECED- ENTED. 1, AND MY OTHER WESTERN COLLEAGUES HAVE BEEN STRUCK BY THE WAY THIS IS BEING PRESENTED AND BY THE ABSENCE OF POLE!!IC. THE REMOVAL OF THE PREVIOUS UNREALISTIC PRE-CONDITIONS SUCH AS DEMAND- ING WITHDRAWAL OF THE 1951 KOREA AGRESSOR RESOLUTION IS ALSO HIGHLY SIGNIFICANT (SEE PARAGRAPH 2 OF MY TELNO. 627).

2. OUR VIEW AS STATED BY LORD LOTHIAN IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON 14 JULY IS THAT CHINA'S ADMISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS IS A PREREQUIS- ITE FOR THE SCLUTION OF MAJOR WORLD PROBLEMS UNQUOTE. THIS YEAR MIGHT WELL BE A GOOD ONE FOR THIS TO HAPPEN. IF CHINA WERE TO BECOME A KONBER IN HER PRESENT RATHER MORE CONCILIATOR, HOOD THIS COULD MAKE THE TRANSITION EASIER AND NIGHT HAVE A FAVOURABLE EFFECT ON

HER SUBSEQUENT BEHAVIOUR.

F.C.0. PASS ROUTINE WASHINGTON AND UKMIS NEW YORK.

MR. DEISON

pls inth

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

DEPARTITAL DISTRIBUTION:

Pl. send copies of each us

Lycopies

indicated, "fate Stend

want to pather with copy of this latter. Recipienty

I am attaching for your records two copies each of the following briefs prepared for the New Zealand delegation to the twenty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly:

impr

Supplementary Item 2 Supplementary Item 5 Item 47 Item 69 and 23 Item 23 Item 87

FEW (Anlambert, UN(ETS) the Babe Buteo UN (Cal) Mill Rendit

UN (Pad) this wheatley

United Nations (Political) Department,

Foreign and Commonwealth Office,

Final Agenda Item No.

TWENTY-FIFTH REGULAR SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY

OF THE UNITED NATIONS, 1970

Restoration of the Lawful Rights of the People 's Republic of China in the United Nations.

Documents: A/5043. A/8043.

Request for inscription: letter dated 14 August 1970 from the representatives of Albania and other Members.

The Twenty-fourth Session:

Although it had been thought that moves by some member nations during 1969 to improve their relations with Communist China might affect the General Assembly's consideration of Chinese representation, voting at the Twenty-fourth Session did not vary significantly from the pattern established at the previous two sessions, although the slight improvement in the Western position which was evident in 1968 and 1969 did not continue. The procedural resolution declaring that any proposal to change the representation of China in the United Nations is an important question was carried by a majority of 71 (New Zealand) to 48 with 4 abstentions. This result was similar to that of the previous year, when the resolution was carried by 73 (New Zealand) - 47

47 - 5. Although a number of delegations voted differently in 1969, these changes tended to cancel one another out.

2. On the other hand there was a slight decline in the number of countries which opposed the Albanian resolution proposing the admission of Communist China and the explusion of Taiwan. At the Twenty-fourth Session this resolution once again failed to receive the necessary two-thirds' majority, being defeated by 48 in favour, 56 against (including New Zealand) and 21 abstentions. This compares with the previous year's vote of 44 - 58 (New Zealand) 23. Belgium, Canada, Chile, and Italy were among those countries which abstained in 1969.

3. The proposal that a study group be set up to explore the question of the representation of China was not advanced by the Italians in 1969, having been heavily defeated at the previous session. New Zealand had supported this move at the three Assembly sessions to which it was introduced, in the hope that such a study group might be able to introduce a degree of flexibility into the Assembly's consideration of the item.

Speaking in the General Debate at the Twenty-fourth Bession the Prime Minister stressed the urgent need for a

solution to the problem of Chinese representation. Sub- sequently, during the Assembly's consideration of the item, the New Zealand Permanent Representative, Mr J.V. Scott, raised the question whether the time had come when we should consider whether there is some fresh approach we could make which might bring a more constructive response from the Communist Chinese Government, We cannot be sure that the right circumstances yet exist. But my Government believes that the present time is more propitious than any in recent years for a fresh and genuine attempt to solve the dilemma. These remarks aroused a good deal of interest and some speculation that New Zealand might be contemplating some departure from the attitudes which it had fomerly held, Although New Zealand speakers emphasised in this way their conviction that the Assembly should abandon its long-standing rigidity on this issue and make genuine efforts to seek a compromise, there seems little prospect that this course will be followed at the Twenty-fifth Session.

Communist Chinese Foreign Policy:

5. At the time of last year's Assembly it seemed that the return of relatively stable conditions in China and the apparent ending of the Cultural Revolution indicated that 2 moderate" faction had established some degree of ascendancy in Peking. This appeared to be confirmed by the reappearance of a degree of professionalism in the direction of China's foreign policy, and by events such as the assignment of Chinese Ambassadors to posts which had been vacant since 1966, the opening of border talks with the Soviet Union, and the evident willingness of the Chinese to continue their negotiations with the Canadiana. It appeared that the Chinese wished to end their isolation by playing a more forthcoming international role, and it was hoped that, with policy apparently being dictated by the "moderate" elements in Peking, this process would extend even to countries which had previously faced Peking's hostility. It was regarded as particularly encouraging

that even President Nixon's rather tentative moves towards reducing the United States' economic boycott of China were received, if without any degree of warmth or apparent interest, at least without any violently hostile reaction. In such a climate the remarks of New Zealand's representative to the Twenty-fourth Session of the General Assembly (quoted in paragraph 4 above) were not inappropriate.

6. Subsequent events. however, have not borne out this assessment of China's intentions. It is becoming apparent that, although the Chinese have shown considerable tactical flexibility and diplomatic skill, there has been little if any change in their underlying attitudes. It is doubtful whether in either the border talks with the Soviet Union or the negotiations with Canada they have shown any willingness to compromise on issues which they regard as essential.

In particular they have shown by their reopening and subsequent indefinite suspension of the Warsaw talks that, while they are willing to give an appearance of flexibility, their desire to improve relations with the United States is accorded a much lower priority (if it exists at all) than that given to anti-United States activities in Asia. It is significant that China's most notable (and successful) diplomatic efforts in recent months have been directed bwards objectives which demonstrate its fundamental militancy and its continuing opposition to the Western presence in Asia (which, it is well to remember, includes active supporters of United States intervention such as Australia and New Zealand). Peking's success in establishing itself since May 1970 as the leader of an Asian anti- imperialist united front and in asserting its preeminent role in the anti-United States struggle in Indochina suggests that it is extremely unlikely to consider improving its relations with the United States, at least until it sees no further usefulness in its present anti-United States atand. Peking's continuing hostility towards the United States is evident in the statement on Cambodia issued in Mao's name on 20 May 1920. (The full text is attached as an annex.) This containa intemperate and abusive attacks on the United States in terms which suggest no interest China's part in improving its relations with the United States. No degree of flexibility seems to be implied in statements such as "A new upsurge in the struggle against US imperialism is now emerging throughout the world the US aggressor treacherously engineered the reactionary coup d'etat by the Lon Nol-Sirik Matak clique

While massacring the people in other countries US imperialism 18 slaughtering the white and black people in its own country."

7. The pattern which has become evident in China's foreign policy since the resumption of international contacts has been basically one of strengthening friendships with countries which have in the past been prepared to accept friendship on China's own terms, In recent months Peking has also been actively seeking new friends, particularly in Africa and the Middle East, among countries such as the Sudan, Libya, and Iraq where there exis a possibility of fore- stalling or impeding the growth of Soviet influence. The degree of warmth evident in China's relationships with France and Pakistan indicates clearly (as the Chinese may intend it to do) that Peking is willing to extend its friendship to virtually any country which does not engage in "anti-Chinese activities", and which can accept, or at least refrain from contradicting, Chinese viewpoints on international issues. The Chinese have also made efforts to re-establish friendly relations with East European countries, beginning naturally with those which are most eager to maintain a degree of independence from the Soviet Union.

The expectations of a year ago that the Chinese might be willing to go further than this and attempt to resolve

their differences with countries with which they have not formerly seen eye to eye have, however, not been borne out. Even in the case of the USSR, where an improvement in relations would appear to be very much in China's interest, there has been no indication that the Chinese are prepared to compromise on any important issue, or to do more than the minimum necessary to keep talks in being. Still less have they shown any desire to negotiate seriously about their differences with countries such as the United States and India, or to respond to overtures made by, for example, Thailand and Indonesia. Nor nave they been prepared to adopt a constructive attitude towards the problems posed by South Vietnam or South Korea. In such circumstances it must be considered unrealistic to hope that they will this year be any more willing than they have been in the past to compromise on their demands for admission to the United Nations. The situation now seems a good deal less propitious for any fresh approach to the issue of Chhese representation than it did last year.

Prospects for the Twenty-fifth Session:

9. Although there are some grounds for believing that the feeling of the General Assembly is gradually moving in the direction of support for the admission of Communist China,

there appears at present to be no reason to suppose that the traditional Western position on this item cannot be held this year.

One factor, however, which even more than last year needs to be taken into account is that of the efforts made by some countries to seek better relations with Communist China. Although the voting position of Canada is probably of the greatest significance, those of Italy and, to a lesser extent, Belgium and Chile must also be regarded as subject to some uncertainty. All four of these countries abstained on the Albanian resolution in 1969, while maintaining their support for the "Important Question" resolution,

10. It has been suggested that, if the current negotiations between Canada and Communist China were to result in the establishment of diplomatic relations, several other nations might be led to reconsider their United Nations votes in the hope of eventually following suit. This possibility must be borne in mind, especially as Canada and Communist China may now be close to Chinese point of view) announcement of the establishment

viewfreement. A well timed (from the of relations could cause a good deal of confusion and uncertainty among supporters of the Western position.

11. At this late stage, however, it is at least open to doubt whether an agreement between Canada and Communist China would have any marked effect on voting at this year's Assembly, while in the absence of such a far-reaching development it is probable that Canada will vote in the same way as it did last year. (Mr Trudeau, when he visited New Zealand in May, emphasised to the Prime Minister the

Canadian view that the question of China's United Nations representation should follow, not precede, any results achieved in the field of bilateral recognition.) Similarly, there is no reason to expect that Italy or Chile will this year move any further towards the Chinese position than they have already.

temporary measure" on the basis of the territory which they actively control. Our views on this proposal have been set out in our telegram No 312 to New York. It would be difficult for New Zealand to oppose such a proposal, but despite its superficial attractiveness the Belgian draft presents many problems and it is to be hoped that the Belgians can be persuaded to proceed with it.

13. Voting at the Twenty-fifth Session may also be influenced by the overtures which the United States has made towards Communist China, and by the implications of President Nixon's policy of disengagement from Asia. The effects, if any, of these developments were not apparent, however, in 1969, and their influence in 1970 is unlikely to be more than minimal.

This,

14. Voting may also be affected to some degree by developments in Chinese domestic and foreign policy. The revulsion by many countries from the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution has now greatly diminished, and some United Nations members will no doubt be impressed by the relatively stable and rational evolution of Chinese policy in recent months, coupled with developments such as the launching of an earth satellite, the evidence of China's nuclear progress, and the signing of a substantial aid agreement for the construction of the Tan-Zam railway, may lead some governments to reassess the value of Peking's friendship. As China's efforts to renew old friendships and to establish new ones have for the most part, however, been directed towards countries which already support its admission to the United Nations along the lines proposed by the Albanians, they are not likely to gain it many new votes. Similarly, although about twenty Chinese Ambassadors have now been assigned to posts, the majority of these are in countries which already support China. Any lobbying undertaken in these countries is therefore unlikely to affect the outcome of the United Nations debate.

15. Although no agreement has been announced in the border talks being held in Peking between Communist China and the USSR, and although it is clear that their underlying hostility remains, there has been some reduction of tension along the border in recent months and both sides are apparently seeking to avoid further military confrontation. It is unlikely that the situation has improved enough for the USSR to campaign on China's behalf, at least with any degree of enthusiasm,

but the East European states may be more willing to respond to Chinese approaches and to support China's admission than their somewhat lukewarm attitude last year appeared to indicate.

16. It is most unlikely that Italy, in view of its current negotiations with the Chinese, will reintroduce its "study group" proposal, which was widely regarded by China's supporters as a Western delaying tactic.

17. There have therefore been no developments since the Twenty-fourth Session to suggest that the form or the outcome of the debate on Chinese representation this year will differ significantly from the pattern of the previous few years. Unless there should be major unforeseen changes in the situation we expect a satisfactory majority for the Important Question resolution and adequate, if perhaps slightly reduced, opposition to the Albanian resolution.

New Zealand Attitude:

18. As the statements made by the Prime Minister and the Permanent Representative at the Twenty-fourth Session made clear, New Zealand is aware of the desirability, and even the urgency, of bringing about Communist China's admission to the United Nations, and in general of ensuring that that country is encouraged to play its part in settling the many outstanding international problems which cannot be resolved without its concurrence. At the same time New Zealand has made clear its opposition to any proposal or the admission of Communist China which would mean the exp.lsion or exclusion of the Republic of China and the denial of United Nations representation to the people of Taiwan.

19.

Thus in effect we are committed to a policy based on compromise that is to say, a two-China or one-China/one Taiwan policy, although we should naturally not wish to define our position so explicitly in public. within the se limits we are prepared to he flexible, and we should be willing to consider (though we should not wish to take the lead in proposing) any suggestions which may be made for the seating of both claimants,

20. We recognise, however, that the Assembly is extremely unlikely to accept any proposal of this kind, and the delegation's instructions, which are unchanged from last year, accordingly do not lay stress on this aspect of our policy. Nevertheless, the tone and content of any New Zealand statement on this issue should be moderately worded and should reflect the Government's belief that a just solution can be reached only if both sides are prepared to abandon the rigid lines to which previous debates have clung and search for a form of compromise which will not exclude either Communist China or the Republic of China from a place in the international community.

21. As in previous years, New Zealand believes that a proposal for a change in Chinese representation is an important question and should therefore require a two- thirds' majority vote for its adoption, while its unwillingness to accept the expulsion of the Republic of China will again compel it to oppose any resolutions of the Albanian type. We have therefore agreed once again to co-sponsor the important question resolution.

Instructions

22.

The delegation should:

(a) be guided in discussion with other delegations by the Government's stand that, while it would welcome Communist China's participation in international negotiations, and although it sees advantages in its entry to the United Nations, New Zealand is not prepared to support its admission if this means the exclusion of the Republic of China and the denial of the right of the people of Taiwan to a recognized place in the international community;

(b)

seek discussions with friendly delegations to compile assessments and discuss tactics;

(o) report any new procedures or proposed alterations in tactics put forward by other delegations during the session;

(d) refer to Wellington for instructions prior to consideration of the item.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, WELLINGTON.

1 September 1970

CONFIDENTIAL

ANNEX

STATEMENT BY HAO TSE TUNG ISSUED ON

20 MAY 1970

A new upsurge in the struggle against U.S. imperialism is now emerging throughout the world. Ever since World War II, U.S. imperialism and its followers have been continuously launching wars of aggression and the people in various countries have been continuously waging revolutionary wars to defeat the aggressors. The danger of a new World War still existe, and the people of all countries must get prepared. But revolution is the main trend in the world today.

Unable to win in Vietnam and Laos, the U.S. aggressor treacherously engineered the reactionary coup d'etat by the Lon Nol-Sirik Matak clique, brazenly dispatched their troops to invade Cambodia and resumed the bombing of North Vietnam, and this has aroused the furious resistance of the three Indo-Chinese peoples. I warmly support

I warmly support the fighting spirit of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, head of state of Cambodia, in opposing U.S. imperialism and its lackeys. I warmly support the joint declaration of the Summit Conference of the Indo- chinese peoples. I warmly support the establishment of the Royal Government of National Union under the leadership of the National United Front of Kampuchea. Strengthening their unity, supporting each other and persevering in a protracted people's war, the three Indo-Chinese peoples will certainly overcome all difficulties and win complete victory.

While massacring the people in other countries, U.S. imperialism is slaughtering the white and black people in its own country. Nixon's fascist atrocities have kindled the raging flames of the revolutionary mass movement in the United States, The Chinese people firmly support the revolution- ary struggle of the American people. I am convinced that the American people who are fighting valiantly will ultimately win victory and that he fascist rule in the United States will inevitably be defeated.

The Nixon government is beset with troubles internally and externally, with utter chaos at home and extreme isolation abroad. The mass movement of protest against U.S. aggression in Cambodia has swept the globe. Less than ten days after its establishment, the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia was recognized by nearly 20 countries. The situation is getting better and better in the war of resistance against U.S. aggression and for national salvation waged by the people of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. The revolutionary armed struggles of the people of the Southeast Asian countries, the struggles of the people of Korea, Japan and other Asian countries against the revival of Japanese militarism by the U.S. and Japanese reactionaries, the struggles of the

U.S. struggles against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys. imperialism, which looks like a huge monster, is in essence a paper tiger, now in the throes of its death-bed struggle. In the world of today, who actually fears whom? It is not the Vietnamese people, the Laotian people, the Cambodian people, the Palestinian people, the Arab people or the people of other countries who fear U.S. imperialism; it is U.S. imperialism which fears the people of the world. It becomes panic-stricken at the mere rustle of leaves in the wind. Innumerable facts prove that a jut cause enjoys abundant support while an unjust cause finds little support. A weak nation can defeat a strong, a small nation can defeat a big. The people of a small country can certainly defeat aggression by a big country, if only they dare to rise in struggle, take up arms and grasp in their own hands the destiny of their country.

of history.

This is a law

People of the world, unite and defeat the U.S. aggressors and all their running dogs!

Final Agenda Item No.

TWENTY-FIFTH REGULAR SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY

OF THE UNITED NATIONS, 1970

Restoration of the Lawful Rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations.

Documents: A/8043.

A/8043. Request for inscription: letter dated 14 August 1970 from the representatives of Albania and other Members.

The Twenty-fourth Session:

a majority of 71 (New Zealand) to 48 with 4 abstentions. This result was similar to that of the previous year, when the resolution was carried by 73 (New Zealand)

5. Although a number of delegations voted differently in 1969, these changes tended to cancel one another out.

2. On the other hand there was a slight decline in the number of countries which opposed the Albanian resolution proposing the admission of Communist China and the explusion of Taiwan. At the Twenty-fourth Session this resolution once again failed to receive the necessary two-thirds! majority, being defeated by 48 in favour, 56 against (including New Zealand) and 21 abstentions. This compares with the previous year's vote of 44 58 (New Zealand) 23. Belgium, Canada, Chile, and Italy were among those countries which abstained in 1969.

The proposal that a study group be set up to explore the question of the representation of China was not advanced by the Italians in 1969, having been heavily defeated at the previous session. New Zealand had supported this move at the three Assembly sessions to which it was introduced, in the hope that such a study group might be able to introduce a degree of flexibility into the Assembly's consideration of the item.

Speaking in the General Debate at the Twenty-fourth session the Prime Minister stressed the urgent need for a

solution to the problem of Chinese representation. Sub- sequently, during the Assembly's consideration of the item, the New Zealand Permanent Representative, Mr J.V. Scott, raised the question whether the time had come 'when we should consider whether there is some fresh approach we could make which might bring a more constructive response from the Communist Chinese Government, We cannot be sure that the right circumstances yet exist. But my Government believes that the present time is more propitious than any in recent years for a fresh and genuine attempt to solve the dilemma. These remarks aroused a good deal of interest and some speculation that New Zealand might be contemplating some departure from the attitudes which it had fomerly held. Although New Zealand speakers emphasised in this way their conviction that the Assembly should abandon its long-standing rigidity on this issue and make genuine efforts to seek a compromise, there seems little prospect that this course will be followed at the Twenty-fifth Session.

Communist Chinese Foreign Policy:

At the time of last year's Assembly it seemed that the return of relatively stable conditions in China and the apparent ending of the Cultural Revolution indicated that A moderate" faction had established some degree of ascendancy in Peking. This appeared to be confirmed by the reappearance of a degree of professionalism in the direction of China's foreign policy, and by events such as the assignment of Chinese Ambassadors to posts which had been vacant since 1966, the opening of border talks with the Soviet Union, and the evident willingness of the Chinese to continue their negotiations with the Canadianí. It appeared that the Chinese wished to end their isolation by playing a more forthcoming international role, and it was hoped that, with policy apparently being dictated by the "moderate" elements in Peking, this process would extend even to countries which had previously faced Peking's hostility. It was regarded as particularly encouraging that even President Nixon's rather tentative moves towards reducing the United States' economic boycott of China were received, if without any degree of warmth or apparent interest, at least without any violently hostile reaction. In such a climate the remarks of New Zealand's representative to the Twenty-fourth Session of the General Assembly (quoted in paragraph 4 above) were not inappropriate.

6. Subsequent events, however, have not borne out this assessment of China's intentions. It is becoming apparent that, although the Chinese have shown considerable tactical flexibility and diplomatic skill, there has been little if any change in their underlying attitudes. It is doubtful whether in either the border talks with the Soviet Union or the negotiations with Canada they have shown any willingness to compromise on issues which they regard as essential.

In particular they have shown by their reopening and subsequent indefinite suspension of the Warsaw talks that, while they are willing to give an appearance of flexibility, their desire to improve relations with the United States is accorded a much lower priority (if it exists at all) than that given to anti-United States activities in Asia. It is significant that China's most notable (and successful) diplomatic efforts in recent months have been directed bwards objectives which demonstrate its fundamental militancy and its continuing opposition to the Western presence in Asia (which, it is well to remember, includes active supporters of United States intervention such as Australia and New Zealand). Peking's success in establishing itself since May 1970 as the leader of an Asian anti- imperialist united front and in asserting its preeminent role in the anti-United States struggle in Indochina suggests that it is extremely unlikely to consider improving its relations with the United States, at least until it sees no further usefulness in its present anti-United States stand. Peking's continuing hostility towards the United States is evident in the statement on Cambodia issued in Mao's name on 20 May 1920. (The full text is attached as an annex.) This contains intemperate and abusive attacks on the United States in terms which suggest no interest China's part in improving ita relations with the United States. No degree of flexibility seems to be implied in statements such as A new upsurge in the struggle against US imperialism is now emerging throughout the world the US aggressor treacherously engineered the reactionary coup d'etat by the Lon Nol-Sirik Matak clique ..... While massacring the people in other countries US imperialism is slaughtering the white and black people in its own country."

The stalling or impeding the growth of Soviet influence. degree of warmth evident in China's relationships with France and Pakistan indicates clearly (as the Chinese may intend it to do) that Peking is willing to extend its friendship to virtually any country which does not engage in "anti-Chinese activities", and which can accept, or at least refrain from contradicting, Chinese viewpoints on international issues. The Chinese have also made efforts to re-establish friendly relations with East European countries, beginning naturally with those which are most eager to maintain a degree of independence from the Soviet Union.

8. The expectations of a year ago that the Chinese might be willing to go further than this and attempt to resolve

their differences with countries with which they have not formerly seen eye to eye have, however, not been borne out. Even in the case of the USSR, where an improvement in relations would appear to be very much in China's interest, there has been no indication that the Chinese are prepared to compromise on any important issue, or to do more than the minimum necessary to keep talks in being. Still less have they shown any desire to negotiate seriously about their differences with countries such as the United States and India, or to respond to overtures made by, for example, Thailand and Indonesia. Nor have they been prepared to adopt a constructive attitude towards the problems posed by South Vietnam or South Korea, In such circumstances it must be considered unrealistic to hope that they will this year be any more willing than they have been in the past to compromise on their demands for admission to the United Nations. The situation now seems a good deal less propitious for any fresh approach to the issue of Chhe se representation than it did last year.

Prospects for the Twenty-fifth Session:

9. Although

Although there are some grounds for believing that the feeling of the General Assembly is gradually moving in the direction of support for the admission of Communist China,

there appears at present to be no reason to suppose that the traditional Western position on this item cannot be held this year.

10.

It has been suggested that, if the current negotiations between Canada and Communist China were to result in the establishment of diplomatic relations, several other nations might be led to reconsider their United Nations votes in the hope of eventually following suit. This possibility must be borne in mind, especially as Canada and Communist China may now be close to agreement. A well timed (from the Chinese point of view) announcement of the establishment of relations could cause a good deal of confusion and uncertainty among supporters of the Western position.

11. At this late stage, however, it is at least open to doubt whether an agreement between Canada and Communist China would have any marked effect on voting at this year's Assembly, while in the absence of such a far-reaching development it is probable that Canada will vote in the same way as it did last year, (Mr Trudeau, when he visited New Zealand in May, emphasised to the Prime Minister the

Canadian view that the question of China's United Nations representation should follow, not precede, any results achieved in the field of bilateral recognition,) Similarly, there is no reason to expect that Italy or Chile will this year move any further towards the Chinese position than they have already,

12. The Belgian Government has, however, in a somewhat surprising move, circulated to some member countries a draft resolution which it proposed to present to the Assembly, calling for the seating of both Communist China and the Republic of China as a temporary measure" on the basis of the territory which they actively control. Our views on this proposal have been set out in our telegram No 312 to New York, It would be difficult for New Zealand to oppose such a proposal, but despite its superficial attractiveness the Belgian draft presents many

and it is to be

hoped that the Belgians can be problemet proceed with it.

This,

14. Voting may also be affected to some degree by developments in Chinese domestic and foreign policy. The revulsion by many countries from the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution has now greatly diminished, and some United Nations members will no doubt be impressed by the relatively stable and rational evolution of Chinese policy in recent months. coupled with developments such as the launching of an earth satellite, the evidence of China's nuclear progress, and the signing of a substantial aid agreement for the construction of the Tan-Zam railway, may lead some governments to reassess the value of Peking's friendship. As China's efforts to renew old friendships and to establish new ones have for the most part, however, been directed towards countries which already support its admission to the United Nations along the lines proposed by the Albanians, they are not likely to gain it many new votes. Similarly, although about twenty Chinese Ambassadors have now been assigned to posts, the majority of

Any these are in countries which already support China. lobbying undertaken in these countries is therefore unlikely to affect the outcome of the United Nations debate.

but the East European states may be more willing to respond to Chinese approaches and to support China's

admission than their somewhat lukewarm attitude last year appeared to indicate.

New Zealand Attitude:

18. As the statements made by the Prime Minister and the Permanent Representative at the Twenty-fourth Session made clear, New Zealand is aware of the desirability, and even the urgency, of bringing about Communist China's admission to the United Nations, and in general of ensuring that that country is encouraged to play its part in settling the many outstanding international problems which cannot be resolved without its concurrence. At the same time New Zealand has made clear its opposition to any proposal or the admission of Communist China which would mean the exp. 2sion or exclusion of the Republic of China and the denial of United Nations representation to the people of Taiwan.

19.

Thus in effect we are committed to a policy based on compromise - that is to say,

that is to say, a two-China or one-China/one Taiwan policy, although we should naturally not wish to define our position so explicitly in public. Within these limits we are prepared to be flexible, and we should be willing to consider (though we should not wish to take the lead in proposing) any suggestions which may be made for the seating of both claimants.

22. The delegation should:

(b) seek discussions with friendly delegations to compile assessments and discuss tactics;

(o) report any new procedures or proposed alterations in tactics put forward by other delegations during the session;

(d) refer to Wellington for instructions prior to consideration of the item.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, WELLINGTON.

1 September 1970

CONFIDENTIAL

STATEMENT BY MAO TSE TUNG ISSUED ON

20 MAY 1970

ANNEX

A new upsurge in the struggle against U.S. imperialism is now emerging throughout the world. Ever since World War II, U.S. imperialism and its followers have been continuously launching wars of aggression and the people in various countries have been continuously waging revolutionary wars to defeat the aggressors. The danger of a new World War still exists, and the people of all countries must get prepared. But revolution is the main trend in the world today.

Unable to win in Vietnam and Laos, the US, aggressor treacherously engineered the reactionary coup d'etat by the Lon Nol-Sirik Matak clique, brazenly dispatched their troops to invade Cambodia and resumed the bombing of North Vietnam, and this has aroused the furious resistance of the three Indo-Chinese peoples. I warmly support the fighting spirit of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, head of state of Cambodia, in opposing U.S. imperialism and its lackeys. I warmly support the joint declaration of the Summit Conference of the Indo- chinese peoples. I warmly support the establishment of the Royal Government of National Union under the leadership of the National United Front of Kampuchea. Strengthening their unity, supporting each other and persevering in a protracted people's war, the three Indo-Chinese peoples will certainly overcome all difficulties and win complete victory.

While massacring the people in other countries, U.S. imperialism is slaughtering the white and black people in its own country. Nixon's fascist atrocities have kindled the raging flames of the revolutionary mass movement in the United States, The Chinese people firmly support the revolution- ary struggle of the American people, I am convinced that the American people who are fighting valiantly will ultimately win victory and that be fascist rule in the United States will inevitably be defeated.

Palestinian and other Arab peoples against the U.S.-Israeli aggressors, the national liberation struggles of the Asian, African and Latin American peoples, and the revolutionary struggles of the peoples of North America, Europe and Oceania are all developing vigorously. The Chinese people firmly support the people of the three Indo-Chinese countries and of other countries of the world in their revolutionary struggles against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys, U.S. imperialism, which looks like a huge monster, is in essence a paper tiger, now in the throes of its death-bed struggle. In the world of today, who actually fears whom? It is not the Vietnamese people, the Laotian people, the Cambodian people, the Palestinian people, the Arab people or the people of other countries who fear U.S. imperialism; it is U.S. imperialism which fears the people of the world. It becomes panic-stricken at the mere rustle of leaves in the wind. Innumerable facts prove that a just cause enjoys abundant support while an unjust cause finds little support. A weak nation can defeat a strong, a small nation can defeat a big. The people of a small country can certainly defeat aggression by a big country, if only they dare to rise in struggle, take up arms and grasp in their own hands the destiny of their country. This is a law of history.

People of the world, unite and defeat the U.S. aggressors and all their running dogs!

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE 25 SEPTEMBER 1973

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO 2072 OF 25 SEPTEMBER REPEATED FOR GAFORMATION

TO WASHINGTON.

ADVANCE COPIES TO NEWS DEP AND GIPD.

MY TELNO 2069: SECRETARY OF STATE'S U.N. PRESS CONFERENCE.

CHINA.

Q. YESTERDAY, IN YOUR ASSEMBLY STATEMENT, YOU MADE OUT A VERY GOOD

WE CASE FOR THE NEED TO BRING THE CHINESE INTO THE U.N. HOWEVER, ARE TOLD THAT YOUR GOVERNMENT'S POSITION ON THE TWO TRADITIONAL CHINESE RESOLUTIONS REMAINS EXACTLY THE SAME AS LAST YEAR. MY QUESTICH IS THIS: HOW DO YOU RECONCILE SUPPORTING THE SEATING OF THE CHINESE ON THE ONE HAND AND SUPPORTING ON THE OTHER A RESOLUTION WHICH HAS THE CLEAR EFFECT IF NOT THE ORIGINAL DESIGN OF KEEPING THE CHINESE OUT A BIT LONGER?

A. WE HAVE NEVER SEEN HOW WE COULD DENY THAT THIS WAS AN IMPORTANT

MATTER. IT IS AN IMPORTANT MATTER, AN IMPORTANT MATTER TO A GREAT MANY COUNTRIES. I DIDN'T EXPRESS ANYTHING NEW. OUR GOVERNMENT'S FEELING HAS BEEN FOR A LONG TIME THAT IT WOULD BE BETTER IF THE CHINESE WERE IN. HOW MUCH THEY WOULD CONTRIBUTE TO INTERNATIONAL HARMONY, AS I SAID YESTERDAY, IS A MATTER OPEN TO DEBATE, BUT NEVERTHELESS WE THINK THEY OUGHT TO BE IN AND THAT THIS OUGHT TO BE PUT TO THE TEST. I DON'T KNOW WHETHER THERE WILL BE ANY ALTERATION IN VOTING THIS YEAR OR NOT BUT THAT THIS IS AN IMPORTANT MATTER TO A WHOLE LOT OF COUNTRIES WE DON'T SEE HOW IT IS POSSIBLE TO DENY.

Q. CAN YOU GIVE YOUR ASSESSMENT OF THE CHANCES OF CHINA ENTERING THE

U.N. IN THE NEAR FUTURE AND CAN YOU COMMENT ON THE IMPORTANCE OR LACK OF IMPORTANCE OF ATTEMPTS BY CANADA AND ITALY TO RECOGNIZE

/A. NO. PEKING?

.2.

A. NO. THAT IS THEIR AFFAIR. WE SHALL HAVE TO WAIT AND SEE WHAT THE

VOTING BRINGS. ON PAST FORM OVER THE LAST FEW YEARS, IT DOESN'T LOOK AS THOUGH THE VOING WILL VARY ALL THAT MUCH, BUT I CAN'T ANSWER FOR CANADA OR ITALY. BUT WE SHALL KNOW BEFORE LONG.

Q. WE HAVE BEEN TOLD THAT SUCH A GOVERNMENT AS YOURS, WHICH

RECOGNIZES THE PEKING REGIME, HAS BEEN TOLD RECENTLY THAT PEKING

IS NOW INTERESTED IN JOINING THE U.N. WE HAVE ALSO BEEN TOLD BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL THAT CHINA'S INVOLVEMENT IN THE U.N. WOULD, NOT COME BEFORE NOVEMBER OR DECEMBER 1972. ARE YOU IMPLYING THAT

IT MIGHT COME AT THAT TIME? DO YOU CONSIDER THIS A NEW ELEMENT

AND IF IT IS THE CASE THAT CHINA IS NOW INTERESTED, WHAT DO YOU CONSIDER THE MAJOR STUMBLING BLOCK TO THE ADMISSION OF CHINA?

A. 1 THINK PROBABLY THAT THE CHINESE ARE INCREASINGLY INTERESTED

ALTHOUGH THE CHINESE NEVER THINK OR ACT IN THE SAME TIME SCALE

AS WE DO AND SO THEY WILL PROBABLY BE QUITE PATIENT ABOUT THIS.

THE MAIN STUMBLING BLOCK MUST BE OF COURSE THE UNWILLINGNESS OF

A GOOD MANY COUNTRIES TO VOTE FOR THEIR ENTRY, AND UNTIL THAT

OBSTACLE CAN BE OVERCOME THEN CHINA WILL NOT BECOME A MEMBER.

BUT I THINK THAT THE ANSWER TO YOUR QUESTION IS THAT THERE ARE

INDICATIONS THAT CHINA IS BECOMING MORE INTERESTED THAN SHE HAS

BEEN IN THE PAST IN MEMBERSHIP OF THE UNITED NATIONS.

SIR C. CROWE

FCO/MI. DISTRIBUTION:

ROUTINE UKMISSION. REW YORK

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE 24 SEPTEMBER

:oto ro

FEC 2/4

ADDRESSED TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE TELEGRAM NUMBER 2354 CF 24 SEPTEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION TO PARTS WASHINGTON PEKING

BRUSSELS.

67.

MY TELEGRAM NO 1817: CHINESE ADMISSION TO THE UN,

THE BELGIANS HAVE TOLD US THAT THEY HAVE FINALLY ABANDONED THEIR PROPOSAL AND WILL CONTENT THEMSELVES WITH STATING THEIR VIEWS DURING THE GENERAL DEBATE. THEY ALSO SAID THAT THEIR FOREIGN MINISTER WOULD EXAMINE THE WHOLE PROBLEM OF THE ADMISSION OF DIVIDED STATES. WE EXPRESSED DOUBT ABOUT THE WISDOM OF THIS WITH RELATION TO THE TWO GERMANIES AND THE BELGIANS UNDERTOOK TO RECONSIDER.

FCO PASS PARIS PEKING BRUSSELS.

SIR C. CROWE

F.E.D.

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

(REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

RESEARCH DEPT (W.EUROF. SECTION) RESEARCH DEFT (SOVIET SECTION)

! Malaysia ́ready to back'

Peking for UN

From HENRY KAMM: KUALA LUMPUR, Tuesday

High Government sources disclosed today that Malaysia. in a major policy shift, would actively favour and vote for Communist China s admission to the United Nations.

Malaysia would, however, continue to oppose the expul Kion of Nationalist China, the sources said.

RESOLUTIONS

They declared that the Government of Prime Minis ter Tun Abdul Razak would vote against both standard Chinese resolutions admission that are expected before the UN General Assembly next month. The first. favoured by the United States, would make the admission

Peking 210 "important question." requir- Ingiwo-thirds majority.

come

The other, usually sponsored by Albania, calls for the admission of "eking and the expulsion of Taiwan, Malaysia

would drop her opposition to this one, according to the sources, if the sponsors elimi nated the second demand.

The reversal of Malayman policy on China is regarded as an indication

future of politica! development alignments in Asia. It makes Malaysia the first pro-Western country in South-east Asta 10 break ranks on China policy.

The development viewed with concern by Americans here, fessed surprise and doubt. and hope that Tun Razak would reverse such a change In policy.

who

Was

pro

The Government sources, however, said that the new Prime Minister's attitude was shaped partially by his per- sonal contacts with the Heads of State of non-aligned nations at the recent conference in Lusaka, Zambla, and even more during his subsequent official visits to President Tito

in Yugoslavia and President Ceausescu in Rumania.

The sources said MalaysIK still considered Peking's att!- tude as hostile, and pointed to the steady flow of venoMOUS propaganda broadcasts from the so-called Voice of the Malaysian Revolution, which emanate from China,

REALISATION

Behind the shift in Malay- sian thinking lies a growing realisation that the Westerb Powers on whom they hid relied

their defence against possible Commúnist Chinese attack intend to! dise engage themselves from South- East Asia.

for

Al the same time, the new FEC 2/4.

Prime Minister said today that Malaysia would continue to improve her relations with the Soviet Union and the ather Communit countries of New York Times Europe.

or voted aquant Albania

་ !༡༦༡

all this affecrs to mese is

Mr. Alan James of the American Embassy called this afternoon to leave on me some pieces of standard U.S. guidance to missions on well-known subjects for the General Assembly. They add little or nothing to the sum of our knowledge.

Korea.

I attach the papers on Chinese Representation and

Chines Representation (Enclosure Two)

LASTAJA

The United States position on this issue remains unchanged:

(1) We remain strongly opposed to any proposal which seeks to expel the Republic of China from the United Nations, substituting the Communist China in its place.

(2) We will work to obtain broad co-sponsorship and active support of the Important Question Resolution which would require that any resolution to change the representation of China must gain a two-thirds majority vote in accordance with Article 18 of the Charter.

As you may know, it has been our policy for

some years to send selected General Assembly

briefs, on a reciprocal basis, to the Australian,

Canadian and New Zealand authorities after the

consent of the originating Department and the

Department concerned in the Foreign and Common-

wealth Office has been received.

We should be grateful, therefore, if you

would consider whether the attached brief

IOC(70)!? is suitable for action as above.

Would you please confirm thet

United Nations (Political) Dept.

SECRETARY OF STATE'S VISIT TO NEW YORK:

BRIEF ON CHINA AT THE UNITED NATIONS

I attach talking points and a background brief

Although they are in final

for the Secretary of State.

form there would be time to amend them if you had any

comments.

2. U.N. (Pol.) Department concurred in the draft.

3. It may be necessary to send a supplementary brief

when the likely voting position becomes clear.

CONFIDENTIAL

SALMugan

(J. A. L. Morgan) 9 September, 1970

Mus

CONFIDENTIAL

SECRETARY OF STATE'S VISIT TO

HE XXV SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY

NEW YORK

hips

Briet No. 15: China at the United Nat

General Talking Points

The continued exclusion of a quarter of the world's

population does not strengthen the Organisation. for the representation of China by the Peking Government at the

United Nations since 1961. This remains our policy. We think

it essential that in the interests of world peace China should

be brought more fully into international councils, Chinese participation is essential for the solution of many major world

problems such as disarmament.

2. China's present foreign policy appears more outward-looking.

The Chinese are resuming more conventional diplomatic attitudes.

We must encourage them in this.

3. There could be difficulties at New York and in the specialised

agencies when the Chinese come in. But this is not a valid reason for keeping them out, indeed from this point of view the sooner they

are admitted the better.

We nevertheless etill consider that the admission of China is

an important question under Article 18(2). In the face of strong

/ division

CONFIDENTIAL

division of opinion in the General Assembly and given the seriousness of removing a representative from a long-occupied seat, it is hard to see how one could argue otherwise.

why we vote for the Important Question resolution.

This is

5. The Chinese have on different occasions set out different

versions of the terms on which they would consider accepting

the offer of a seat in the United Nations.

appear somewhat extravagant.

Some of these

Then the time comes, we may find

the Chinese to be more pragmatic.

Far Eastern Department,

FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE,

SECRETARY OF STATE'S VISIT TO

THE XXV SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY

NEW YORK

Brief No. 15: China at the United Nations

Background

On 15 Decembar 1961 the United Kingdom Delegate at the

United Nations General Assembly voted for the first time in

favour of the occupation of the China seat by the Government of

the Chinese People's Republic (CPR). The Soviet draft

resolution proposing this was, however, defeated. In his

explanation of vote, the U.K. Delegate reserved the position

of Her Majesty's Government regarding the status of Taiwan (see

paragraph 4 below). Je have since continued to vote in the

General Assembly in favour of resolutions tabled by Albania for

the seating of the C.P.R. and the expulsion of the Chinese

Nationalists, except in 1964 when no vote was taken.

2. The General Assembly in 1961 accepted a United States-

sponsored resultion that the question of a change in China's

representation was "important" under Article 18(2) of the Charter

and that any resolution proposing a change therefore required a

two-thirds majority to pass. The decision of the General

Assembly has been reaffirmed annually since then. In 1965

there was a tie in the vote on the Albanian resolution

/ advocating

CONFIDENTIAL

advocating the seating of Peking but the prior adoption of the motion reaffirming that the matter was "important" ensured that the Chinese Nationalists were in no danger of being unseated. Since then the vote for the Albanian resolution has been short

We have continued to vote for the of even a simple majority. "important question" resolution, and have sought to justify this action on the grounds that the matter is of evident importance and it would be hard to declare that it was not so under the Charter. We remain, however, the only country to vote for both resolutions. The Chinese repeatedly criticise us for supporting what they consider to be a crude procedural device to secure their

continued exclusion.

Probable Changes in U.N. Voting

Changes in the General Assembly's voting could come this year. For example, U Thant has in public speeches this year called for universality of U.N. membership, with China clearly in mind. The xenophobic attitudes that characterised China's diplomacy in 1966/68, producing in 1968 a rejection of the Albanian resolution

to seat Peking, have recently been moderated. Last year the voting returned nearly to normal. China has been attempting to cultivate support among the countries of the Third World. Canadians are making some progress in their talks with the Chinese on mutual recognition. Agreement before this year's General Assembly is unlikely, by 1971 the two sides may well come to terms. A successful outcome would involve a transfer of Canada's vote at the U.N. Italy would probably be quick to follow and other Western countries are interested in establishing relations with

There is therefore a real possibility that next year's

vote if not this year's could produce for the first time a

simple majority in favour of the Albanian resolution. This

would inevitably weaken support for the American "important

question" resolution which itself is subject to a simple majority.

Eciwan: The U.K. Position

4. We have been careful to distinguish between the question of

China's representation and that of the status of the island of

Taiwan. It has many times been stated as the view of H.H.G.

that sovereignty over Taiwan is undetermined. It therefore

follows that the question of who should represent Taiwan is

equally undetermined.

Delegate made a reservation to this effect on each occasion that

the vote on China's representation was taken in the General

Assembly, By 1966 it was felt that our position regarding Taiwan

was so well-known that restatement on each occasion was unneces-

sary. In November 1966 therefore Lord Caradon included a once-

for-all statement for this purpose in his remarks on China's

representation delivered in the General Assembly.

In 1961 and subsequent years the U.K.

Taiwan: The Island's Future

5. Given the abhorrence on both sides of anything approaching

a "Two Chinas" solution, the unseating of Taiwan would be an

inevitable result of Peking's entry. This will be unwelcome

in some U.N. quarters and of course in the United States. The

inclusion of 750 million mainland Chinese as against the absence

of 14 million Taiwanese is clearly the lesser of two evils,

regrettable though the exclusion of Taiwan would be.

been speculation that the Taiwanese sight eventually opt for

representation as the Government of Taiwan, but this seems

unlikely.

The Belgian Initiative

6. Last month the Belgian delegation at New York canvassed

support for a draft resolution which, if passed, would have the

effect of seating both China and Taiwan in the U.N. Although

ostensibly based on the legal position that there is only one

China, it proposes in fact a "Two-China" solution. On the

grounds that this would be equally unacceptable to both Peking

and Taiwan and would therefore win no support in the General

Assembly, we declined to support it. The Belgians now appear

on the point of withdrawing their proposal.

Chinese Preconditions

7. Over recent years the Chinese have sought to pose various

preconditions for their entry into the United Nations. These

have not been presented in any one fully authoritative version,

but certain preoccupations have emerged. Essentially, these

concern Taiwan: the Nationalists must be removed from their seat

at New York and in all U.N. bodies. The Chinese sometimes add

that the U.N. must condemn the United States for "occupying"

Taiwan; and that the U.N. must declare Taiwan to be an integral

part of China. The Chinese have also declared that the General

Assembly's 1951 Resolution condemning China as the aggressor in

Korea must be revoked; that the C.P.R. must be offered a perma-

nent seat on the Security Council; and (possibly with an eye on

the Non-Aligned Nations Conference in Lusaka this month) that

Afro-Asian non-permanent membership of the Security Council

must be increased.

8. It is not clear what the Chinese in fact regard as their

Some of those mentioned above may be

minimum conditions.

bargaining points. The total exclusion of Taiwan and a

permanent seat on the Security Council are China's fundamental

terms of entry.

Far Eastern Department,

FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE,

SECRETARY OF STATE'S VISIT TO IN YO

BRIEF OF CHINA AT THE BESARNIA CIES

I attach talking points and a background brief

for the Secretary of State. Although they are in final

form there would be time to amend them if you had any

comments.

U.N. (Pol.) Department omeurred in the draft.

3. It may be necessary to send a supplementary brief

when the likely voting position becomes clear.

Mr. Insbert (U.H. (POL) Dept.)

*.LV. Beeting on U.X. Affair

7 September

As requested this morning, I attach short brief

China in the U.N.

(J. A. L. Morgan) Fər Zastern Department

*.Z.U. Meeting on N,N, Yatters - 7 September

China and the U.N.

The U....... Position

re advocate the seating of Péking in the United Nationa

one of the long-term objectives of British policy.

take the line that if the United Nations is to fulfil properly

its role as an international body in which the views of all

nations are represented, it is illogical that a country which

contains a quarter of the woźd's population should be exeluded.

China's absence benefits neither the United Nations nor China.

We believe that in the interests of world peace it is essential

thắt China should be brought zore fully into the international

community. There are many pressing world-wide probless, for

example, Indo-Chine, disarmament, in which China's views are

important. for these reasons we have voted since 1961 for the

Soviet (later Albanian) resolution calling for the seating

of Peking.

2. At the same time we argue that China " representation is

obviously "important", as defined by Article 13 (II) of the

U.I. Charter. This arises naturally from the inherent importance

of the question and the deep division of opinion in the U.N.

revealed by the voting on this issue. For these reasons we

support the American "important question" resolution, though wa

are unique among nations in that we wote for both resolutions.

Ye shall not be changing our vote this year.

1910 femure) Assembly

▲ recent report from Peking suggested that three

African countries would this year vote for the Albanian

resolution, whilst five others would abstain instead of

voting against. If trea, and asɛwing no other switches, this

would produce a majority of one in favour of seating Peking

i:mediately. If megbars then voted in identical fashion on

the American resolution it is theoretidally possibe that

Peking could take the China seat this year,

5. The Americans themselves however do not expect so many

votes to change. On balance it seems unlikely that the

outcome of voting will be any different this year from previous

years. The position could change radically by 1971, especially

if the Canadians and others rucceed in their negotiations with

China on recognition.

The Belgian initiativ

6. Last month the Belgian delegation at New York canvassed

support for a draft resolution which, if passed, would have

the effect of seating both China und Taiwan in the U.X.

Although ostensibly based on the legal position that there is

only one Chisa, it proposes in fact a "two-China" solution.

On the grounds that this would be equally macceptable to both

Peking and Taiwan and would therefore win no support in the

General Assembly, we declined to support it. The Belgians now

appear on the point of withdrawing their proposal.

7. We should be grateful to know the views of other

countries on the likely outcome of this year's debate and

in particular whether any intend to change their own votes.

Far Castern Department,

PRIORITY UK MISSION NEW YORK

́LEGRAM HUMBER 1876

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

8 SEPTEMBER 1970

CONFIDENTIAL.

ADDRESSED TO FCO TELNO 1876 OF 8 SEPTEMBER REPEATED FOR INFORMATION

TO PEKING, WASHINGTON AND SAVING TO MOSCOW, HONG KONG, LUSAKA, TAMSUI, BELGRADE, PHNOM PENH AND OTTAWA.

PEKING TELNO 575: CHINA AND THE U.R.

AFTER DISCUSSIONS WITH THE STATE DEPARTMENT AND WITH THE CHINESE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE HERE, THE U.S. KISSION REMAIN CONFIDENT THAT, UNLESS UNFORESEEN DEVELOPMENTS OCCUR, THERE SHOULD BE NO SIGNIFICANT CHANGE IN THE VOTING PATTERN ON EITHER OF THE CHINA RESOLUTIONS THIS YEAR.

2. THEY CLAIM TO HAVE DEFINITE INFORMATION THAT UPPER VOLTA AND TOGO WILL CONTINUE TO SUPPORT TAIWAN ALONG WITH THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC (OUR TELNO 1841). THEY HAVE NO EVIDENCE THAT CAMEROON, IVORY COAST, DAHONEY, CHAD OR RWANDA ARE THINKING OF CHANGING THEIR POSITION BUT WILL GO INTO THE MATTER FURTHER AND LET US

KNOW THE RESULT.

FCC PASS PEKING AND SAVING TO MOSCOW, HONG KONG, LUSAKA, TAHSUI, BELGRADE AND PHNOM PENH.

SIR C. CROWE.

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

F.E.D.

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

【AMER SECT) (SOVIET SECT)

TO FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH OFFICE

ADDRESSED TO F C O TELEGRAM NUMBER 575 OF 7 SEPTEMBER

RF TO WASHINGTON AND UKMIS NEW YORK AND SAVING TO MOSCOW

HONG KONG LUSAKA TAMSU BELGRADE PHNOM PENH AND OTTAWA,

YOUR TELNO 293.

ACCORDING TO DANISH CHARGE COUNTRIES CONCERNED WERE CAMEROUN,

IVORY COAST, DAHOMEY, UPPER VOLTA AND TOGO.

HOWEVER I HAVE NOW SEEN CONGOLESE CHARGE AND HE SIMPLY

REFERRED TO CAMEROUN,CHAD AND RWANDA AS POSSIBLE ABSTAINERS (WITH CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC SENEGAL AND GAMBIA AS VOTING FOR, THOUGH THE LATTER THO WOULD BE MORE ATTRACTED BY BELGIAN RESOLUTION).

2. DIFFERENCE IN LIST GIVEN TO ME AND DANISH CHARGE SUGGESTS

THAT CONGOLESE HERE ARE ENGAGING IN GUESSING GAME AND HAVE NO RPT

NO HARD INFORMATION. HOWEVER HE DID GIVE FORMULTION OF CHINESE

REQUIREMENTS FOR MEMBERSHIP OF U.N. WHICH WERE PROBABLY HOW

THEY WERE PUT TO CONGOLESE FOREIGN MINISTER AND U N PERMANENT

REPRESENTATION WHEN THEY WERE HERE IN AUCUST. THEY WERE AS FOLLOWS:

(1) CHINA TO OCCUPY THE SECURITY COUNCIL SEAT.

(2) NO MEMBERSHIP OF U FOR TAIWAN,

(3) AFRO-ASIAN NON PERMANENT MEMBERSHIP OF THE SECURITY

COUNCIL TO BE INCREASED.

FCO PASS ROUTINE WASHINGTON AND UKMIS NEW YORK AND SAVING TO

MOSCOW LUSAKA BELGRADE AND OTTAWA.

MR. ALLAN

DEPARTMENTAL DISTRIBUTION

[REPEATED AS REQUESTED]

CONFIDENTIAL