Chinese Repositories 1850

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VOL. XIX

FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER, 1850

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FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER, 1850.

CANTON:

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1850.

THE

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VOL. XIX

FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER, 1850

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countries is prohibited without previous consent by Maruzen Co., Ltd., Tokyo

Reprinted in Japan

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.

FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER, 1850.

CANTON:

PRINTED FOR THE PROPRIETORS.

1850.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY

VOL. XIX

FROM JANUARY TO DECEMBER, 1850

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INDEX.

Accession, Hienfung's edict of.. Affray near Nanking.. Aloah, arguments for using.. Aloho for God, objections to.... Amaral's death, papers on...... Amour river, notice of the. Amoy, trade at in 1849........ Asylum for outcasts....

Bambooing, case of.

Chinese trade with Japan. Chinese reckless of life. 616 Chingtú, city of................

50 Christianity, edict respecting.. 289 || Chủ fitez a cosmogony. 521 Churches at Shanghái. 228,391|| Cities in China very dirty

Climate of Sz'chuen. Coal in China..

Barrow's passage of Yellow R. Bethel at Whampoa..

286

Chinese know the true God.

188

229

214

308

324

566

373

109

•

307

318

388,395

391

....

308 507 || Cockrane at Lowchew, admiral,..._23 168 Coffins left unburied.......

163

Bettelheim, letter from.... 17,57 || Co-hong, attempt to re-establish 406 Bible, committee on revising the, 464 Consular returns of trade................

513 Bible, version of the Chinese... 544 Consuls in China foreign......

15 Bird's Consular Regulations, &c. 54 Confession of Amaral's murderers 53 Bonham goes to Shánghải.... 344 Consular regulations at Whampoa 54 Bonhamn returns to Hongkong... 403 Coolies taken to Peru.... 344 Bonham's communication respect- Corea, Japanese troops attack... 214

ing pirates.. Boone's Defense of his Essay on

Da Cunha's death............... Shin...345, 409, 465, 569,625 || Da Cunha, governor of Mac o Bowring's ode for Seamen's bethel 168 || Davis, John W. leaves China .. 281 Bowring's thoughts, strictures on 191 Donation returned in Slahng) ái. 391 Bowring's Ode to the Deity. 245|| Doors, gods who protect............ 314 Bridginan, death of Rev. J. G....... 680 British and foreign trade for 1849 Budhists in Siam..

Budhists in Tibet, tenets of....

Calendar for the year 1850.... Calvin's views of God. Camboja, trade with. Can'on in 1849, trade at. Canton, high officers at.. Canton, epidemic in

Capital punishment, mode of.... Characters, different sorts of. China, early works on.................... Chinese in California...

....

404 344

513|| Edict on eclipse of Feb. 12th... 165 548 Eloah can be transferred...... 356 668|| Elohim, how to be translated... 90 Elohim, how properly translated. 185 2 Elohim and Theos, proper ren-

dering of...

635 565 Emperor, policy of new

....

345

394

165

513 | Emperor's death.................

14 Emperor's new proclamation..... 231 288,343 || Empress-dowager canonized. 344 56 Empress dowager, death of. 111 180 Empress-dowager, mourning for 281 652 || Epidemic in Canton.

288,343 510 Eras in use in Eastern Asia.......... 1 Chinese notions of creation 361,369 || Etymologicon, notice of the.... 169 Chinese coolies going to Peru.. 344|| Executions at Canton.... Chinese language, changes in.. 179 || Exhibition, inecting in favor of.. 404

......

INDEX.

390 || Kampot, a port in Camboja......... 107,113 || Kánsuh, rivers in..........

402 Kansuh, topography of............. 623 Kansuh, traveling in..........

565

502

554

602

399

315

Kiuying chau, edict from..... Kiying's official life and ranks.. 166 Koko-nor, notices of........

.... 499,663 Kwingsi, insurgents in..........

566

462

Kwangtung, banditti in.

512

Famine diminishing.. Famines in Shanghái Famines in Sz'chuen. Fast, death of Rev. C.......... Fire pits, account of... Fire, notice of the God of.. Foreigners in China, list of........ Forcade at Lewchew............... Fuhchau, foreigners not to live in 459 Fung, how to be translated.. 487 Furnace, god of the...

Geography by Sii, notice of Geography, notices of a..... God, character of the word.. God, how to be rendered.......... Gods, notice of several.

632

316 || Legge's Argument, notice of.. 358

Legge's Letters reviewed..... 600,648 Lewchew visited by the Reynard 623

457Lewchew not a Chinese depen-

(30

dency

90 Lightning, spirit of the.

312 || Lin Tsehsü, death of...

312

624

God, two words may be used for 280 Lin appointed commissioner.... 568 God, thoughts on term for.. God not a generic term............ God not a correlative of creature 524 God defined, the word..... 572 God of wealth, notice of the.......... 589

185 Lockhart's hospital report.

300 409||Looker-on's letter on word for God 280 Looker-on's reply to Dr. Legge 524 Lowrie's Memoir, notice of..... 491

Hales' origin of idolatry.......... Háikwoh Tủ Chi, notice of. 135,206 Hainan, cholera in.... Icaven and Earth, altars to............. Hienfung's auspicious proclama-

tion..

423

680

148

Macao, list of officers in...... Macao, papers from Council of... 50 Macao. death of governor of........ 404 Macgowan's notice of sand.......... 328 Macgowan's notices of coal.......... 385 Manchuria, rivers in.......

289

231

Manchus, holy wars of the..

241

666

Manifesto of insurgents.

568

.......

670||

H'lassa, its environs.. I'lari, incident of Huc in. Hobson's hospital in Canton.... 300 Hongkong, list of officers in.... 11 Honorary portals in Canton.......... 568 Hospitals at Canton and Shanghái 300 Howqua's petition for the co-hong 406 Huc's travels in Tibet. Húnán, topography of.. Húpel, topography of..

Idolatry in Lewchew....

650

156

Mariner at Lewchew, H. M. S........ (57 Mariner's visit to Japan..

509 Marco Polo's account of Sand-T.. 504 Meadows on Mongolian letters. 526 Medhurst's letter to Missionaries 95 ||Medhurst's Reply, notice of.... 353 Medhurst's Letter on shin................ 445 Medhurst has many views... 459

97 || Medhurst's Inquiry on Ruach....... 478

Medhurst's strictures on Philo.. 4

59 Medical Miss. Soc. 15th Report 253

Idolatry not always polytheism.. 192||Medical practice at Napa. Imbert's account of salt-pits... 325 Men and things in Shanghái..... 105 Imperial family, promotions in.. 232|| Metallic types in Chinese... 247 Insurgents in Kwangsi........... 462,511|| Ming dynasty, Japancae cone in 136 Insurgents in Kwangtung.. 568,619 Missions in Shánghái....... Insanity among the Chinese... 330 Missionaries, movements of.

Missionaries, arrival of.

330

232

408

17,57

Japan noticed in Háikwol Chí. 135,206 || Missions in Lewchew.. Japanese incursions into China,. 106 || Mohammedan pagoda in Canton 542 Japanese in Formosa.........

206|| Monument, corrections in Syrian 552 Jehovah, how to be transferred.. 97|| Mongolian letters to France......... Jesus, trampling on image of.... 216|| Mongolia, travels in........... Jesuits, apology for the...................... 118 Morality of the Chinese...

Julien's translation upon types.. 250 || Morrison on state religion.

526

651

233

380

INDEX.

Morrison's version of Bible............. 341 || Shanghái, various famines at... 113 Morrison E. Society, meeting. 675|| Sh nghái, sailing directions to.. 621 Mourning for Empress-dowa.” 111,281 || Shanghai, population of.......

Mung-ki-peh-tún, extract froin....

105

251|| Shanghái, missions at................ 330 Shanghai, report of hospital at.. 300

Nánhái hien's edict against ru-

Shanghai, good position of................ 463

mors ....

288

Shangti used as a proper nanie.. 472

Napa, landing effected at..

Neptune of the Chinese.

313

187

Nestorian temples in China. .

523

450

Ode to the Deity, Russian................ Office, instruce of purchase of.. Ophthal:nic Hospit il, Report of...

245||

253||

Opiù n, pois ɔning by.

Opium increasingly used..

Pagodas about Canton..

359

220

199

Shangti can not be God propriè. 367 Shangti, derivation of name............ 648 Shangti, reusons for rejecting.. 626 Newyear, edict to change day of 165 Shangti is the true God. New Testament revised......... 340|| Shedden at Lewchew.. Newton's remarks on word God 4:30|| Shensi, topography of............. Ningpo, bridge of boats ut............. 461|| Shin and tí, how they differ.... Ningpo in 1849, trade ut.

Shin, reasons for not using. North-China Herald, a new paper 462 Shin, their position.... Nourishing the Spirit, tract on.. Shin used generically for god.. 457

Shin has many meanings...

481 Shin used for god by Chincse... 595 677 Shin, errors in views of........ (127 Showers of sand in China.................. 328 304 Shiwoh Wan Kiái-tsz', notice of. 169 108 Siamese laws respecting Budhists 548 | Si-ngon, a city in Shensi...... 224 535 Silkworms, patron of............................ 314 Palmerston's letter to Peking.. 393 Sing Shi Páu Yen, a tract. 233 Parker's report of Hospital... 253 | Small pox common in China............ 32 Paul Sii's Apology for the Jesuits Smith, arrival of Bishop.

2:32 Pawnbrokers robbed at Kiiting. 231|| Southwell, notice of late Mr.... 333 Peking Gazettes not reliable....... 229|| Spirit, how to be rendered. Peking, alters to Heaven & earth 148| Spalding, notice of late Mr............. 334 Philo's Diversions, notice of.... 486 Staunton's remarks on God.......... 319 Pirates, plans for pursuing... 231 || St. Mary's sloop of war... Pirates dispersed by the Medea. l'oor relieved in times of famine. Poor relieved in Shanghái....... Portuguese frigate blown up. Postmasters in China.. Postal arrangements in China... Preble, U. S. sloop at Napu...........

Residents in China, foreign...............

118

....

478

163 Sir's memorial respecting bandits 619 114|| Sü's honorary portals.... 568 227 || Si's answer respecting pirates.. 146 680's dispatches respecting Am- aral's murderers........ Syrian monument, errors in.... Sz'chuen, topography of..... Sz'chuen, towns in....

230

282

552

317

394,672

296

284

165

319

Taukwang, will of..........

676

Ronish missions in Mongolia... 651

Kuach, how to be translated

478

Taverns of the Mongols. Tchakars of Chihli....... Tea cultivated in United States 511

653

657

Reynard's visit to the Pei ho... 403 | Turakai, island of......... Reynard, decree respecting the. 678 || Tankwáng, his family. Reynvan, attack on II. G. I............ 112|| Táukwang, demise of. Rivers in Sz'chuen...

Sagalien river and island, notice of 289||Temples at Lewchew..

Sailing directions for Shanghai.. 621 | Temples in China, Christian... 648

Salt-pits in Sz'chuen............ Second-bar pagoda Shanghái, men and things in Shanghai in 1899, trade at.... Shanghai, beggais in....

325 Testament, resolution respecting 545 537 || Ti, its adaptation to render Theos 201 105,390 || Tien and ti worshiped by Chinese 4:36

518 || Theos, how used in Homer.... 227 || Tibet, line's travels in....

.....

196

665

CONTENTS.

Tolon-nor, a city in Chihli............. 654 || Waterland on notion of God.......... 644 Trade with China for 1849..... 531 War, strategy of Japanese in..... 151 Tract on morality, native. Trinity church fulls down.... Tsing Shing Wú Kú noticed.. Tsz'ki, accident at....

Types made by a Chinese..........

233 Wei Yuen, author of Holy Wars 244 464 Welton at Fuhchau, Rev. W....... 459 241|| Whampoa, Seamen's bethel at.. 168 464 Whampoa consular regulations... 248 Whilden, death of Mrs. E. J.......... 112

Will of Taukwang;

284 55|| Wúcháng, a large city in Húpeh 101 Wylie, notice of late Mrs.............. 332

U. S. sloop of war St. Mary's.....

Varnish tree in Sz'chuen.. 396 Version of Old Testament.. 110 Victoria made a city and a sce.....

Wall of China, notice of....... 677

....

Yangtez' kiáng, inundation of.. 104 Yellow river, course of.... Yih King, cosmogony of the..

491 362

CONTENTS.

No. 1.

Art. 1. The comparative English and Chinese Calendar for 1850; names of the foreign residents at the Five Ports and Hongkong; list of officers in the govern- ments of Hongkong, Macao, and Canton; foreign legations and consular establishments in China........

Art. II. Letter from Rev. B. J. Bettelheim, M. D., giving an account of his re-

sidence and missionary labors in Lewchow during the last three years..

17 Art. III. Journal of Occurrences: affairs at Macao; notice from the British con- sular agent at Whampos ; U. S. sloop of war St. Mary's; executions among the Chinese; town of Victoria made a city, and the colony of Hongkong erected into a bishop's see..........

No. 2.

Art. 1. Letter from Rev. B. J. Bettelheim, M. D., giving an account of his residence and missionary Jabors in Lewchew during the last three years. (Continued from page 49)... Art. 11. Letter to the Editor of the Chinese Repository respecting the objects to

be had in view in translating Elohim and Theos..

58 5

Art. III. Topography of the province of Hupch; list of its departments and dis-

tricts; description of its principal towns, notice of its rivers, lakes, productions. 97 Art. IV. Men and things in Shanghai : number and character of its population; ty th- ing system; taxation; sickness and pauperisın; distribution of food; use of opium and prospect of the traffic being legalized : increase of the general commerce; the number of foreign residents: new churches dedicated ; converts to Christian- ity; Committee of Delegates for revision of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese, From a Correspondent.

Art. V. Journal of Occurrences: death of the Empress-dowager; decease of Mrs.

Whilden at Canton; attack on Mr. Reynvaan.

No. 3.

Art. I. Notice of the years of famine and distress which have occurred at Sháng-

hái, recorded in the Statistics of Shanghai...

105

110

Art. II. Paul Sa's Apology, addressed to the emperor Wanlih of the Ming dynasty, in behalf of the Jesuit missionaries, Puntoya and others, who had been impeach. ed by the Board of Rites in a Report dated the 14th year, 7th month of ̈i.is reign, (A. D. 1617..

Art. 111. Japan : A translation of the 12th chapter of the Hai-kwoh Tử Chí, 海國志 or Notices of Foreign Countries, illustrated with Maps and En-

311

118

gravings.Published at the city of Yangchau fù in Kiángsú, in the summerof1847 135

CONTENTS.

vii

156

Art. IV. Topography of the province of Húnan; its area, population, lakes, rivers, mountains, productions, &c., with a list of its departments and districts... ... ... ... Art. V. Journal of Occurrences ; attack on pirates in Mir's bay, and correspondence relating to it; edict in reference to a change in newyear's day; death of the cin- peror of China; position of Kiying; dedication of Seamen's Bethel at Whampoa 162

No. 4.

Art. 1. Shwoh Wan Kiai-tez', Sa shi Hi-chuen, Sz'-shih kiuen ;

徐氏繫傳四十卷

説文解字

or The Etymologicon [of Ha Shin] with a

Supplementary Commentary by Sa, in forty sections. By PHILO.

Art. II. Thoughts on the term proper to be employed in translating Elohim and

Theos into Chinese. By a Missionary. In a Letter to the Editor... ·

Art. III. Japan: A translation of the 12th chapter of the Hai-kwoh Tá Chi,

海國圖志 or Notices of Foreign Countries, iliustrated with Maps and

Engravings. Published at the city of Yángchau fù in Kiùngsú, in the summer of Ï847.—(Continued from page 156.).......

Art. IV. Topography of Shensi; its boundaries, area, rivers, divisions, cities, po-

pulation, productions, &c.

Art. V. Men and Things in Shanghai ; famine; violent begging; contributions so- licited; distribution of food; asylum for outcast children; oppression and assault; postmaster generals; pawnbrokers robbed; piratc-catchers. Letter to the Editor from SPECTATOR.

169

185

206

220

227

Art. VI. Journal of Occurrences : Edict of accession of H. M. Hienfung; honors given his brothers; religious intelligence, arrival of the Bishop of Victoria....

... 231 No. 5.

Precious Words to Awaken the

233

Art. I. Sing Shi Páu Yen

Age. By CHANG LICHEN. Published at Canton, 1848.. Art. II. The Holy Wars: Ta-tsing Shing Wù Ki, or Records of the Military Achievements of the Monarchs of the Great Pure Dynasty. Compiled by Wxt YUEN of Shanyàng in Húmán province. 20 vols. Evo, 3d edition, revised and

Art. III. Ode to the Deity. From the Russian.

enlarged. 1846.

Art. IV. Movable Metallic Types among the Chinese.

241

245

247

253

Art. V. Fifteenth Report of the Medical Missionary Society's Ophthalmic Hospital

at Canton. for the years 1848 and 1549. By Rev. P. PARKER, M.D......... Art. VI. Letter regarding the word used for God in Chinese. By A LOOKER-On, 280 Art. VII. Journal of Occurrences: departure of H. E. John W. Davis ; ceremonies

observed at Canton by the authorities upon the empress' death, last edict of Taukwang; bounties conferred by the new emperor; notices of his family; epi- demic at Canton.

No. 6.

281

Art. I. Notices of the Sagalien river, and the island of Tarakai opposite its mouth. 289 Art. II. Medical Missions: 1. General Report of the Hospital at Kam-li-fau in Can-

ton, from April 1818. to Nov. 1849. By B. HOBSON, M. B. pp. 57.

2. Report of the Committee of the Chinese Hospital, Shanghai, from January 1st to December 31st, 1849. pp. 18.

300

Art. III. Mythological acoount of some Chinese deities, chiefly those connected

with the elements. Translated from the Siú Shin Ki-

312

Art. IV. Topography of the province of Sz'chuen; its area, rivers, lakes, mountains,

divisions, towns, productions, and inhabitants..

317

Art. V. Remarks on showers of sand in the Chinese Plain. By D. J. MacGowan, 328 Art. VI. What I have seen in Shanghai : Protestant missionr; the late Mrs. Wylie, Mr. Southwell, and Mr. Spalding; notices of each mission; distribution of alms; chaplaincy in Trinity church; Bethel flag; Chinese version_of_the_N. Testament; article on Elohim and Theos.—Letter to the Editor by E. C. B.... 330 Art. VII. Journal of Occurrences: epidemic at Canton ; H. E. governor Sú ; arrival of the governor of Macao; canonization of the late Empress-dowager; Gov. Bonhain's visit to Shanghai; emigration of Chinese to America.

No. 7.

343

Art. 1. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and

Theos into the Chinese Language. Br W. J. BOONE....

345

Art. II. Notices of Coal in China. "By D. J. MacGowan, M, D., Cor, Mem, of the

Asiatic Society of Bangal......

385

Art. III. Men and things in Shànghai : scene changed ; the spring propitious, carly

viii

CONTENTS.

harvests plentiful; famine and beggary diminished; a force‹ donation returned; the asylum for outcast children dismantled ; unburied coffins ; small pex ; fever; moat and ditches excavated; smuggling; the opium question; Lord l'almer- ston's letter. Letter to the Editor from Spectator...

Art. IV. Topography of the province of Sz'chuen : description of its towns, produc-

tions, inhabitants, &c. (Continued from page 327)............. Art. V. Journal of Occurrences: return of the Str. Reynard and Gov. Bonham ; death of Gov. Da Cunha; meeting in relation to the Exhibition of Industry in 1851; licensing of tes-brokers at Canton ; movements of Missionaries......

No. 8.

390

394

403

Art. I. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and

Theos into the Chinese Language. B¥ W. J. BOONE......

409

Art. II. Letter to the Editor of the Repository, accompanied with a translation

of a Chinese tract upon Nourishing the Spirit. BY W. H. Medhurst D. D....... 415 Art. III. Journal of Occurrences: endeavor to prevent foreigners from living in Fuhchau; disturbances in Kwangsi; North-China Herald; facilities of the port of Shanghai ; fall of Trinity church ; accident at Taz’ki ; bridge of Boats at Ning- po; completion of the revision of the New Testament.

No. 9.

459

Art. 1. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and

Theos into the Chinese language. BY W. J. BooNE. (Continued from page 444.) 165 Art. 11. An Inquiry into the proper mode of translating Ruach and Pneuma, in the Chinese version of the Scriptures. By W. H. Medhurst, Sen. Shanghai, Printed at the Mission Press, 1850. ·

Art. 111. Animadversions on the Philological Diversions of Philo, by W. H. Med- hurst, Sen., in his Inquiry into the proper mode of translating Ruach and Pneu- ma, examined in a Note by Philo. Communicated for the Repository... Art. IV. Memoir of Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, Missionary to China. · Art. V. Course and topography of the Hwang ho or Yellow river.

Art, VI. Journal of Occurrences; H. M. S. Mariner's visit to Japan; cultivation of

tea in the United States; emigration of Chinese to America; niemorial respect- ing disturbances in Kwangsi; insurgents in Kwangtung... ·

No. 10.

478

486

491

499

509

Art. I. Consular Returns of the British and Foreign trade with China for 1849 513 Art. II. Letter to the Editor of the Repository upon Dr. Legge's Argument on the

word for God in Chinese. By A LOOKER-ON.........

524

Art. III. Translations and Notice of two Mongolian Letters to Philip the Fair,

King of France, 1305. BY MR. MEADOWS, Consular Interpreter, Canton........ 526 Art. IV. Pagodas in and near Canton; their names and time of their erection... 535 Art. V. Version of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese: proceedings of the Protestant missionaries at the several ports, and of their delegates at Shàng- hái relative thereto; resolutions adopted August 1st, 1850......

544

Art. VI. Tenets of the Budhists, and laws respecting their idols in Siam. By A

CORRESPONDENT-

548

Art. VII. Corrections in the Inscription on the Syrian Monument, erected in

A. D. 781, contained in Vol. XIV..

532

Art. VII. Topography of the province of Kansuh; its boundaries, mountains, lakes,

rivers, divisions, cities, population, productions, historical notices, &c... 551 Art. IX. Journal of Occurrences: trade with Camboja and Singapore; edict against Christianity by the prefect of Kiaying chau; honorary portals in Can- ton; proclamation of the insurgents ; Lin Tselisû sent to Kwangsi. -

No. 11.

565

Art. I. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and

Theos into the Chinese language. BY W. J. BooNE. (Continued from p. 478.) 569 Art. II. Journal of Occurrences: defeat and dispersion of the insurgents, and me- morial respecting them; sailing directions for entering the port of Shanghai; visit of H. M. Str. Reynard to Lewchew; death of Rev. C. Fast near Fuhchau fú; the death of Lin Tschs(... ·

No. 12.

G19

Art. I. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and

Theos into the Chinese language. By W. J. Boose, (C'oncluded from page(18.) 625 Art. II. Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la Tartaric, le Thibet, et le Chine, pendant les Annees 1844, 1815, et 1846, Par M. Hne, pretre missionaire de la Congrès gation de St.-Lazare. 2 tomes, Paris, 1850..

Art. III. Resume of the principal occurrences in China during the year 1350.

6674)

676

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-January, 1850.—No. 1.

ART. I.

The comparative English aud Chinese Calendar for 1850; names of the foreign residents at the five parts and Hongkong ; list of officers in the governments of Hongkong, Macao, and Can- ton; foreign legations and consular establishments in China. THE year 1850 of the Christian era answers to the 4487th year of the Chinese chronology, or as they reckon it, the 48th year of the 75th cycle of sixty years, which commences the 12th of February; the same is the thirtieth year of the reign of His Imperial Majesty Táukwáng, who is now 63 years of age, and consequently one of the oldest poten- tates of the world, and among those who have enjoyed regal dignity the longest. The present year is also the 5610th year of the Jew- ish chronology, which ends Sept. 6th, when the 5611th year com- mences. The lunar year commencing Nov. 6th, 1850, is the 1267th of the Mohammedan era; it is strictly lunar, and since the commence- ment of the era in A.D. 622, there has been a gain of nearly forty years over the Gregorian computation of the solar year. The year of 365 days, commencing Aug. 28th, or Sept. 27th, is the 1220th of the Parsee chronology, called the era of Yezdejerd; this began A.D. 632, but in consequence of rejecting the intercalaray day every fourth year, a discrepancy of nearly ten months has accrued since its commence- ment. Some of the Parsees date their new year Aug. 28th, another part begin Sept. 27th.

The lunar year commencing April 12th is the 1212th of the civil era of the Siamese and Burmese; and that beginning May 26th, is the 2393d of their religious year, computed from the death of Budha. The Japanese, Coreans, and Cochinchinese follow the Chinese sexagenary cycle, in calling the present year kang siuh, but each of these nations dates events from the commencement of the reigns of their respective monarchs.

VOL. XIX. NO. 1.

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$95

Calendar for the Year 1850.

JAN.

CROIRSAZ****HNA

287******

672****N

ន

1850.

List of Foreign Residents in China.

LIST OF FOREIGN RESIDENTS IN CHINA.

Errors will doubtless be found in the following list of names, but it is hoped they are not very numerous; it has been difficult to ascertain the names of those who reside afloat at the various anchorages, and many of them are pro- bably omitted. The difficulty of making the list complete increases from year to year.

Abbreviations-Ca stands for Canton; wh for Whampoa; ma for Macao; ho for Hongkong; am for Amoy ; fu for Fuhchau; ni for Ningpo; sh for Sháng- hii; p. c. and p. 8. attached to a few names denote that they are police consta- bles and police sergeants at Hongkong.

Abdolvayad Mohmed,

Baptista, J S

Abdola Moladina

Barhain, W.

P. C.

Adams, Charles R

Barnes, D J

Adamson, W R

Aderjee Sapoorjee

Barnet, George

Aguilar, Jozé de

Barnet, William

Barradas, M

Ahmed Isaac

Barradas, Francisco

Ainslie, Richard

Barradas, Vicente F

Alcock, R. and faini

Barradas, Angelo

Alexander, W H

Barros, Jozé Vicente

Alla Bux Ďosunjee

Barretto, B A

Allanson, William and family ma

Barretto, J O

Allureka Versey,

Barry, James

P. C.

Almeida, Lino de

Barton, Ch

792362222 3 2 2 2

Ambrose, Rev. Lewis

Bateson, Charles E

Ameeroodeen Abdool Latiff

Baylies, Nicholas

Anderson, Charles

Beale, Thomas Chay

Anderson, D

Anderson

Bellamy,

Bennets, Capt.

Angier, F J

Bevan, W. F.

Anthon, Joseph C

abs.

Bidet, A

Anthon, H.

Bimjee Canjee

Appleton, S

Binjamin Eliah

Aquino, Maximiliano J. d'

Bird, Alexander

Ardaseer Nesserwanjee Mođỹ. ca

Birdseye, T. J.

Ardaseer Rustomjee

Birley, FB and fam

Armstrong, George

Biscoe, Major V. J.

Armstrong, H. lieut 95th

Bland, J

Aroné, Jacques

Blight, John A

Aspenderjee Nesserwanjee.

Block, Frederick H

Aspinall, Richard

Bokee, William O

Aspundearjee Tamooljee

Bomanjee Muncherjee

Ayub Ebrahim,

Bonham, H.E. Samuel G & fam ho

Azevedo, Felis H. de and fam, ho Azevedo, Luiz M de

Bonney, 8 W.

Booker, Frederic

ain

Boon, j

Backhouse, John

Baldwin, Rev. Caleb C, & fam. fu

Balfour, Doct. A H. and fam. 、ho Ball, Rev. Dyer, and family, Ballard, Samuel and fain.

Boone, Rt. Rev. W, J. and fam sli Borel, Constant

Botelho, Alberto

Boughry, and fam., Major 59th ho Bounard, Rev Louis

Bancroft, A. H.

Bankier, Dr.

Bovet, Edouard

Bapoojee Pallanjee Runjee

Bovet, Louis

322255

Bovet, Fritz

Bowman, Adam

List of Foreign Residents in China.

داد

JAN.

Carter, Augustus and family

Cartwright, H D

داد

Bowman, John

Carvalho, L. and fam

Bowra, Charles W.

Carvalho, M. de

Bowra, William A. als.

Carvalho, Jozé H

Bowring, John, LL.D.

Carvalho, Antonio H

Boxer, W.

Castro, L d'Almado e

Bradley, Charles W. LL. D.

8311

Castro, J. M. d'Alinado e abs

Bradsliaw, James

Cay, R. Dundas

Braga, João Roza-

Ceballos, Juan A Lopez de

Braga, Manoel Roza

Chalmers, Patrick

Braine, Charles J and family

Champion Captain 95th

Brice, Dr.

Chapman, F

Bridgman, E. C. D. D. and fam sh

Chapman, Ensign 95th.

Bridgman, Rev. James G

Charlton, Lt. 95th.

Brimelow, James W

Charnley, D

Britto, Jozé de

Chinnery, George

Brodersen, C.

Chomley, Francis C

Brooks, J. A. atıd fam.

Churcher, John E.

Broughall, William

Clark, DO

Brown, Antonio, Tutera keeper ho

Brown, DO

Brown, W. Ward

Browne, Robert

Browning, W. R.

Clarke, Dr. Medical Staff.

Cleland, Rev. John F. ■ fam.

Clement, C. T., Lt. Cey. Rifles, ho Cleverley, C St. George

Cleverley, Captain

Bruce, George C. abs.

Clifton, Samuel and fam

Buchan, George

Cobbold, Rev. H.

Buckler, William

Cole, Richard, and fam.

Buckton, Charles

Collins, J

Buffa Rev.

Collins Mrs. and fam.

Bunn, R. Qtrmast. Ceylon Rfies ho

Collins, Rev. J. D.

Burd, John

Burgoyne, George

Burgoyne, William

Burke, W.

Burjorjee Eduljee

Burjorjee Rustomjee

Burjorjee Sorabjee

Burley, A J

Burns, Rev. William C.

Burton, Edward

Butt, John

Bush, F. T. and family

2 2 3 3 322 32

Comelate, J. G.

Compton, J B Compton, Spencer

Comstock, W

Compton, Charles S

Comstock, W O

Connolly, A

Cooke, John

Cooverjee Bomanjee

Cordeiro, Albanio A.

Cortella, Antonio M

Costa, N. T. da

Byramjee Coverjee

Coulter, M. S. and fam.

Byramjee Rustomjee

Cowan, Francis, P. C.

Calder, Alexander

Cowasjee Pestonjee,

Caine, Hon. major William

Cowasjee Pallanjee,

Caldas, Joaquim P

Caldwell, Daniel R.

Cameron, J

Campbell, Archibald and fam

Campbell,. A E. H.

Campbell, P

Campos, Jaoquim de

Cannan, John H

2222222223722

Cowasjee Sapoorjee Lungrana ca

Cowper, J C

Crakanthorpe,

Crampton, J

Crawford, Ninian

Creevy, Wm.,

P. S.

Crook, James

Carew, J. H. Captain 95th Carlowitz, Richard

Carpenter, Rev. C and family sh

Carr, John

Carruthers, John and fam

Crooni, A F and fam

Cruz, W F de

Cruz, F F de

Culbertson, Rev. M S and fam ni Camerally Rumizanally

Cruz, C. de

2 2 2 3 2 2 3 3 4742287285 $ 727222482375

Dadabhoy Eduljee

Dadabhoy D. Talcaca

Dadabhoy Bazonjee

Dadabhoy Pestonjee

Dadabhoy Jamsetjee Dulackow ca

Dady, William

Dale, E

Dale, Thurstan

Dale, W W and family

Dallas, A Grant

Dalziel, W, R

Dana, Richard P

Davidson, Walter

Davidson, William

Davis, H. E. John W.

Davis, Henry

De Montmorency Lieut 95th

De Sa, Francisco

De Silva, Manoel, P. S.

De Silva, F. P. and family.

De Silver, RP

De Silver, HT

Deacon, E

Dean, Rev. William

Dearle, J.

Delaney, Thomas

Delevie, S

Dennis, Captn. J. Fitz G.

Dent, George

Dent, John

Dent, Wilkinson

abs

Dent, William

Dhunjeebhoy Dossabhoy

Dhunjeebhoy Ruttunjee

Dhunjeebhoy Muncherjee

Dhunjeebhoy Hormujee Hak.

Dhunjeebhoy Eduljee

Dickinson, Henry

Dickson, Henry

Dickson, Dr. Med. Staff.

Dildarkhan Goolabkhan,

2 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 2¶72 887 85 22 28 § 2422222332285858 22 23

1850.

List of Foreign Residents in China.

Cummings, Rev. 8. & fam. Cumoorden Meerjee

Cunningham, Edward Currie, John

Cursetjee Eduljee

св

Cursetjee Jamsetjee Botiwala ca Cursetjee Rustomjee Eranee Cursetjee Rustomjee Daver са Cursetjee Shavuzshaw

Da Costa, M. D. Tavern Keeper bo Dadabhoy Burjorjee

са

Dos Remedion, J. J. and fam. ho Dossabhoy Hormusjee,

Dossabhoy Framjee Camajee Dossabhoy Hormusjee Cainajee ca Dossabloy Bajonjee

Doty, Rev. Elihu and fam Dowdall, Lt. Adjt. 95th Dowell, J. 8.

Drake, Francis C.

Dreyer, William

Drinker, Sandwith, and fam.

Duddell, George

Du Chesne, Henri

Dudgeon, P

Dunlop, Archibald

Durran, J. A.

Durrell, Timothy J

Duus, N. and family

Duval, Frank

abs

Eaton, E. B.

Ebrahim Shaik Hoosen

Ebrahim Soomar,

Edan, B

Edger, Joseph F. and fam

Edkins, Rev. Joseph

Eduljee Fudoonjee Khambata ca

Eduljee Cursetjee,

Eichbaine, C. W.

Eleaser Abraham

Ellice, Robert

Ellis, William

Elmslie, Adam W.

Elquist, Rev. A.

Emeny, W. and fam.

Encarnacao, Antonio L. d'

Encarnaçao, A. A. d'

Endicott, J B

cum

Everett, J H

Everard, Thomas

Ewing, R. and fam

Eyre, lieut.-col, R. A.

Fagan, J. W.

Farquhar, A.

Farnham, 8 H

Fazul Goolam Hoosain abs Fazul Dumany,

Fearon, Charles A.

Featherstonhaugh, W.

Feliciani, Rev. F. A.

Feneran, Lt. 95th.

Fenouil, Rev. John

| 8 2 3 2 3 3 4 2 4 5 8 2 5 6 2 8 222 8 § 3 5 3 222 88842222.

Fergusson, Doct. Andrew

Dinshaw Merwanjee,

Fergusson, John

Dinshawjee Framjee Casna

Fincham, A.

Dimier, C.

Findlay, George

Dixson, Andrew 8

Fittock, W. H.

Donaldson, C. M.

Fischer, Maximilian, and fam. ca

Dorabjee Framjee Colah

Dorabjee Pestonjee, Patell

Fisher Captn. Royal Artillery ho Fitzpatrick, John'

Dorabjce Nesserwanjee Cama, ca

Fletcher, Duncan

List of Foreign Residents in China.

JAN.

Fogg, H.

Greaney, J.

P. C.

Fonceca, Antonio de

Green, G F

Fonceca, Athanazio A. de

Grey, H M M

Forbes, R. B.

Griswold, John N. Alsop

Forcade, Rt. Rev. T. A.

Gutierres, A

Ford, Theo S

Gutierres, Candido

Forster, H. Lieut. 95th

Gutierres, Rufino

Forth-Rouen, Alexandre & fam ma

Gutierres, Venancio

Fox, John S

Gutierres, Querino

Framjee Sapoorjee Lungrana

Gutierres, Candido

Framjee Jamsetjee

Gutzlaff, Rev. Charles

abs ho

Framjee Eduljee

Hague, Patrick

Framjee Sapoorjee

Hajee Elies Hussan,

Framjee Burjorjee

Hall, Edward

Franklyn, W H

Hale, F. H.

Frazer, Lt. 95th.

Freemantle, Edmond A

Hall, G. R. ab

French, Rev. John B

Fryer, A H

Fryer, W

Fuller, Captain 59th

Furst, Rev. C. I.

Fysk, William W.

Gabriel, M.

Gangjee Goolam Hoosain

Garchi, Giovanni

Garvine, Henry

Garcon, Joao Braz

Gaskell, W.

Genaehr, Rev. Ferdinand

Gibb, John D

Gibb, George

Gibbs, Richard

abs

Gibson, E

2222§€322222 332

Hall, Capt. of steamer Spark ca

Hallam, S. J.

Hamberg, Rev. Theodore

Hance, H F

Hancock, B E

2=-=-82828227374848228

Happer, Rev. A. P. and family ca

Hardie, H. R.

Hare, J.

Harkort, Bernhard

abs

Harland, Doct W. A.

Harris, George

Harton, W. H.

Harvey, F. E.

Haskell G. E.

Head, C. H.

Heard, John

Heard, jr. Angustine

Heerjeebhoy Hormusjee abs

Gilbert, W

Giles, Edward F, abs Giles, John

Gilfillan, Rev. Thomas

Heerjeebeoy Rustomjee

Helbling, L.

Helms, Henry

sin

Henning, Robert

Gillespie, Robert

P. C. họ

Hepburn, Henry L.

Gillespie, Rev. William

Herschberg, Doct. H. J.

Gilman, Richard J

Hertslet FL and fam

Gingell, W R

Hickson, W. D.

Girard, Rev. Prudence

Hill, and fam. P. C.

Gittins, Thomas

Goodale, Samuel P

Goddard, John A

Goddard, Rev. Jos. T & fam

Hill, N. of Str. "Hongkong

Hillier, Charles B and fam ho

Hisslop, James, M. D. and fam am Hobson, B. M. D and family

Goodings, Robt, and fain.

Hobson, Rev. Wm. and fam

Goodridge, John B

Hogg, William,

Goolam Hoosain Ebrahimjee,

Holdforth, C G

Goolam Hoosam Chandoo,

Holgate, H.

Gorringer, Asst. Surgeon 59th ho

Holliday, John, and family

Gordon, H. G. Ass. Surg. 95th ho Gordon, Francis

Holt, W. Quartr Master, 95th

P. C.

Holtz, Andrea

Gordon Surgeon 95th.

Home, Dr. W. Med. Staff.

Grandpré, A

Hooper, James

Grant, Jaines

formusjee Cowasjee

Grandpré, Francisco

Hormusjee Eduljee

Graves, Pierce W

Hormusjee Jamasjee Nadershaw ca

Gray, Samuel

Hormusjee Nesser. Pochajee

Hudson, Joseph

Hudson, John

Hudson, Rev. T H

Hulme, Hon John W and fam. ho

Hurst, Wm.

P. S.

Hutchinson Wm.

Huttleston, J. Thomas

Humphreys, Alfred

abs.

Hunt, T. and family

Hunter, James D

Hurjee Jamal

Hyland, T

1850.

Houston, Edwin Hubertson, G F

Hudson, Aug. R

List of Foreign Residents in China.

8EC797222€2

Koch, C. A.

Kreyenhagen, Julius Kupferschmidt, P

Lamson, George H Lança, É L

Layton, Temple H and fam

3 3 2 3 2 2 2 5 6

Legge, Rev. James, v D & fam ho Lena, Alexander

abs ho

Leslie Lt. J. A. Ceylon Rifles ho

Lapraik, Douglas

Lay, Horatio

Layton, F A

Lecaroz, Juan

Lechler, Rev Rudolph

Leslie, W.

Hyndman, Henrique

Levin, E H

Hyndman, JoaŎ

Lewer, Dr.

Howell, W H

Lewin, D D

Irons, James

Lewis, A.

Isaac Reuben

Lewis, W D

Jacob Hassan

Lexis, William.

P. C.

Jacob Reubin

Jackson, R. B and family

Libois, Rev Napoleon F.

Liddall, E.

Jackson, Robert

8.11

Lima, J. M. O.

Jackson, Robert

P. C.

Limjee Jamsetjee

abs

Jalbhoy Cursetjee,

Livingston, WP

Jamieson, T of str. “Cantor" ho

Livingston, J Gibbons

Jamsetjee Rustomjee Eranee,

Jamsetjee Ruttunjee

Locke, W.

Jamsetjee Eduljee,

Jardine, Joseph

Jardine, David

Jarrom, Rev. W.

Low, Edward A.

Jehangeer Framjee Buxey

Lobscheid, Rev. Wilhelm

Lockhart, William and family Loomis, Rev. George

Lord, Rev. E. C. and family

Labeck, L.

Jenkins, Rev. B. and fun.

Luce, William H.

Jeraz Munjee

Ludda Chatoor,

Johnson, Rev. John

Ludda Kakey

Johnson, Rev. 8. and fam.

Lugg, J. It. Royal Artillery.

Johnston, A.

Lyall, George

Johnston, Hon. A R

Lyons, Alexr. Tavern keeper

Jones, Thomas

Macandrew, J.

Jones, Dash. Lieut. Royal Art. bo

Macculloch, Alex.

Josephs, Levin

Macgowan, D. J., и. D. & fam ni

Judd, Andrew

Macgregor, R.

Just, G. 8.

Mackay, Eneas J.

Just, Donald

Mackean, Thomas W. L &. fam ho

Jummoojee Nesserwanjee

Mackenzie, D. W.

Jesus, L J de,

Mackenzie, Kenneth R.

Kakeebhoy Bahaderbhoy,

Mackenzie, C. D.

Kennedy, David

Mackenzie, 8.

Kennedy, Henry H.

Mackertoom, M S

Kennedy, K. M.

Maclay, Rev. R. S.

Kenny, B Doct and family

Maclachlan, J. E.

Khan Mohamed Habibhoy abs ca

Maclehose, James

Khan Mohamed Datoobhoy

Maclean, A. C.

Khumooredeen Nuverally,

Maclean, J. L

King, William H.

Macleod, M. A.

King, F A

King, David O.

King, and fam. Lieut 59th

Kirk, Thomas

Maloobhoy Donghersee Maltby, Charles

Man, James Lawrence Maneckjce Boinanjee

Kleskowski, M. de

Maneckjee Nanabloy

List of Foreign Residents in China.

JAN.

Maneckjee Pestonjee Taback

Mohamed Ally Motabhoy

Mitchell George P. C. Mitton, Thos

Maneckjee Pestonjee

Mohamed Pudney Muscatee,

Margesson, H. D.

Moladina Noorhahmed

Marçal, Honorio A.

Moncrieff, Thomas

Marjoribanks Doct. Samuel

Monicou, Pierre

Markwick, Charles

Montigny, M. de

Markwick, Jr. Richard

Moore, H

Marques, D P

Moore, William

abs

Marques, F F

Moosah Hassam

Marques, Jozé M.

Morgan, Edward

Marques, Manoel V.

Morison, William, M. D. and fam ho

Marsh, W T

Morris Mrs.

Marshall 8. (Sheriff's Officer)

Morrison, John G

Mas, H. E. Don Sinibaldo de

Morrison, Martin C

Matheson, W. F. 8.

Morrison, George 8

Matheson, C. 8.

Morrison, W.

Mathews, I. H. and fam.

Morss, W H

Maveety, J. (Tavern Keeper)

Moses, A R B

Maxwell, Lt. 95th.

Moul, Alfred

May, C and fam

Moul, George

McCartee . N,

D. B.

Moul, Henry

McClatchie, Rev. T. and fam

Muir, J. D.

McDonald, & Mount T. Keeper. ho

Muirhead, Rev. W. and family sh

McDonald, J. Boarding House, ho

MacDonald, J.

Bli

Muncherjee Jevunjee Mehta

McFarlane, J. Tavern Keeper ho

Muncherjee Sapoorjee Lung.

Muncherjee Nesserwanjee,

св

McGregor Dr.

Muncherjee Frammurjee,

McKenzie, C W

Mur, J Manuel

McKenzie, Robert

P. S.

Murray, John Ivor, M. D. wusung

Mc Mahon, Rev. Felix

Murray, H

McSwyney, P C

Murrow, Y J

Meade, J. Lt. Ceylon Rifles

Murrow, L. E.

Meadows, Thomas T.

Meadows, John A. N.

Medhurst, W H. D. D. & fam, sh

Medhurst, jr, WH

Meer Sasson Moshu

Meigs -

Mello, A A. de

Melrose, W

Melvon, John,

P. C. ho

Mennecker, C V

Mercer, Hon. W T

Merwanjee Dadabhoy

Merwanjee Dadabhoy Wadia

Merwanjee Eduljee,

Meufing, W.A.

Michaelroy P. C.

Michell, E R

Middleton, & John fam.

Millar

Millar 2d T. Lt. Ceylon Rifles. ho

Millar, John

8864428822 2 3 3 3 2 2 2 §

Mylius, Capt. R. Ceylon Rifles, ho

Nanjee Sah Mohamed

Nanjee Yacoob

Napier, Charles

Napier, Hon. G

abs

Neave, Thomas D.

Nesserwanjee Framjee,

Noronha, Jozé M. de

Noronha, D.

Norton, W. M.

Nowrojee Cursetjee,

Miller, Dr

Nowrojee Nesserwanjee

Miller, John

Nowrojee Maneckjee Lungrana ca

Milne, Jaines

Noyes, C. H.

Milne, Rev. W. C. and family sh

Nye, Clement D.

Minchin, Captn. 95th

Nye, E. C. H.

Minchin, Lieut. 95th.

Oakley, Horace

Mitchell J.

Olding, J. A.

Mitchell, William H. and fam ho

Oliveira, J. J. d

Nesserwanjee Byramjee Fack. ca

Nesserwanjee Ardaseer Bhanja ca

Nesserwanjee Bonanjee Mody ca Nasserwanjee Hormusjee N. ca Newman, G. W.

Newton, J. Surgeon C. Rifles Niel, R. & fam. Albion House ho Noor Mohamed Kamal

Noor Mohamed Datoobhoy,

Norleen, Gustaf

Outeiro, Joze M. d'

Ozorio, Candido J.

Pages, Leon

Pallanjee Dorabjee,

118

Pallanjee Dorabjee Lalcaca

Pallanjee Nesserwanjee

Parish, Frank

Park, James Dickson

Parker, Norcott d'E.

abs ho

Parker, W d'Esterre

lio

Parker, Capt. P.

1850.

Olmsted, Henry M.

List of Foreign Residents in Ching.

Rangel, Segismundo Rangel, R.

Rangel, Jayme

Rangel, Floriano A.

52 52 352 3

Rankin, Rev. H. V. and fam. ni

Rathbone, S. Greg

Rawson, Samuel, and family Reiche, F.

Reine, P. B. Major C. Rifles

Remedios, J. B. dos

ain

Rawle, 8. B. and family

Reid, Frank W

Parker, Rev. P., x. D. and fam ca

Rémi, D.

Parkes, H. S.

abs

Reynvaan, H. G. I.

Parkin, W. W.

са

Ribeiro, J. C. V.

Pearcy, Rev. George and fam.

Richards, P. F.

Pearson, G. Lt. Ceylon Rifles.

Rickett, John, and family

Pedder, W. H.

ani

Pedder, lieut. William

Peerbhoy Yacoob

Peet, Rev. L. B. and fam.

Penrose, Wm. Tavern Keeper. ho

Ritchie, A. A.

Percival, A.

Richards, Rev. William L. Rienaecker, R

Ripley, Philip W. and family ca Risk, J.

Ritchie, John Tavern Keeper. ho

Pereira, Ignacio de A.

Rizios, A

Pereira, Edward

Rizzolati, Rev. Joseph

Pereira, J. Lourenco

Roberts, Rev. 1. J.

abs

Pereira, B. A.

Roberts, Joseph L.

Pereira, Manoel L. R.

Roberts, O. E.

Perkins, George and famı

Perkins, George

Pestonjee Dinshawjee

Pestonjee Framjee Cama

Pestonjee Jainsetjee Motiwalla ca

Pestonjee Nowrojee Pochajee ca Pestonjee Rustomjee

Robertson, D. B.

Robertson, George

Robinson, William F. Rocha, Jozé J.

Rodrick, Anthony

Roiner, Henry

Romthala Ameer

$=*2=382 C 2T 2 2 2 5 6 6 7 2 722 £ $ 62 7

P. C.

Phillips, Robert

Romthala Versey,

Phillips, J

Roose, William R.

Phillpotts, lieut-col. G. and fam ho

Ross, J. B.

Phillpotts, lieut. H.

Ross, W. F.

Piccope, W. N.

Rothwell, Richard

Piccope, T. C.

Rowe, John

Pierce, Wm G

Rowe, J. R.

anl

Pitcher, M. W.

Royos, Jacinto

8111

Platt, Charles

Roza, Jezuino da

Pollard, E. H.

Rozario, Florencio do

Ponder, Stephen

Rozario, L. A.

Potter, M. L.

Rozario, C. E.

Potter, W.

Rusden, J.

Potter, D.

abs

Russell, George

P. C.

Powell, Dr.

Russell, Rev. W. A.

Power, J. C. and fam

Rustomjee Burjorjee,

Prattent, J. R

Priestman, C. J.

Rustomjee Byramjee,

ain

Rustomjee Jalbhoy

Purdon, James

Pustau, William

Rustomjee Morwanjee Nalear. ca

Pyke, Thomas

Rustomjee Pestonjee C.

Rustomjee Pestonjee Motiwalla ca

Quarterman, Rev. J. W.

Rustomjee Ruttonjec,

Quin, M

Rustoinjee Framjee Mehta

Quin, James

110

Rutherfurd, Robert

Rains, Licut. 95th

Rutter, Henry

VOL. XIX. NO. 1.

JAN.

List of Foreign Residents in China.

Ryder, C.

Ryan, Mrs.

Smith, Frederick and fam Smith, Richard

Sadarkhan Jaferkhan

Sage, William

Salley Mohamed

8now, E. N.

Samjee Lalljee,

Samson, Moritz

Soares, Francisco

Sanchez, Joze

Smith, W and fam

Smithers J. Clerk & Usher S. C. ho

Soames, Capt. of Str. Canton

Sorabjee Nowrojee Wadiah

Sanders, Charles

abs

Sorabjee Pestonjee

Sandoval, Juan B. de abs

Solomon David

Santos, Antonio dos

Souza, Miguel de

Sapoorjee Bomanjee,

Sargent, Lt. 95th.

Souza, Florencio de Speer, Rev William

abs ca

Sassoon, Abdalah David

Spooner, C. W.

Sassoon, R. David

St. Croix, Nicholas de

Saul, R. Powell, and fam.

St. Croix, George de

Saur, Julius, and family

St. Hill, Henry

Scarth, John

Schumacher, G. A.

Schwemann, D. W.

Scott, William

Scott, Adam

Scrymgeour, David

St. John, St. Andrew, Lieut.

Stanton, Rev. Vincent & fam. ho Staveley, Hon. maj-gen. W.

Steele, Thos. Tavern Keeper. Steedman, Rev. 8. W.

Stevens, D.

lio

Seabra, Francisco A.

Stewart, Patrick, and family

Seare, Benjamin, and family ma

Still, C. F.

Sedick Omar

Stirling, Hon. Paul I.

Seth, 8. A.

Strachan, George

Shaikally Mearally

Strachan, Robert

Shaik Tayeb Furjoolabhoy

Stronach, Rev. Alex. & fam

Bin

Shaik Davood

Stronach, Rev. John

Shaik Ahmed

св

Stuart, Charles J F

Shaw, Charles

Sturgis, James P.

Shaw, W.

Sturgis, Robert S.

Sherard, R. B.

Suacardo, RicardoT. Keeper

Shortrede, Andrew

Sucetmal Nuthoomull,

Shuck, Rev. J. L. and family sh

Sullivan, G. G. and family

Sichel, M.

Summers, James

Siemssen, G. T.

Sword, John D.

abs

Sillar, John C.

Swettenham, Lt. 95th.

Sillar, D.

Syle, Rev. E. and family

Silva, Marciano da

Taafe, O. H.

Silva, Jozé M.

Tait, James

Silva, Quentiliano da

Talmage, Rev. John V. N. abs am

Silva, Ignacio M. da

Tarmohamed Naincey

Silveira, F. C. P. de

Tarrant, William

Silveira, Albino de

Tarrant, H. J.

Silveira, Albino P.

Tattershall, Captn. C. R.

Simoens, Manoel

Taylor, Rev. C. и. D. and fam. sh

Sinclair, Fraser

Teesdale, lieut. C. B.

Sinclair, C. A.

Thompson, John

Skinner, John

Thorburn, W

Smelt, C. T. 2d Lt. C. Rifles

Thorburn, R. F.

Smith, Dr.

Thorne, A.

Smith, John and family

Tinawy, Joseph

Smith, Arthur

Tozer, Frederick

Smith, E. M.

Trotter, G. A.

Smith, James

Trubshaw, James

Smith, J. Mackrill and family sh

Tyndal, Bruce

Smith, J. Caldecott

Turner, James, Tavern Keeper

Smith, H. H.

Twynham, Lt. G. S.

1850.

Ullet, R. B. Urmson, G. Vacher, W. II. Vandenberg, AF

Van Loffelt, J. P. Vaucher, Fritz

Veerjee Rabin

Vidigal, Antonio de

Viegas, A. and family

Viegas, L.

Viera, L. F.

Wade, T. F.

Williams, Jobn

Wadman, Edward

Walkinshaw, W.

Wilson, Alexander

Walker, J. T.

Wilson, R. E.

Walker, J

Walters, Col. 95th.

Winch, J. H

Ward, M. 2d Lt. C. Rifles

Warden, H. H.

Wise, John

Wardley, W. H.

Withington, James

Warner, Mrs.

Wardner, Rev. N. and fam

Waters, Charles

Wolcott, Henry G.

Woodgate, W.

Watson, T. Boswell, & fam.

Wright, James M.

Government of Hongkong.

Widderfield, John Wiener, A. G. Wiese, L.

Wight, Rev. J. K. & fam Wilke, jr. J.

Wilkinson, Alfred

Wilkinson, Francia

Williams, John

4 8 8 8 8 8 82 862 27 3 1 222007287

Williams, C. D

Williams, F. D.

ho ho

ni sh

22774J8282€ 33€2

P. C. ho

Williams, S. Wells and family ca

Wills, C.

Winiberg H. & fam. T. Keeper, ho

Winchester, C. A. and fam

absent

Worthington, James

abs.

Watson, J. P.

Wright, J. F. E.

Way, Rev. R. Q. and fam

Wylie, A.

Weatherly, James

Yates, Rev. M. T. and family sh

Webb, Edward

Young, A. I.

Weiss, Charles

Young, James H.

West, L.

Young, W. B. Capt. Roy.Artil. ho

Whilden, Rev. B W and fam

Young, James T. Keeper.

White, James and fam

Young, Rev. W. and family

White, Rev. M. C.

Yvanovitch, Stefano

Whittall, James

Zanolle, Jules

ina

Approximate Synopsis of Foreign Residents in China.

Number of names in the preceding list...

Residents at Canton and Whampoɛ· ·

do. at Hongkong.

do.

at Amoy..

do.

at Fuhchau

do.

at Ningpo..

do. at Shanghai.

Number of those who have their families.

Commercial Houses and agencies· · · · ·

994

362

404

141

103

138

GOVERNMENT OF HONGKONG.

H. E. SAMUEL G. BONHAM, C. B., Governor, Commander-in-chief, Vice-Admi-

ral, Plenipotentiary, and Chief Superintendent of Trade.

C. B. Teesdale, lieut. H. M. 83d Regt. Á. D. C. to H. E. the Governor.

Hon. Major-gen. W. Staveley, C.B., Lieut-Gov. and Commander of the forces. Hon. Major W. Caine, Colonial Secretary and Auditor-General.

Hoa. A. R. Johnston, Secretary and Registrar.

Hon. John W. Hulme, Chief-Justice.

Hon. W. T. Mercer, Colonial Treasurer.

COLONIAL SECRETARY'S OFFICE.

Hon. Major Caine, Colonia! Secretary. J. M. d'A. e Castro, 2d Clerk, absent. Rev. C. Gutzlaff, Chinese Sec. (abs.) || H. F. Hance,

L. d'Almada e Castro,

3d Do. 4th

Chief Clerk || A. Grandpr^,

||G. W. Newman, Acting પત

pro tem.

Government of Hongkong.

AUDIT OFFICE.

Hon. Major Caine,

JAN.

Registrar General's OFFICE.

Auditor General. || Hon. W T. Mercer, Of`g. Regist, Gien.

E. Morgan,

Clerk.

A. Lena, 'Ng Ming-Tung,

Clerk (absent).

Chinese Clerk.

COLONIAL TREASURY.

Hon. W. T. Mercer,

Treasurer.

CIVIL HOSPITAL.

J. G. Comelate,

Chief Clerk.

Wm. Morrison, Colonial Surgeon.

R. Rienecker,

Accountant.

Alberto Botelho,

Dispenser.

J. Hare,

Assistant.

POST OFFICE.

T. Hyland,

Postmaster.

R. H. Crakanthorpe,

Chief Clerk.

W. T. Marsh,

2d Do.

3d Do.

4th Do.

Messrs. May and Caldwell, Assessors

and collectors

SURVERYOR General's OFFICE.

C. St. Geo. Cleverly, Surveyor Gen. || J. Hudson, Hon. G. Napier (abs.) Clerk of Works. || J. H. E. Wright, J. C. Power, Acc't & Clerk of Registry.

ECCLESIASTICAL.

Rev. V. J. Stanton, Coloniai Chaplain. J. Summers, Preceptor Anglo-Chinese ||

school.

F. C. Drake, Schoolmaster, Clerk, and

Sexton.

HARBOR MASTER'S OFFICE.

ROYAL ENGINEER'S OFFICE. Lieut.-col. G. Phillpotts, Commanding

Engineer.

Major Biscoe,

Executive Engineer. Lieut. St. Andrew St. John. Lieut. Phillpotts.

William Burgoyne, Clerks of Works. S. H. Mathews,

George Burgoyne, Foreman of Works.

Lieut. William Pedder, R. N. Harbor || Joseph Cameron,

Master and Marine Magistrate.

E. R. Michell,

Assistant.

SUPREME & Vice AdmiraltY COURT.

Hon. J. W. Hulme,

S Chief Justice & { Commissary.

Hon. P. I. Stirling, Attorney General. N. D'Esterre Parker, Proctor (absent). W. D'Esterre Parker, Acting Proctor. R. Dundas Cay,

Registrar. F. Smith, Dep. Registrar & Surrogate G. A. Trotter, Clerk to Chief Justice. W. H. Alexander, Clerk of Works. 5 Interpreter of Malay &

Bengalee.

Bailiff

E. L. Lança,{

J. Smithers, J. Crook,

ORDNANCE OFFICE.

Clerk.

Henry St. Hill, Ordnance Storekeeper.

Clerk. Theo. S. Ford, John A. Blight, J. A. Brooks,

D. Stevens,

J. R. Prattent, F. C. P da Silveira, 8. Appleton,

Temporary Clerks.

ROYAL ARTILLERY.

Lieut.-col. Eyre, Captain W. B. Young. Captain Fisher.

Lieut. Jones.

Under Bailiff. ||

Lieut. Lugg.

Commanding.

POLICE ESTABLISHMENT.

C. B. Hillier,

C. G. Holdforth,

Chief Magistrate.

Assistant Do.

COMMISSARY.

W. Smith, Assistant Commissary Gen. C. W. Eichbaine, Dep. Asst. Com. G.

Sheriff & Provost Marshal. || J. W. Fagan, Clerk of Treasury.

Charles May, Superintendent of Police

D. R. Caldwell,

J. Collins,

M. Quin,

Assistant. Do.

Chief Clerk.

Second

Jailor.

Sheriff's Officer.

Thomas Mitton,

Sylvester Marshall,

CORONERS.

C. B. Hillier, CG. Holdforth,

NAVAL YARD, WEST POINT.

Capt. P. Parker,

Naval Storekeeper.

Walter Burke.

Geo. Dewar,

(abs.) Chief Clerk

W. D. Hickson, J. E. Churcher,

2d Do.

3d Do.

E. B. Eaton,

F. Liddall, W. Boxer. J. Risk, J. Dearle,

4d Do.

Storemen. Coopers

1850.

Government of Macao.

GOVERNMENT OF MACAO

D. Jeronimo Jozé de Matta, Joaquim Antonio de Moraes Carneiro, Ludgerio Joaquim de Faria Neves, Felippe Vieira,

Bishop.

Chief Justice.

Major.

Council of

Judge.

Government.

Thomas Jozé de Freitas,

Procurador.

Miguel Pereira Simoens,

Fiscal.

Governor's

Department.

Antonio Jozé de Miranda,

Jeronimo Pereira Leite,

Jozé Carlos Barros, Jozé Franco.

Dom. Jeronimo Jozé de Matta, Rev. Braz de Mello, Bernardo d'Araujo Roza,

Dr. Joao Damasceno C. dos Santos, P. J. da Silva Loureiro,

D. J. Barradas,

Secretary to government. A. D. C. to the Governor.

Clerks.

Bishop. Secretary.

Acting Commandant Attorney-general. Harbor Master.

Postmaster.

Judiciary.

J. A. de Moraes Carneiro, C. de O. de C. Judge.

Joao Batista Gomes,

Francisco da Silveira, C. de O. de C. Registrar.

Substitute of the Judge.

Miguel F. Telles,

Thomas de Aquino Migueis,

Antonio Rangel,

Clerks. Accountant.

Municipal Chamber.

Camillo Lelis de Souza,

JoaŎ Jozé Vieira,

Felippe Vieira,

J. F. d'Oliveira, A. Carlos Brandað Thos. J. de Freitas, Maximiano da Roza, Pedro da Roza.

}Judges.

Vereadores.

Procurador.

} Clerks.

Procurador. || Joaŭ Lourenço de Almeida,

Chinese Department.

Justices of the Peace.

Thos. J. de Freitas,

Joao R. Gonsalves,

Interpreter. || Antonio Jozé da Rocha,

Florentino dos Remedios,

Do.

Antonio Rangel,

Clerk.

Jeronimo da Luz,

Do.

Joaquim Xavier,

Do.

Treasury.

B. Simoens,

Clerk.

F. J. Marques,

Treasurer.

Pio de Carvalho,

Do.

} Clerks.

Revenue Department.

Miguel P. Simoens,

Fiscal.

F. J. Marques,

Treasurer.

J. Victorino da Silva,

Accountant.

Jozé Joaquin de Azevedo,

Do.

Ludivino Simnoens,

Do.

J. Simoena,

Miguel de Souza,

Francisco da Costa,

Assessors.

Dr. J. D. C. dos Santos.

J. F d'Oliveira.

Guilherme Francisco Bramston

Joaŭ Victorino da Silva

Angelo A. da Silva,

Clerk

Mahtihgan,

Tsiuenking,

全慶

Pihkwei,

栢貴

Liáng Singyuen,

梁星源

Hwan Kwangshin,

Government of Canton.

HIGH CHINESE OFFICERS AT CANTON.

Sü H. E. Su Kwangtsin,

H. E. Yeh Mingchin,

JAN.

Governor-general of Liáng Kwáng.

Governor of Kwingtung province.

General of the Manchu troops.

Literary Chancellor.

Treasurer, or púching az'.

Judge, or ngánchák sz'.

Commissioner of gabel and grain.

Wnrántai,

Lieut-general of the Manchu troops.

Tohgantungeh,

托恩

Lieut-general of the Chinese troops.

Hwáitáhpú,

Col in command of Gov.-gen.'s brigade.

Tsishán,

濟山

Hung Minghiêng,

洪名香

Mingshen,

Yih Táng,

Kingyen,

Fung Yuen,

Chin I'chi,

Yú Yanglin,

Cháng Hú,

Shau Ngántsang,

Fan Weikioh,

Tsau Mienting,

Fung Wancháu,

邵安

會

范維玨

鄒冕廷

明善

Col. commanding Governor's brigade.

Admiral at the Bogue.

Collector of Customs or Hoppo.

Prefect of Canton or Kwángchau fís

Col. of the prefecture.

District magistrate of Nánhái.

do.

張護

明易慶碼悚涂張邵范鄒馮

Deputy District magistrate.

Assist. deputy

Magistrate of Nglauhau sz' at Fatshán

of Shin-ngun a near Fit.

of Kiangpå sz' near Saichiú.

n of Hwangting sz' near Fatshún.

n_of Kamli sz3 ; the extreme west.

Shauki,

壽

Chau Tingchih,

周廷勢

Wú Páuching,

吳保楨

Tsiángnien,

祥年

District magistrale of Pwányú

Deputy district magistrate

do.

Assist. deputy

Magistrate of Káutáng szo, near 2d Bar

Chin Yuhshin,

陳玉森

of Luhpo sz', near E. of city

Hü Wanshin,

許文

of Sháwán sz', on the east

1850.

Shin Hwanchang,

Sun Yuehlich,

Diplomatic Establishments in China.

Mag. of Mótakli sz' on the northeast. Superintendent of boats, or hopo sho.

DIPLOMATIC ESTABLISHMENTS IN CHINA.

H. B. M. SUPERINTENDENT of Trade and Consular EstablishneNTS. At Hongkong.

His Excellency Samuel G. BONHAM,

flon. A. R. Juanston,

Rev. Charles Gutzlaff, absent T. F. Wade,

Mr. William Connor, (absent)

Mr. Frederick E. Harvey Mr. W. Woodgate Mr. Joao Hyndman

Mr. G. 8. Morrison

JOHN BOWRING, LL. D.

Adam W. Elmalie, Esq. Thomas T Meadows, Esq. Mr. J. T. Walker, Mr. E. F. Giles, Mr. Horace Onkley, Alexander Bird,

Temple H. Layton, Esq. John Backhouse, Esq. Martin C. Morrison, Esq. Mr. Frederick L. ¡lertslet, Charles A. Winchester, M. D. Mr. W. II. Pedder.

R. B. JACKSON, Esq. William R. Gingell, Esq.

G. G. SULLIVAN, Esq. C. A. Sinclair, Esq. Mr. Patrick Hague,

RUTHERFORD ALCOCK, Esq. D). B. Robertson, Esq.

Walter II. Medhurst, jr.

Mr. F. H. Hale,

Mr. Frank Parishi,

Superintendent of Trade. SH. B. M. Plenipotentiary and Chief

Secretary and Registrar. Chinese Secretary. Assistant

do.

First Assistant. Acting First Assistant. Acting Second Do. 3d Clerk.

4th Clerk.

At Canton.

Consul.

Vice Consul.

Interpreter.

Senior Assistant.

(absent)

Junior Assistant.

Consular Agent, Whampoa.

At Amoy.

Consul.

Vice Consul.

Interpreter.

First Assistant.

Second Do. & medical attendant. Clerk.

At Fuhchau.

Consul. Interpreter.

At Ningpo.

Consul. Interpreter. Senior Assistant.

At Shanghái.

Consul.

Vice Consul.

Interpreter.

Senior Assistant, (absent)

Acting senior assistant.

Diplomatic Establishments in China.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES.

His Excellency John W. Davis, Rev. Peter Parker, M. D.

R. B. Forbes, Esq.

F. T. Bush, Esq. Charles W. Bradley, LL. D. John N. A. Griswold, Esq. R. P. De Silver, Esq.

JAN.

Commissioner of the U. S. A. to China,

{Secretary of Legation, and Chinese

Interpreter.

Vice Consul at Canton. Consul at Hongkong. Consul at Amoy.

Consul at Shanghái.

Consul and Naval Storekeeper, Macao.

FRENCH

LEGATION.

ALEXANDRE Forth-Rouen,

Leon Pages,

Jules Zanolle,

Henry Du Chesne,

Jozé M. Marques,

H. G. I. Reynvaan, Esq.

G. E. Haskell, Esq. Robert Jackson, Esq.

M. de Montigny,

M. de Kletzkowski,

Don SINIBALDO DE MAS,

Envoyé de France en Chine.

Secretaire.

Chancelier.

Elève Consul.

Interpreter.

Vice Consul at Canton.

Agent Consulaire at Hongkong.

Agent Consulaire at Amoy.

Consul at Shanghải, and Acting Con

sul for Ningpo.

Interpreter at Shanghái.

SPANISH LEGATION.

Don Juan Bamtista de Sandoval, Don Juan A. Lopez de Ceballos, Don Jozé de Aguilar, Don Juan Lecaroz,

James Tait, Esq.

Sr. Jozé Vicente Jorge,

Robert Browne, Esq. Richard Carlowitz, Esq. William Pustau, Esq.

W W. Parkin, Esq. Clement D. Nye, Esq.

John Burd, Joseph Jardine, Esq. Alexander Calder, Esq.

John Dent, Esq. T. C. Beale, Esq.

Sr. A. A. de Mello,

Camillo Lelis de Souza,

{ Envoy potraordinary and Minister

Plenipotentiary. Secretary of Legation. Diplomatic attaché. (absent) Attachés & students.

Vice Consul at Amoy. Spanish Consul at Macao.

Consul for Netherlands.

Consul for Prussia and Saxony. Consul for Austria.

Consul for Peru at Canton. Vice Consul for Chili.

Danish Consul, Hongkong. Acting Danish Consul, Canton, Acting Danish Consul, Shánghái,

Portuguese Consul at Canton. Portuguese Consul at Shánghái.

Brazilian Consul.

Vice Consul for Brazil at Macao.

1830..

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

ART. II. Letter from B. J. Bettelheim, M. D., giving an account of

his residence and missionary labors in Lewchew during the last three years.

[We have only a few words to add in explanation of this letter from Doctor Bettelheim, for we think it will best speak for itself. In Vol. XVI, page 55, a reference is made to him, since which time we have received nothing from him that we felt at liberty to publich, though we have had the pleasure of reading the journals sent by him to his Society in London. The wish to learn something authentic from the Doctor himself, led us to address him u note to this effect in February last by the Preble, which visited Napa on her way to Nagasaki, as stated on page 351 of the last volume, and he has prompt- ly met the request. In printing it, we have made a few verbal alterations, which we are sure the author would willingly accede to were he here to be inquired of. We commend the Letter to our readers, and shall be most hap- py to forward anything which may be sent to us for the writer. The letter is addressed to Rev. P. Parker, M.D. and dated Napa, Sept. 1849.—Ed Ch. Rep.]

MY DEAR SIR :

THOUGH I address this letter to you as one of the chief authorities, on whose suggestion, approval, and promised countenance, our Committee as well as myself entered upon this mission, still what I say to you I say to all our missionary brethren in China, even those whose acquain- tance I was unable to make during my short stay there, persuaded that they are all anxiously looking upon this station as the first pioneering trial on terra Japonica-quite a terra incognita—and surrounded with difficulties not common to other enterprises of this nature.

I thought our Committee would endeavor to keep our friends in China as clearly informed on this mission as our home friends, whose assisting hand can not so soon reach us; but having understood from Mr. Williams' kind note, that some communication respecting our state here might be acceptable to you all, I now endeavor to trace back in my memory some of the leading events that may most interest you, beginning from our landing till this, the fourth year of our so- journ in Lewchew; praying it may please God so to guide my inex perienced pen, as to make this retrospect of our mission instrumental in rousing the interest, and enlisting the sympathy of all who read it.

There is one fact, or rather opinion, likely to be current in China concerning this country, which I conceive dues our mission much prejudice, namely, that Lewchew being a Chinese dependency, it runs against the faith of our treaty to intrude upon this locality. Now I beg you to discountenance such a notion among the friends of the mission, for 1 have strong reason to consider this false rumor one of the grounds on which we are left unaided in our heavy struggles; otherwise, it can

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

scarcely be accounted for, how it comes that such a well devised and almost romantic enterprise should fail to rally round itself a host of friends.

I must here premise, that as I foresee the summary of our doings and sufferings for three years and a half in a station like this, will swell to a size beyond a common letter, I must beg your patience and forgiveness ; the more so as I can give it no other time than at evening, so that the combined effects of my nearsightedness, a glimme..ng lamplight, and the indistinctness of a manifold-writer,will no doubt be discoverable on every page. I know also that my present state of mind is in no respect bright, perhaps not even right; and it is quite natural this likewise will be traceable on these sheets. However, as I write to a missionary brother, and from no other than pure motives, I will not be discouraged, nor do I fear to fail in my object if I should some- times happen to speak of my own griefs instead of giving you a report on the mission; the spirit may be willing to keep close to the point, but the flesh is weak, and out of the abundance of the heart the mouth will speak, notwithstanding all the efforts of prudence to make a secret of our troubles. It is a mercy, when amid all our hardships, certainly much beyond current missionary difficulties, we have grace given us not to murmur or repine; a Divine favor for which I feel doubly thank- ful, as mental dissatisfaction and a wayward heart would add poig- nancy to every ingredient in the bitter cup we have here daily present- ed to our lips. But “not to murmur" does not mean to impose a hypo- critical dumbness on one's feelings. Besides, I know not whether the complaints of a missionary are not as much a part of his report, as the details of his encouragements. Shadows belong to a picture as essen- tially as the bright dashes of the pencil; and evening and morning made the first, and still continue to make every, day.

Having thus prepared you for the "weep and smile rhetoric," in which I beg you to allow me to tell you my tale, I shall begin with our

Landing in Lewchew, which was effected on the 2d of May, 1846. We had come to anchor the day before. I am thankful to record, I was then, as I had been during the voyage from Hongkong, much in pray- er; I had taken with me this preparation of mind from under the roofs of my dear brethren in Canton. The fortnight I spent in your house just before my departure, the edification I received from converse with Drs. Bridgman, Devan, and Ball, the praying duo in which we took leave of each other: do you not remember it? The devotional evening speut at the Stantons, just before our embarkation kept my heart in holy tunc, all along our twenty days' passage, and raised me above the trials

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

awaiting me. I think I can not better describe my state of feeling, than by quoting a few sentences from my journal of April 30th :-

"The aspect of the great Lewchew is truly picturesque; hills crowned with trees, fine verdant slopes running down to the sea, and all on which the eye can rest, like the garden of the Lord. May soon the Rose of Sharon glow here in its original hue!”—“ I just hear the report, 'The town is in sight!' How my heart beats! Is it zeal for God's glory that agitates my whole frame? Lord, forbid that any other emotions than those of a devoted servant of the Cross occupy my heart. Oh, that the Lewchewans may know the day of their visitation! How many anxieties would my poor mind be spared, were they tho- roughly to understand my friendly mission to them. Oh, Lord Jesus! it is now time for thee to work; thy church has found out this distant spot in thy creation, where to plant a new abode for thy truth. Prayer, and gold, and silver, have been offered upon thine altar for this cause; thy humble slave has devoted himself, and wife and children to this dif- ficult task. Thy grace and favor have brought us to the threshold of our herinitage; wilt thou bring to the birth, and not cause to bring forth? Oh Lord, disappoint not thy praying, wishing, longing servant ; let us be received; let thy word find a place; let thy truth be valued ; give us prudence and wisdom to know in what way best to gain the confidence of thy sheep in Lewchew. May they hear thy voice, and follow thee, for thy own dear name's sake. Amen!"

From these extracts, you will easily see that I feared the worst, but I had one to look to able to uphold me. Though I might be defeated, I had prepared for retreat—a retreat into the stronghold of every be- liever, before I ventured on the war; and it was this which

gave the Cross the victory. My anxieties were many, my supports were also many; and the guiding Star of Bethlehem sparkled brighter amid the thick gloom covering every step before me. In the instructions I had receiv- ed in London, was an entry to the end that if refused reception at Lew- chew, I should settle down in Fuhchau, and there try to work my way over; a plain proof that our Committee itself had strong doubts as to the practicability of an immediate opening of the mission on its own ground; and it was but natural I should share in its misgivings.

However, one day more proved the Lord to be mighty and strong to the pulling dowu of every imagination that seemingly obstructs his way. We had scarcely anchored when the Rev. Mr. Forcade came on board. Conceive my joy and exultation, not only to meet a European, but to have a palpable proof that they may and do reside in Lewchew; this was all I wanted. I had English feeling enough not to allow that

113

Letter from B J. Bettelheim

JAX.

to be refused to the union-jack, which was granted to the tri-eniored enckade; and let me tell yon, by the bye, the unɔon-pack, at this time, wis to me tantamount to the flag of Protestantiam; I trust in God, we shall not have to strike it, while the rosary and distalf of the scarlet lady remain boined Mr. Forcade had so many things to teli me, and I was so totally ears, that I forgot I had a mouth, and only found it again when I gave him a promise of a ken, which I made as gladly as be frankly applied for it, he having been at that time two years and up- wards without remittances from Macao. I should not have mentioned this at all, were it not to prove once more that even a cup of water offered in the name of a disciple does in no wise lose its reward. Un- der God, I think this incident, so insignificant and small, did great things towards our settlement in Lewchew. For the very morning af ter I had gained the goodwill of Mr. F., the Sabine, a French frigate moored in Napa roads; and I make no doubt, it was the Bishop's kind mention of me, that procured us the most unqualified benevolence from the captain and officers of that ship, as well as of the whole French squadron that soon after arrived under Admiral Cecille.

But I must not run ahead of my story, and will therefore take you back again on board the Starling, where we were soon beset with crowds of capped and uncapped natives, all wondering, and perhaps somewhat more than wondering, at the idea of my becoming a settler in Lewchew. The preceding day we had notified our intentions to the first messenger who brought as usual (as we now know to be usual) the long card from the governor of Napa, but which I took for nothing Jess than a card from the king, so immensely large and long was it; yea, the very messenger, say what he might, would not pass off with me for any less personage than the King. So much for my implicitly believing Capt. Basil Hall's narrative, and the notions of a fairy land his book is calculated to form in the mind of every unsuspecting reader. Lewchew was to me a realization of the magic stage on which old Arabian or Hindoo tales are said to have been acted. The testimony of senses, I thought must be cautiously listened to; everything must be better than it appears to be, and I scolded my prosaical taste, for not being able to divest myself of the ideas current in the old world, and to penetrate the mystical veil, which I imagined does and must cover all things around me. So dangerous is it to poetize a country without expressly writing on the frontispiece of the work, "a Novel or Ro- mance;" for it then takes a plain reader like myself, who happens to be transported into such an illusory paradise, much time before he can conscientiously believe his own eyes and ears.

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

You know I had the misfortune to lose my Latin-Chinese interpreter the day before my embarkation, and that it was mere Providence that brought us a man just as we set foot on board the Starling; his know- ledge of English was in perfect keeping with mine of Chinese, and by the time of our arrival here, we could converse with each other but very little. He was a Cantonese, and more merchant than man of let- ters, and I believe, did himself scarcely understand half of what was told him, since all who speak Chinese here, use the mandarin dialect; and thus it happened, and fortunately too, that I could never persuade myself the natives meant in earnest what they said; and whenever my interpreter reported to me their utter unwillingness to receive, or even let us land, I seemed persuaded he had not understood them, and smiled with the full assurance of one whom Capt. Hall had taught better things of Lewchew; just like a practical miner who sees gold in the depths, where others tread indifferently on earthy impurities and sedimentary waters. No doubt it was providentially permitted I should be kept in such a romantic state of mind, while surrounded as I now understand by towering difficulties. Had I then seen matters even partly as I now do, I know not what would have become of our mission. As it was, nothing could shake my intention of landing as soon as our boats could be lowered; but how to get them lowered, was the great problem. The Captain had some misgivings as to the faith and steadiness of his men, and one way or other delays were made when I thought promptitude the best course to be pursued.

At this time I also learned the surprising news of the positive de- termination of our intended infant school missionary not to land- ·a stroke which blasted many a darling hope I cherished, and at the same time gave me much concern for her, as the Starling was not to return to Hongkong for the next eight months. But neither did this divert me from the way of duty I saw so clear before me according to my then views. I now saw that nothing short of a coup-de-main would turn the balance in my favor; unable to get the ship's boats to land my things, which were already prepared on deck, I begged the officer on guard to let as many of them as possible be speedily lowered into the two native boats alongside the vessel; while I endeavored to keep their owners as merry as I could in the cabin below. This was agreed to, and most Inckily effected before the company showed any signs of impatience; a drop of liquor is always welcome to a Lewchewan, and he will sit with you as long as you fill his glass. But now good part of my car. go being transhipped, I on my part became impatient; the mystery was revealed, and the company hastened pellmell down to their boats,

Letter from B. J Bettelheim.

JAN.

and shoved off at full speed as if to prevent their unexpected good luck further increasing. This was just as I desired. I had not the slightest fear of any damage being done to my goods, and could not repress an encouraging feeling crossing my bosom on beholding the natives doing something towards the reception of their missionary, although I at the same time knew they did it involuntarily.

At this stage of affairs, the captain could not of course refuse a boat to let me look after my baggage, and in this boat likewise some boxes were taken on shore. That we had the native boats to guide us was the most fortunate feature of the whole affair. For had I landed with- out them, I should certainly have carried all my cargo to M. Forcade's dwelling, taking advantage of his kind permission given me the pre- ceding day. Such a step, I afterwards plainly saw, would have been the worst we could have taken; for once housed, however huddled to- gether (Mr. Forcade had then only a single room and a cabin), the of- ficials would have gladly seen both parties as uncomfortable as possible, and never have made the slightest effort to accommodate us, or suppose they were indeed capable of a shadow of hospitality. We should have been obliged to accept thankfully, the meanest hovel they might have felt disposed to pick out for us.

As it was, we rowed in quite another direction, following the natives to Napa,―(Mr. F. lived in a village called Tumai), and arrived with them at a spot called Tundo, just at the entrance of the junk-harbor, where as we now know, it was impossible for them to let us stop. Thus the onus fell on them, to try by all means to get us to go to another place; so that we could, as we really did, stand out for a good residence, by mere passive continuance where we were. Some slight resistance was made to landing our goods, part of them were actually plunged in- to the sea during the pushing to and fro, but as it did not amount to more than a faint attempt, I found it best to leave it entirely to the heroism of the second mate, while I went twice more to and from the ship, till all things were landed. I then brought my family, and straight- way proceeded with them to the temple. Arrived there, we were im- mediately waited upon by a great number of officers. The table being served, the parley recommenced, it seemed to ine never to end. At last the governor of Napa came, but as I did not know at all how to com. pliment either in the Chinese or another manner, I found it best to

*The temple at this spot, called Lin-hii sz'

or Senside mo-

nastery, besides serving for all visitors, allows a full view of all the shipping transactions of Lewchew.

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

continue unmoved in the stern oriental dignity, I soon perceived it was best to assume and keep up, till at least a concession as to residence was made us.

After much talk, and, as I observed, a special conference between the officials, the governor rose, and to my great surprise performed a regular kotau before me, a kind of last effort on their part to shake me in my purpose. After dragging his excellency up from the ground, I appealed to his own sense of honor, whether it was admissable that I should make myself a fool and return, after having come so far, without being able to tell those who sent me anything about a nation in whose welfare they were so much interested. The most prominent and repeated objection they made was that they would have no more of the papatis (a term which I interpreted to mean papists); I assured them very positively we were no papatis, and ended by producing a bottle of port, that their honors might wash down any further objection that might venture to rise; if I did not wholly succeed, it was probably, as I now know, because the gentle juice of the grape has much less affinity to Lewchewan judicial throats than the triple distillation. We had however so far come to a good understanding, that the talked-of immediate reëmbarkation was entirely dropped.

But this was not all; for on seeing the ti-fang kwán making ready to retire, I expressed astonishment at his omitting to order my things to be removed from the beach, intimating at the same time that I held him responsible for any damage happening to them. As I write, I won. der whence, at that critical juncture of circumstances, I had the cou- rage to act and speak as I did. "It shall be given you in that same hour" with a grain less of boldness and perseverance, I feel persuaded even now, I should have lost my object. A mere hint of this local officer, just while withdrawing from the temple, was the fiat, which at once set every hand at work; and though we had a great number of boxes and packages, in less than a quarter of an hour, all were in the yard, though not all under cover. Might not all these hands, with the same haste have been made to turn against, as they eventually were turned for us? How much reason, therefore, had we for thankfulness and prayer, to praise God and take courage.

Next day I was waited upon by the púching tófú with a long letter, of which, at the time of delivery, I, of course, understood nothing be- yond what my Chinese, with the dozen of broken English words he had caught at Canton, could tell me. But I think this and several other dispatches I have from the government of Lewchew, of import- ance, in order to silence the remarks of some who circulated in China

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

the report that we had introduced ourselves here as messengers from the English government. Sir Thomas Cochrane himself, when here, was capable of believing it on mere hearsay, without any further proof; and I think it but fair to show he was too credulous. I do not deny that suspicious Japanese officers may entertain such thoughts, and in fact, they can scarcely come to any other view in the matter, judging from their own slavish laws, which forbid any one to leave the country without their knowledge and consent. Yet it is not my fault, nor Sir Thomas' fault, that government here still retains the same suspicion after all he has said against it and us. He spoke of the king of Lewchew (to use the words of his own secretary), as an independent sovereign. Would any one style so, with all his sympathy for monarchical dignity, this headman of a few insignificant coral rocks, disputed too by Japan and China? On even him the Sovereign of England (as if the latter had acknowledged, or were, or desired to be, in treaty with this would-be miniature sovereign) would not put the disgrace of sending a person like me.

Sir Thomas, without giving me the slightest information of what this government had said, save that he sent his secretary to tell me what he (Sir T.) had said; without confronting me with them; yea, even without inviting me to a conference, which, as his secretary told me happened to turn exclusively upon our stay here, believed that I had thrown myself upon this island as an official ambassador, who, of course, in that case had done so without insisting upon the right of having an English admiral's broadside at his installation. Leaving myself out of the question, I wish that ambassadors could be intro- duced without the stunning credentials of a man-of-war. Far from considering this a disgrace, I should think it the greatest mark of hon- or paid to any nation, whose official agents were received on their mere word. But this aside. I need only refer, in the present case to my Chinese interpreter, now in his own country, and who of course knows all about our mysteries, for evidence; let him be examined, whether at any time we even hinted at our being official emissaries. Having been robbed of nearly all my cash, and publicly beaten at Lewchew, I thought it not only allowable, but even my duty, to threaten that I would bring the matter before the English government. This was English right, and beyond this I did not presume. But as our difficul- ties had not begun till after Sir Thomas left, there was no occasion on our part for English protection; so that this government could not at the time of the admiral's visit, produce any proof whatever, not even a distorted intimation or allusion on my part to the assumption of a

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bellelheim.

false position. I think this will be more effectually proved by giving you a copy of the earliest official communication from the authorities; for if there had been a shadow of truth in this report, it would almost of necessity find its support, at least by way of allusion or implication, in these documents, since we would, of course, give ourselves out for what we desired to be acknowledged immediately on landing, when we stood in greatest need of protection; and would certainly not have failed to avail ourselves at that trying time of so powerful a persuasion, if we had had the least design of using it.

The first document in this series is dated May 2d, the second day after our landing, when the Lewchewan authorities might naturally be supposed to have had the greatest respect for the newly arrived Eng- lish ambassador, as they could not then have forgotten for what sort of a great man he had introduced himself the day before.

Communication from the Treasurer of Chungshán fú.

該英

偶若爾上留辭上不身伯醫咭那為具有使蜃岸理尙岸忍苦德上唎覇懇禀佛他疆棲合不淹也乃合岸國地乞琉朗國土身詳肯留但辭携則醫方停球西人瘦素明允之查其帶船士官止國船淹地係等諾例國所妻往伯鄭留隻留薄國由遂由家請請于别德良國山到甚物家據帶是法使在去合弼之府國有產嚴此妻再度不洋等

等口禀舉布乃不無禁兹子三素上

素上日語稱痧以政便幾况查上再無岸久隨貴家安大小夫

其但不又他岸四他是當念

至可敵國要固國心有前稱國人為行人之心年國蕞員淹請貝所憂

VOL. XIX, NO. 1.

稱貴國肯容本

邦向

事永

據保

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

貴大

道貴光國仁必客一總以皆苦官總事總兵

該大總

不悲淹同兵入用窮更今兵兵啟勝停伏留歸臨饑蘇之下任不等船丽

1止乞偢國國餓鐵地至其肯因雙數

望留洞國若之輾以更民淹聽隨到月

之國察則復時轉充至庶留從即來之

矣舉邦民

至之小官披之日今因伏递披要後陳境食其金陳留必實本聊饑日做两前有情職得饉夜國人由事

3切待苦苦琉禀有疲益

8 道光二十六年四月初七日琉球國中山府布政大夫向永保

風之

日可苦

爽傷而

晴俯國

布

政

再務活頻辦自開固一

三要命仍事該船行人哀待誠舉末兩講

申請請佛恐國由人去辭事

仍垂亦使國日人各留本奈坐大其後民修國職

人

原邦能率

饑無職以無以

船

該恤自

饉物業來如

駕小立兩

益可以上之

通

回之也人

逼食至自何

達

“A duly prepared petition.* Hiáng Yungpáu, the treasurer of the de- partment of Chungshán in the kingdom of Lewchew, hereby earnest-

ly begs you not to stop in these quarters in order to tranquilize

* Other documents go to show that the authorities here petition almost every foreigner, and call every captain of a ship Tá-jin, or His Excellency.

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

this little region. The report of Ching Liang-peh, the local magis- trate of Napa, states as follows: 'that the English physician Bet- telheim, told me with his own mouth, "if your honorable country will let me come ashore, the ship will immediately leave, &c." Hav- ¡ng reflected that the said Bettelheim had brought with him wife and children, and that having been a long time at sea they must be suffer- ing both in body and mind, my heart could hardly bear to refuse him to land as he requested. But an examination of our laws and regulations shows that there is none for permitting persons or officers from another country to land with the intention of remaining. I repeatedly and decidedly begged to decline his request, but he would not hear to it, and brought his wife and children ashore with the intention of stop- ping. As is right, I clearly inform you of these things.'

"On receiving this, I again examined, and ascertained that our go- vernment has hitherto strictly forbidden foreigners of all ranks to come ashore to live. How much more, too, since this country has such insignificant limits, the ground everywhere so impoverished and poor, and the productions so inconsiderable; it can scarcely be called a country. If foreigners dwell here, truly it will not be convenient. But year before last a French ship came in, whose captain stated, 'that after a few months, a ship of a high commander would arrive, and that in the meantime, he wished to leave an agent and an interpret- er with him to explain affairs better.' As soon as I heard this, I explained the matter, and firmly refused his request; but the captain would not listen to me, and sailed away leaving behind the two individ- uals. I, the treasurer, could do no other way, and here they have been left to stop till this time. Now in the opinion of this government, since these two men came till now, both officers and people, seeing that they constantly attended to their own matters, have each confined to their own business and station. But in this miserable region, the pre- sent year has been one of extraordinary dearth, so that the whole popu- lation has been greatly straitened, and obliged to feed upon wild pine- apples to keep alive; truly, I fear that before long, the scarcity will be- come alarming, and we shall be upon the borders of starvation. I am now anxiously awaiting the arrival of the high French commander, when I shall state the circumstances of the case, and again earnestly beg him to take these two men home with him.

"But, Sir, if you now persist in stopping here, the distress of rulers and people will become more aggravated, and the country surely will never be able to stand it. I humbly beg you to have some considera- tion for this distressed, worn-out country ; look down on us with mag-

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

nanimity, be humane and compassionate. Give up the design of stop- ping in this land; wait till wind and weather be favorable, then em- bark in the same ship, and sail back to your country. This is what I anxiously hope and look for you to do.

"An urgent petition. Táukwáng, 26th year, 4th month, 7th day (May 2d, 1846). Hiáng Yungpáu, treasurer of Chungshan fú in Lewchew.”

With this request of course we could not comply, and contented ourselves by returning a good present instead of an answer. An Ame- rican clock, one of those so elegantly and showily made, and yet so cheaply sold at Hongkong, was the greatest attraction among the whole, for at the time of our arrival we mustered a good stock of fancy things, with which our home friends—Bath and Ireland in par- ticular—had so kindly furnished us. I added a good number of bottles containing Price's aromatic spirits and oils, of which we soon perceived the grandees were extremely fond, and also a delicately wrought small silk purse, with some of the smaller English coins in it, given me by Miss Bacon, sister-in-law to Consul Alcock; to which I added every description of gold, silver, and copper coin found in my collection.

This present, partly intended for the king, and partly for the trea- surer, I insisted on personally accompanying to the office, thinking it possible to get at least into the neighborhood of the independent so- vereign of Lewchew; but after having been led a long and wearisome way, I succeeded only in being brought to what I now know to be the kung kwán, or public hall at Tumai. I was not even privileged to see the treasurer, but only his delegate, he himself having been excused on grave business. Indeed, I could easily believe, poor things, they had extraordinary affairs to attend to; for by this time, the French frigate had already sent out several engineering parties to various localities, which could not but cause the Lewchewans greatly to won- der, and perhaps to be alarmed. Far as I was from wishing this na- tion any harm, or even an apprehension of harm, I could not but feel grateful for the providential succor, we, without seeking or appealing for, derived from the presence of this man-of-war. Considering its simultaneous arrival with us, it looked somewhat as if intentionally come for our protection, and also served as a counter-irritant, engaging the brains of government, and no doubt also of their spies, on another side; and it thus unwittingly effected a diversion most favorable for us. Often have I had to acknowledge, and will always thankfully ac- knowledge, the uniform friendship and kind attentions we received from the Sabine, and later from the Victorieuse, and in general from

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

many

all French ships that have visited this. The remembrance of their benefits to us, and the countenance given us just at a time when most needed, is to us no small ground of hope and evidence that the Lord's special care is on this mission. Strangers have taken us up; since we have been here, it has pleased the Ruler of all nations to bring us help from far; Frenchmen and Americans have visited this place compara- tively more frequently, and consequently assisted us more than our own countrymen; a plain proof that missionaries are not forsaken, though thrown into the most forgotten corner of the world. Such providences happening without human concert, go far to show that the Lord reign- eth; and as far as this mission is concerned in them, they also manifest that God is for us, and to him we cheerfully leave the further deve- lopement of his holy and acceptable will.

If we are enabled to think so at present, after years of wasted toil, how much more were our hopes likely to be strengthened by such evi- dent tokens of Divine favor, when yet in all their freshness, and quite unchecked by any disappointment; day after day we received new proofs of mercy watching over us. No sooner had the Starling trimmed her sails for leaving, than I was invited to go and look at a house in- tended for our residence. I cheerfully went, but finding it damp, dark, low, and small, if for no other reasons, I refused; and marked my utter aversion to any similar house, by not even stopping in it, whatever my tired conductor might urge to the contrary. This decision on my part had a good effect. The next day, I was shown the temple we now in- habit, a spacious wooden building, pleasantly situated, though rotten from age. I immediately consented, even on condition of the chief bonze continuing to reside in the house as the guardian of the idols, which were to be screened off by a sliding partition, in the place they formerly occupied. To have a priest to preach to even in my house, I considered rather an excellent missionary opportunity. In short, we were soon settled in our new residence; one of its rooms was a long back pantry, which struck me at once as an eligible location for open- ing a hospital, a plan, which at that time, I imagined would be most agreeable to the authorities.

We were so happy in our minds, and our missionary hopes so vivid, that far from thinking it any restraint to have five natives quarter- ed upon us in one part of the house, under the name of todzies or interpreters, we looked upon it as the best arrangement possible to get into contact with the nation, and likewise desirable for a speedy progress in the language of the land. We had more objection to a lodge, or hut, placed in a recess within and near the entrance,

and

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

another facing the door, and a third in the lane leading up to the house. They were called shchibang, or guard-stations, each contain- ing five men taken from the class of the literati. We were told these were necessary to protect us and our property against malevolent attacks from bad men, with whom the country abounded. True or false, I saw no reason for not letting them have their own way in what did not concern me personally; and at any rate I saw in these mea- sures facilities for my missionary labor—a consideration which out- weighed every other. After a few days' residence, the only alteration I saw it would be necessary to make was relating to the idols enshrined in the back part of our bed-room; for besides their drawing a swarm of rats to sport among the sacrifices offered to them, they exposed us to daily witnessing the abomination of the bonze worshiping them, and many boys providing them with fresh flowers. In this alteration, however, though laboring hard, we succeeded only partially. On making a direct application to have the gods removed, I received the following official answer :-

Reply of the Treasurer in relation to moving from the temple.

道近

貴

貴府光禧遷日客甚隨方神後要棲客昨布二不兹另久爲查許一據將身手接政十宣修擇為紫該依案此安札寸其居要寺舊敝國院樂往啟所住若實奉僧寺之不觀順而則使係安等住神要護國本既持另說國候後有

家寺因儈居遷寺禱等具等外去甚告由由口出別是之前禀稱等所妥轉他處來請遷因且當

大六

夫年

向四

永月保十

告不

謹三

之便

啟日

更乞

鸟待

中山

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

'I yesterday received your letter. You went to see the IIú-kwoh (Country-protecting) inonastery, and found it in all respects commo- dious and suitable for a residence. You do not speak now of removing to another lodging, but you request us to remove the gods of the temple and place them outside of it.* But the abbot of this monastery has told me, in relation to removing these gods, that on his previous humble application you permitted them to remain as heretofore. Now this temple is the place of prayer for the whole country, and cou- sequently of the utmost importance. In case you should remain long in it, there would be much inconvenience. I beg you to wait till an- other day, when I will choose a place, and let you know, that you can move. I send this short note, respectfully hoping you are happy; this is all I have to say. Hiáng Yung-páu, treasurer of Chungshán fú. May 8th, 1846. An important communication."

I accordingly deemed it best to drop the matter, and confine my- self to the adoption of means by which the idolatry, of which I could not bear to remain a witness, would be effectually stopped. First, I declared that the exhalations of fresh flowers at night were noxious, and most so in a bed-room; and the idols had of course to do without them. But the bonze, though he had of his own accord, found him- self a lodging out of the house, still regularly visited the gods, till an event happened, which, by its immediate consequences, appeared to have lessened his attachment for his temple. One night, something moved so fiercely up and down the paper partition that separated the gods from the rest of the bed-room, and which was close to the head of our bed, that we were greatly alarmed, not doubting it to be a ser- pent, of which we were told some lodged theinselves in the lofts of houses. As soon as the day broke, we had the partition opened, and all our todzies armed with sticks, made a strict examination, but in vain.

On the bonze being called and informed of the event, he wished for a tablet to be brought from the temple, to write a charm on, which would be sure to frighten away the serpent. But I maintained I would never become a party to any such thing, and as I came there to teach the nation that all their idols and charms are follies, I could by no means permit them to suppose I had any trust in similar nonsense, The bouze still insisted, and a large red table having goldeu letters, was taken out for him, on the back of which the cabalistic scrap was

•

There is a small shrine in front of our residence.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

wo be stuck. This piece of furniture is the groansu, or ancestral tablet, which though of Confucian origin, is held in high honor amongst the Budhists, and in their temples the names of the deceased abbots are enshrined and worshiped. The bonze having had his way, I insisted now on having mine; for had I allowed this table to be put back in its place, and everything been quiet afterwards (as has been the case), he would have triumphed, and the people been confirmed in their absurd superstitions, and even led to suppose that Christians also derived benefit from Budhistic witchcraft. On this ground, I peremptorily refused reädmission to the tablet, and am almost per- suaded it broke at least the regularity of the daily visits of the bonze to the temple.

Sometime after I threw out hints as to the inconsistency of a bonze coming so often to the temple, one would think, merely to look it my wife, a treat which he could not get anywhere else in the country; and I pleaded that since I was not permitted to see any of the wives of the respectable natives, no more should I be compelled to let my wife be courted but by those whom I would permit. Now I thought the bonze had less right than even other people to such a gratification. This was a very strong argument for these Confucian polygamists, who like Mohammedan hareem lords are ridiculously jealous; and to this objection, together with the absense of the representative of the dead, one if not the chief of their idols, I ascribe the gradual diminution and final suspension of idolatrous rites in our house. This done, we soon took away the partition, which infact made the whole secluded part only a haunt for vermin. By and by we shut up the cages of the different idols, but not without strong remonstrances to the contrary, as they conceive the inherent godhead dies without a good supply of light. Oh, how great is that darkness, that has need of daylight to keep its gods alive! They love darkness more than the light, for they know and admit that they are in the dark, but are fools enough to think any spiritual light coming directly upon them would do them no good, unless it was first reflected from the smeared faces of their saucy idols.

This then is the plain history of the cessation of idolatry in the Protector-temple of the empire of the independent sovereign of Lew- chew; and nothing is wanted but help from Christians to enable us to keep this house for ever a house of the living God, in whom there is no darkness at all, and to whose worship it has been consecrated more than three years. It is painful even to think of the possibility of idol worship being reëstablished on such a spot. How many hun-

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

dreds are now at least practically prevented from idolatry, by the mere fact of our occupying this temple. Shall Budhism again rear its own ruins? Shall we restore a fort given up by the enemy? Must not heathen Lewchew be convinced by this time, that the Hú-kwoh sz' had noth- ing to do with what it claimed respect and support for? The dozens of big, and scores of minor, idols in this establishment, now for years kept in utter darkness, a mode of treatment admitted by their own votaries to be deadly to their supposed divine life, must almost neces- sarily lead the nation to conclude that it was not they who protected the country, but that there is a great and living God, who being the Father of us all, giveth good gifts to his children, and with paternal tenderness, and forgiving, sparing love, maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good; and that it was He, who, while their idols warmed themselves in his sun, left not himself without a witness

among

their blinded votaries, and did them good, giving them rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, that they should seek the Lord, if haply they might feel after him and find Him, through whose precious blood this wonderful love and forbearance were purchased. Is it possible that Christians, whose hearts revolt at papal idolatry in Europe, should not sympathize with the horrors a missionary is exposed to among Asiatic heathen? Is Lewchew too far for them? Is it outlaw- ed in God's creation? "Thus shall ye deal with them; ye shall destroy their altars, and break down their images, and cut down their groves, and burn their graven images with fire." Is God now less a jealous God, less an enemy of idols, than he was of old? And now the enemy,-Budhistic priests and Confucian rulers, has surrendered his gods, shall we be forced into the foolish generosity of restoring them? Shall we let Satan loose after chaining him a little?

Having written thus far, I was obliged to lay my retrospect aside for three months, in order to complete a grammar of this language I was preparing. The rough copy of a vocabulary, a labor carried on between two and three years, is also ready. I hope both of them will be useful and welcome to missionary brethren, whom we can not give up the hope it will finally please the Lord of missions to bring to our help. I scarcely know how or where to take up the thread of my tale, but as a communication we had to-day (Sept. 7th) from government allows us to indulge the cheering thought that Providence is about to secure us this year again our usual post: for as the Lewchewan junks brought us no letters this year from Fuhchau, we conclude they will take none from us, and I take it for a hint that I should go on in a narrative, undertaken with the view of reviving the interest of our brethren in

VOL, XIX. NO. 1.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

China in behalf of this mission. At any rate I cherish the hope that some missionary society will be willing to come to our assistance, for it appears our little Society has exhausted its strength in giving birth to this mission, and we are now left here like a forsaken orphan cast upon the wide world, without means of communication, without advice and direction, yea, without support. What a mercy not to be without God, without a Savior and Comforter in such circumstances. Let me, however, be clearly understood. Much as I desire that the missionary world should look into a case of unparalleled destitution and grant us its sympathies, nothing is farther from my mind than to base my appeal on such insignificant grounds. It is the mission, the cause of the Cross, yea, and the hopes of the Cross, which unless soon and effectually suocored, must inevitably sink, that makes me feel my nothingness and come forward to plead for God and truth, and for those precious souls, those four immortal souls, in whom it has pleased God to kindle a spark of this heavenly life, and who should not be left without further Christian nurture.

In pursuing this narrative, I must waive the plan of particulariza- tion, on which I intended to go on; time has failed, and would again fail me for such a method. A brief summary, which after all I think may best please you, is as much as I can engage for.

Sir Thomas Cochrane's visit was over, but its consequences were not. All that had been gained by the firmness and perseverance of a French Admiral, was lost by the blunder of an English Admiral. Though we had not advanced much with government, and had only obtained the means for a little locomotion, as we could get horses, boats and carriers, wherewith we could easily outmanœuvre the native sloth of the spies, yet it was our all, and since Sir Thomas' visit it was lost. How could it be otherwise? Horses were ordered for officers belonging to his ship and refused; but nothing was said in the matter. Government grew bolder, and complained that too many officers went ashore, and the admiral found it wise to restrict them to a small number-six, I believe, were daily to be permitted the pleasure of a ramble. These are concessions of the very nature of Japanese restrictions on foreigners, and unless we desire to encourage them to continue in this oppressive course, we should never yield, or by no means quietly yield. I know there is Russia, Austria, Rome, and several other states in Europe, were we must submit to the trouble of passports, and curtailments of the exercise of our limbs. I know what China was, and still is in this respect towards the western barbarians. We submit to these and other restrictions laid on us because we must

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

submit; but would we do so if a mere refusal of compliance was sufficient to settle the point?

When on my first interview with Sir Thomas, moved with affection and deep compassion for the very trying situation my suffering wife was then in, I solicited his intercession with the powers that be, to permit us to hire a female servant- —a point which since then the gallant cap- tain of the last French ship here, the Bayonnaise, has warmly taken up, and would certainly have carried, had he been able to stay here longer than a few hours. The English Admiral, for all that Mrs. Bettelhein is a right born English lady—expressed astonishment at my request, saying, "That neither could our consul at Fuhchau get any female domestics." But the question is, Is it right? No, it is certainly wrong, in Fuhchau as well as in Napa. We must bear it, perhaps, when we can not help it, or where remedy would involve too serious consequences; but where we can rid ourselves of an evil with slight effort, it is wrong to endure it. One feels naturally called upon to ad- vise, scold, and even give a slap to a boy whom he sees committing a wrong; and it is quite likely his parents too will give you thanks for your trouble, though perhaps you would, from various considerations, abstain from correcting a grown up offender not under your immedi- ate control. Now a strong nation stands towards a small one very much in the position of a mature man to a stripling; and though no right principled man would approve of a giant constituting himself the master of a dwarf, on the simple argument that his limbs were longer, there will still be cases in which the common sense of justice seated in every human breast, will pronounce the use made of power over weakness right, and in its proper place.

Sir Thomas left here late in October, 1846; and early in November, I had a dispatch from government, a long, long delayed answer to an application made soon after our arrival. This rescript shut every door we hoped might be opened for general philanthropic usefulness.

"Without spending time upon compliments, your letter can be an- swered. Herewith the reply is sent. With regard to the practice of physic. In this country, we have usually gone to China to learn the medical art, and to purchase medicines; and we are now well skilled in healing and bestowing aid, so that we are afflicted neither with want of medicines, nor ignorance [of doctors]. Therefore there is no need of any one going to you to be examined and get medicine, or of study- ing medical books, and the art of compounding remedies.

"With regard to studying and writing English. Though I have already ordered the todzies to make most strenuous exertions to learn

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

both to speak and write English, as our country is small and the peo- ple stupid, they can not be aroused sufficiently to receive instruction, and become qualified to conduct important matters.

福貴

"With regard to studying geography and astronomy. The captains of our vessels have usually gone to China to learn them; they are able to observe the state of the weather, are skilled in using the compass, and know the rules for sailing; they are also acquainted with all the channels between here and China and the neighboring islands, so that they are not exposed to accidents. There is therefore no need of their receiving instruction from you. It is consequently impossible to allow you to do the above things. I send this short note in reply, at the same time wishing you happiness and peace, and begging your atten- tion to it. Sháng Tingchi, the superintendent of Chungshán fi, replies. Nov. 10th, 1846."

大貴尊中安寸客國看一能事英焉客無中札套山求啟無及察案精織國又胗缺華可語府祈謹受属天查受盡話學誤學覆未總為教島氣做教心寫服之習兹龛理

藥憂醫回學故術覆醫向買者書來醫習藥生

尙

回者請操國翛機大覆以其用船辦習英順上水針主事話國候條道盤人務寫字欸得航等又字

難以海素學然案

以無之往地國

施恙法中理小雖行故往華志人經

習樂商者並

善笑

施微

療國

學天愚飭無治素

兹向還學天愚飭具中習文不通在

* The phrase shí lián chí 施療治 probably intends to

以往

convey the idea

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

This was a stroke blasting all our prospects at once. It was the third dispatch we had received from government, and the first from the tsung-li kwán

the first dignitary in the country, high- er than whom we now understood we could not go. For though our latter urgent and repeated petitions had all been addressed to the king himself, we had even after so long a delay, received no rescript, and we were thus obliged to look upon the short, measured, weighed, and sharply cutting note of the premier as the ultimatum of all our appli- cations. The Lewchewans wanted neither physician nor apothecary, charity doctor nor master of languages, neither would they know aught of geography or astronomy. What was I then to do? The "Because thou sayest, answer was plain, to be their missionary. I am increased with goods, and have need of nothing; and knoweth not that thou art wretched, and miserable, and blind, and naked, I counsel thee to buy of me the word of God, which is quick and power- ful, and sharper than any two edged sword, and a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart." I purposed to be their missionary and nothing more; the only occupation they did not officially deny me, and the only one indeed for which I had good reasons not to ask permission, knowing, too, I had permission, commission, and express order, from the highest Power to go to every nation and disciple them in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.

I had some weeks before this begun the public exercises of my mis- sionary office with memorized sermons in the composition of which– strange to say—my todzies, one way or other had a good share. Some prayers from Morrison's Chinese translation of the English liturgy had by this time been rendered into the Lewchewan, and daily read over at family worship—and we will praise God for it,—being audibly followed by our servants, all native Lewchewans. This was encourage- ment enough to go on in our blessed work, and to know nothing among them save Jesus Christ and him crucified, every other a rational employment having been cut off.

way to

Through divine grace I was thus permitted to have in this country about a year's active missionary exertion. True, the opposition in- creased with each month-nay, each single day—still the whole of that

that charity was given to the sick on the part of government or the native doctors, as a retort to my suggestion that the poor needed relief, and shows their hypocrisy. Recently, I took a box of ointment to a poor leprous woman, who was much in need of it, and who burst into tears as she saw it, exclaiming, “Oh, Sir! this will take much money." The native doctors know how to charge for their medicines, and there is not a charitable institution in the country of any deseription

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

period deserves to be called the golden age of the mission, compared with the days of dross, of iron mixed with miry clay, the hard toils met with disdain, that awaited us afterwards. Be it curiosity to hear what the foreign babbler had to say, and the strange gods he set forth; be it that a higher invisible power had decreed that Javan (Japan) and the isles afar off, which had not heard his fame, nor seen his glory, should now for a season hear the marvelous works of God; a fact it is, that crowds gathered, and were permitted to gathera round me wherever I raised my humble pulpit upon a stone, in the corner of a street, in the market, in the roads or lanes, in Shui, or in Napa, no matter where I halted, there all the passers-by stopped, the inhabitants of the neighbor- hood opened their houses and slipped out, all of them, men, women and children; the stalls were idle, sellers and buyers forgot their trade, while apparently engaged in a higher business. I have seen coolies lay down their burdens and quietly listen; laborers lean their heads on the handle of their rural tools and rest in pensive attention ; thorough- fares were obstructed, aud roads and open places rendered impassible from the masses of people crowded in the space around me; none for- bidding, none driving them away, much less preventing their assem- bling as has long since been, and up to this time is, our sad case.

At the same time I presented the king with ointments, and did multi- ply his perfumes; I sent message after message to one magistrate and auother, to try if possible to come in personal contact with our myste- rious rulers; and though I did not succeed in this, yet I succeeded in getting them to accept of the presents, however specious their com- plimentary refusals occasionally sounded. They even confessed them- selves more than once to be in our debt, and were persuaded that we did not come to seek our own, seeing we had much and to spare. It was this feeling I desired to see established in them, and wished to spread it abroad among the nation, lest they should at any time be teinpted to think we had a trading speculation in view. Besides, we know "a gift doth blind the eyes of the wise," and has certainly its commensurate weight even with a cunning Japanese magistrate, while I counted all things as stubble and chaff, provided I could purchase with my liberality a drop of spiritual freedom for a nation given over blindfolded to the caprices of a few rulers. The kings of the Gen- tiles exercise lordship over them, but here they tyrannize over them, and yet are called benefactors. Pride, fullness of bread, and abundance of idleness, as in Sodom, characterize the supine and haughty ruler; neither does he strengthen the hands of the poor and needy, though styling himself, and styled by an enslaved nation, the father of all.

1830.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

To throw a spark of light into this thick darkness, is worth sacrific- ing comfort, health, wealth,-even life itself.

A year, as I said, all went on well, far beyond my humble, and some- times even sanguine expectations. But, alas, it is now nearly two years since that year of bright hopes ended. I often linger on the cheerful recollections of the past, like a cheering dream, which though turned into nothing on awaking, yet one can not banish from the mind, and I fain hope to see it realized at some future day. I shall never forget a scene which drew out my deepes* emotions; even now when I think of it, it calls forth iny liveliest gratitude to the Giver of every joy, present and past. I stood on the bridge before the Min-lun dan

proclaiming the love of God as revealed in the gospel of his dear Son, to two crowded shores, and felt as happy and triumphant as if, on Xer- xes' bridge across the Bosphorus, I had seen Europe and Asia hang on my lips. Speaker and hearers were absorbed in the momentous sub- jects considered. Amid the gloomy aspect of my present unattended and unheeded labors, when traversing the localities formerly enliven- ed by cheerful multitudes, I ask myself with painful astonishment, Are these the places where the gospel aforetimes made such sensation, raised such hopes, and at least found ears to hear it, if it did not hearts? Why now no marks of life, no sign of interest? Is it all quite gone? Who has done this, who has so utterly wasted God's vineyard? There is no other answer: the enemy has done it, Confucianism has done it, Budhism has done it, Japanese treachery and tyranny have done it—all alike horned heads of this many-headed beast, Antichrist. Here we have not only to combat the natural aversion of the human heart to anything requiring faith, not only to soften the insolubility of invete- rate prejudice, and meet the active opposition of false creeds and their champions; we have also to resist the underland, vexatious, unrelenting encroachments of an idle government, glad to find employment for its spies, and try to outmanœuvre its subtle, unseen machinations, cha- racterized as they are by reckless falsehood towards us, and cruel op- pression of the natives.

In this land, where the authorities are all in all, and the people no- thing, it is matter of wonder and gratitude, that we have been able to prosecute missionary labor with the degree of liberty we had, even for one year; to nothing, humanly speaking, but the support we had in the almost regular arrival of men of war, and the deep, moral effect wrought on the whole nation, its rulers not excepted, by the protracted exercise of liberty, which the French would not suffer to be denied them by Japanese chicanery, can the shortlived freedom we enjoyed be account-

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

ed for. Perhaps the very different treatment we received from govern- ment may be further explained also by the circumstance that at the time of our arrival, we found a king in the land—at least we were told there was one. Though a mere cypher, yet the very name of King, a lofty conception, second only to divinity in Confucian states, exerts a secret magic, manifesting itself in various ways. It is quite likely that to spare the king any possibility of trouble, the ministers spared us many troubles, deeming it a high merit not only to keep the monarch at ease, but to keep him asleep; it appears to have been their anxious effort, perhaps it was a duty imposed from Yedo, to keep him out of the government altogether. Owing perhaps to this forced state of public deadness, rather than rest, which the ministry plumed themselves in maintaining while they had a king, we were comparitively left to our- selves—the surest means they well knew of keeping us at rest.

We did not want much more than access to the people; nay, we were satisfied with less, and contented ourselves as long as they were permitted to assemble, or rather were not driven from the spot when we addressed them on the welfare of their souls. However, this was too much to be granted by a Japanese cabinet. For none know better than despots how dangerous a weapon the tongue is; none know bet- ter than liars how great the power of truth is; and none the value of light more than they who shut it out, convinced that each ray must lay open to every eye, what they have so much reason to bury in dark- ness. It is not improbable, that the sudden demise of the king was a theatrical exit, contrived in order to make possible the changes an ac- tive foreign family had rendered necessary; though young, and never even said to be indisposed, he had to die at the shortest possible notice. No sooner was he dead, than all things around us at once assumed an- other aspect toward us; yea, on the very day which we supposed to be that of his burial, we were assaulted with stones and sticks in the open road, and thankful to come off with bruises and sores when we might justly have despaired of life.

Dishonored thus in the eye of the nation, it was to be expected that a change would be felt in all our movements. The charm attending the appellation Englishmen, already weakened by the overdone patriot- ism of an English Admiral, was now quite broken under Lewchewan sticks; and subjects of the two first nations of Europe-for during this scuffle, I was in company with the French missionaries, who had in- vited us to this unfortunate trip-were pelted off a highway open to every peasant, without any one taking thought of the matter. My remonstrances to government only produced an official denial of the

1850.

Leller from B. J. Bettelheim.

assault, in which it was fully assumed that that they could forbid us the public roads if they liked. Here the matter rested. By and by the todzies, who accompanied me abroad, and whom I was glad to see ex-officio compelled to constitute part of my audiences, a circumstance rather advantageous for inviting the passers-by to stop, and especially for attracting the populace, which is almost mechanically drawn into imitation of the samorai (the class of literati, to whom our official out- riders and footmen belonged)—these todzies, instead of keeping near me as a watch, or as they used to call it, "a guard of honor," began to decamp as soon as I stopped in a market or street, and from hiding- places, hinted, or beckoned, or threatened the people away. Mrs. B., who went with me to the Sabbath afternoon meetings, as long as re- gular congregations awaited us at certain favorite spots, once saw an old fellow on whom this eye and finger mechanism was all quite lost, dragged off by force.

Such means, certainly, would dampen the zeal even of a European market assembly. Still it was not all at once, that government thought it prudent to disperse our public meetings. It took a year of persever- ing opposition, now hidden, now open, to enable even a despotic cabal like that we had fallen under since the king's death, to bring about a to- tal desertion of the places where I halted, and of the streets and lanes I passed through. First, there was a bustle, a running here and there, a rattling and clapping of shutting doors and windows, as if a devil in- carnate had come in their way; green grocers deserted their stalls, laborers ceased their work, and crews left their boats; women drag. ged their children in-doors in such haste and fright, as to make them scream out when they saw me again afar off. Often the noise, con- fusion, and bewilderment, rose to such a pitch that I was not always free from fear myself, and almost dreaded to walk about. My complaints to government were unheeded; but in fact we then had, and even now have, no government. Slaves rule over us; the authorities are inacces- sible. Who could say to whom my communications went? If a ver- bal or a written answer was returned, I could not say who was its au. thor, whether the magistrate or his messenger, we having proofs that a dispatch had been opened and resealed in my very house. In fact, the compradors whom government forces upon us are our masters, for without them we can not procure a morsel of bread, nor take our dis- patches to government beyond our own threshold; while, too, they are at the head of the spy and police force at work against us.

My communications were often returned on the ground that they contained the name of Jesus, or doctrines unknown in Confucianisni.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

About the same time our presents were refused acceptance, and se- veral lots of them actually sent back, as if to seal our dismal doom at this critical juncture, by far the greater part of our available coin, six hundred dollars and upwards, were stolen from us, and all knowledge of the theft was not only clean denied, but the impossibility of such a case happening in a house watched within and without like ours, triumphantly dwelt upon in two long dispatches, ostensibly coming from the first magnate in the country. But perfectly cured as I now was of the deluding influences Capt. Hall's narrative had inflicted on my good natured disposition, I strongly insisted upon the removal of those whom I had palpable reason enough to consider in-door thieves, and perhaps official burglars. I was thereby freed from direct sur- veillance of my domestic doings, and the shame of having guards fol- lowing my every step out of doors, but it did not better our position with the people. Several new guard-posts were erected in the lanes, which I was obliged to pass when leaving the temple; one of them was so situated that I could be descried as soon as I emerged from the bend of a wall that hides the door, so that I saw my unsought outriders, turn into every corner long before I could reach any lane. Of course on reaching it I found a complete wilderness, a grave-like silence, as if not a living being dwelt in any of the houses bordering the long streets. I was wonderfully sustained under these trials, trials almost maddening to my susceptible feelings, which had never before been outraged to such a degree. I had never before known a case where a man in his sound senses was made a kind of scarecrow, before whom his fellow- men flew off in all directions bewildered like terror stricken birds.

At the same time, I could easily conceive how much the people them- selves were annoyed, and this increased my pain. I might for hours walk up and down a lane by myself, and I once tried for a whole week, besieging a row of shops from morning to night but in vain ; not a door would open. Have you ever heard anything similar? Surely this people are grass, yea, chaff trod under by the heavy foot of pitiless barbarism; this land is the caldron, the people are the flesh, and the savage rulers devour them. The whole nation are slaves, worse than the negroes, bleeding and agonizing under the lash of a few taskmas- ters who know not, and will not learn to govern them kindly. What niust be the enormities of the penal code that can secure such degrad- ing obedience? For how can such a state of things be imagined, and above all realized, unless long continued, barbarous cruelties, though perhaps hiddenly perpetrated, bring the victims to bear, as the Lew- chewans bear, the spoiling of their goods, fasting, and incarceration in

1850.

Letter from B. J. Betteiheim.

their houses without daring, or perhaps (what is still worse) wishing to emerge from such low and brutish degradation. Much as there has been in the year 1848 to mourn in the atrocities committed in Christian Europe during the late riotous revolutions, they are virtue itself com- pared with the systematic massacre of the humanity, not to say the feel- ings of a whole nation. Despotism like that here gives no hope of improvement. It feeds greedily on destruction, and can not cease from devouring every rival existence, knowing it lives only by the death of others. It has one will, and none besides must have any will. In Lew- chew it has triumphed, and Oh, what a dark triumph it is! The triumph of death over the grave of its slain, the shout of madness over dethroned reason, the echo of Satan's Bravo! when the world sank with a crash into the tomb of sin.

"What shall I do unto thee, Ephraim ?"—what shall I do unto thee, Lewchew? Thus I asked myself with the prophet, when in the ex- treme of my perplexity. I well knew nothing but the gospel of the living God could remedy, or even reach such a case. But how should I be- gin to go to work? Faith cometh by hearing, but how shall they hear, when thus driven beyond the reach of the joyful sound? When my aggravated sins shall be remembered at the judgment-seat of Christ, then remember me, oh, my God! for good, and pass not by the days and nights I spent between the dead walls of these streets, stretching out my hands to this strange people, and lifting up my voice if possibly it might pierce through to the immured captives, and convince them that a Christian heart is not soon done out of sympathy; and that I loved and desired their salvation, though I saw them not. Rolls of portions of Scripture and of tracts in the Chinese, and addresses written in the Lewchewan-copies of which my good wife busily helped me to mul- tiply during late night hours—were the only missiles I threw into the besieged courts; but alas, what I strewed with difficulty and hazard for many months, was easily gathered by the vigilant enemy, and brought back to me, a large trunkful, by government emissaries. My chief pulpit, the great market of Napa, where I knew they could not long go on driving off buyer and seller, and where my charities to a few cripples waiting there for alms, had evidently made a good impression on the multitude, was certainly not forsaken; but no sooner did a man or woman look up to the speaker, than a hint, a yell, or a pull from somewhere, was sure to sink the daring eye to the ground. These vex- ations finally quenched every attempt of the people to hear me.

In March, 1848, perhaps in consequence of a large ship approach- ing the shore very closely, some faint sigus of a reconciliation appeared.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

'The theft was found out, and I was better satisfied that the discovery had been made by them than by us; for I now thought it possible that the change in their conduct might have been grounded partly on my complaint in relation to it, which they may have perhaps considered as a wanton vexation, but which they now must of course acknowledge was based on truth, to be met, if they did what was just, by the restora- tion of our own. In connection with this event, several circumstances occurred, which it is not necessary here to detail, but in which I am persuaded we left the impression of our open and benevolent inten- tions, both upon the government and the nation, made me hope some change would ensue for the better. All the dispatches we received were tinctured with goodwill. The governor of Napa on that occa- sion came repeatedly to our house, and crowds of followers with him, all expressing sympathy for the past, and confidence for the future. The strong steps I took in behalf of the culprits and their families, and the unremitted pains taken till I obtained a written promise under the great seal of the state, that their lives would not be forfeited, must have had some weight with men who have no regard for the poor, who use power without moderation, and who may have thought us like themselves bent on vengeance and oppression. The following dis- patch, in which a couplet on the foreigner's "pearl-body" occurs, will suffice to show that my rising hopes had a pretty good foundation.

Dispatch relating to the punishment of the thieves.

"The balmy zephyrs, soft and rustling, Proclaim the coming of the spring:

So may your good self be brisk and happy, Fearing no limits to your felicity.

"A carefully prepared communication, relating to the degree of punishment of the criminals convicted of stealing the foreign money belonging to you, Sir. I respectfully received the other day your letter, in which you say, 'It is needless to examine these two pri- soners very strictly, and I humbly beg to inquire what punishment the government intends to inflict on them, and to ask that I may be informed,' &c. According to the statutes of this country, all pri- soners are taken cognizance of by the criminal judge (yuh kwán the jailer) alone, who meets out [their punishment] according to law, and no stranger can know previously what it will be; more- over, the laws of rewards and punishments form the highest prerogative of the sovereign, and consequently can be no otherwise than justly ordered. For many ages, we, in this country, have ruled according to the Chinese code; and in the present case, it certainly can not be

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

decided according to what you say, and it will also be very difficult to let you, Sir, know what it will be. But I think that the crime of these two prisoners may be said not to be a capital offense according to the laws. I humbly beg you, Sir, not to be anxious about them, and respectfully return this note in reply, wishing you at the same time every happiness.

Special reply from Sháng Tingchú, superintendent of affairs in Chungshán fú. March 30th, 1848.

道近貴

道光二十八年二月二十六日中山府總理大臣尙廷柱謹

貴貴

安客律客客國可先遇如客客

不不行知所律不知有何尊洋玉和

必之之云法得之犯加札銀體風掛不亦行以措且人刑犯康淡念致所之為處夫專此云人寜蕩

茲斬難也措之實係人二實方

具刑行而行宜罰

犯名受知

寸之也使今是之官為無一無有

啟甚但粛伏念爲該

其以法照示庸案疆脚

治斂係法知嚴前之之罪國屬措等加日福春二實自國行因審恭犯不古家不查問接之

謹得以第得得懇如來一使求啟

·遵政他國貴

順

候

罪

按

照務人法國

中不預度將取

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

The aggravation of the case lay in the circumstance that we are foreigners, which, as some told me, makes our money to be considered as our life; for as we can not earn any more, we must starve to death without it. Others again told me, the case is considered as a betrayal against the fatherland, which by so grave an offence against a foreign- er might have been exposed to great difficulties, and perhaps summary reprisals. Either view made me extremely uneasy regarding the fate awaiting the culprits. I was therefore greatly relieved by the above dispatch, and no less amused with the punctiliousness of this miniature government on their judicial power, and the impatience manifested at my talking to them of English law. Peace being thus patched up after a fashion, government even thought of getting me again to a pub- lic dinner, intimating they wished thereby to show the nation that our differences were all settled. But on this very ground I was obliged to refuse, alledging that I wished the people still to understand I was grieved at their being forbidden access to me, while neither did I feel at liberty to forget the transaction on the public road near Shui, till a straightforward apology had been given.

Had there been a shadow of sincerity under all this parade of restor- ed goodwill, I should immediately have felt it in my labors. But there, the only quarter to which I looked for evidence of the worth of these doubtful promises and ambiguous professions of friendship, all remained as dark and cloudy as before; not a single breeze sprang up in the right direction, and consequently, I had to go on in my old hard and toil- some way. I now began more steadily to visit the huts where my guard lived, and particularly that one nearest my door, to which, I think, twenty men belonged, four of them serving by turns each day, and the whole set changed about twice in a year. Here then I had annually forty immortal souls, to whom access could not easily be denied me; for even when the guards in the other huts were ordered all to leave as soon as I entered, such rudeness could not be ventured upon at my house-door, where I could threaten to remove the whole hut, in case the inmates behaved impolitely. Difficulties, however, were constantly raised, and when I absolutely insisted upon their keeping several of my books in the hut, that they might have something better than cards and dice to beguile the time with, it came nigh to having a rupture. I maintained that this hut formed part of my residence, and I would not be forbidden to keep the books of Jesus there. In a country where written charms are much in vogue, and strange immunities are attri- buted to scribbled slips pasted on doors and walls, perhaps they took, and

may still take my deference for our Scriptures and tracts as some-

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

what like their own superstitious veneration for books or even their torn leaves; but this I could not help, for though the synagogue of Sa- tan has taken some of the best usages of the church of God, and intro- duced them into false systeins to baffle us by the similarity, this must not make us give up our own institutions. It sufficed for me that I carried my point; let them think me wrong, or like themselves in the motives, I cared but little; my object was to bring them into con- tact with the pages of the life-giving word, and get their eyes when I could not secure their ears. The fact that I soon saw the books used and torn, and had occasionally to change them, and sometimes even surprised the todzies while, to my delight, they were engaged over them, or the maps made for their inspection, proves that the effort was not in vain in the Lord. To this end I also stuck up sheets contain- ing the Decalogue on different walls in the house, as the general cus- tom here is, and pasted large oblong slips of red paper on my door-posts, inscribed with Christian motives. I drew several general and special maps, and easily multiplied copies by means of the manifold writer; these, lettered with Chinese characters, were given to the todzies, and I am persuaded reached government likewise.

The mere knowledge of the shape of the earth goes far to upset their whole cosmogony, and a glance at the two hemispheres, in which I colored all the English possessions one bright imperial yellow, in order to give these islanders some notion of an empire to which the appellation of tien hiá the world, more justly applies than to China. At the same time, I raised my heart in gratitude to God, that she has done so much for Christian influence in this globe. Paganism, though numerically the greatest, and perhaps also covering the most ground, is geographically less advantageously situated than Christen- dom; parts of it are included in Christian influence, or inert in them- selves, and it is without mutual relations between its component parts. Heathen Lewchew understands well what is meant by such ideas being pressed on them, and I hope they will not be entirely lost.

To the rolls of tracts with I colported through the streets, I added a good bagful of cakes, easily baked in an oven constructed with my own hands (these people can not construct an arch of bricks), and those who refused a tract, were frequently less rigorous towards my cakes, and perhaps were attracted a little by the gorgeous flowery chintz bag which held them. Even after my hawking stratagems had been out- manœuvred by the vigilance of the enemy who countermined all my efforts, and nobody cared either for my tracts, or my bag, or my cakes, a few naked, sunbrowned little ones still remained mny customers; and

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

JAN.

observing that the dark of the evening gave the spies less play-ground, I chose this time to go out into the byways and hedges, where tawny children presently hopped to and fro me in considerable numbers, of course with the natural desire of getting a cake or some casli,

but now and then they got something better, a grain of sweet heavenly manna, or a shekel out of the sanctuary; no wonder a stop should be put to such delightful rambles. These were children who I hope felt attached to me,

and I am sure I patted and fondled them with paternal affection. Even long after our intercourse must have been betrayed and declared illicit, as I easily inferred from stones pelting me occasionally in the dark, I saw them still sneaking and slinking around till they could safely ap- proach, and get their sweet trifles; but this likewise had to be given up.

Shut out entirely from street labor, nothing remained but boldly to venture into people's houses. To confine myself to the huts where my guards were quartered would have been too easy a triumph for the evil one, and the surest way to concentrate all opposition there, and eventually to lose even that last anchor-ground in the impending storm. To secure the little one has, it is necessary to strive for more; a rule that holds good in any kind of gain, commercial as well as spiritual, for he that has not, from him shall be taken even that which he has. This great principle, in my humble judgment, it is a pity to see so little acted upon by the church; otherwise her missionary efforts would far surpass her pastoral ones. For though in this dispensation, the world is not to become the church, yet the latter loses ground, even what she has, when she gains none. The command to go to all nations plainly indicates we are not to wait; and it would moreover, practically be in vain to wait till any one of them be entirely converted. What mission- ary settled in a town, would not simultaneously with his city mission, take a range in the villages around? Has not Seroor in India its voluntary troubles at Wadagaon, and does not Mr. French rightly say, "I am more and more convinced of the importance of this (the village preaching) department of labor." Christ, our Savior, who left heaven for his mission upon earth, by precept and example inculcated mis- sionary pilgrimage on the church: why is it neglected? Capernaum, doomed to be brought down hell, and offering therefore, as may be supposed, a lasting station for his divine missionary sympathy, once in a lucid moment of grace, begged that he should not depart from them. Did he settle down with them? No; he said unto them, “I must preach the kingdom of God to other cities also, for therefore am I sent. And he preached in the synagogues of Galilee." Such was the practice of Christ, such his command.

1830.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

The Church, unlike the Jewish polity, is not confined to one or two lands or nations; she is to be a great multitude, which no mau can nuinber of all nations, and kindreds, and people, and tongues. Oh, tell me, will you shorten their shout of holy triumph? Shall Lewchew have no voice mingling in their hosannas! Ought any nation to fail to swell this universal choir, worthy the enthroned Redeemer of a world? Oh, tell the American Churches, I feel for the coppered Indian, I mourn for the African negro, I sympathize with the Mohammedan fellah, I rejoice over the awakened Nestorian and Ar- menian, but there must be a corner left in the American heart for Lew- chew, the more so as she is the threshold to our brightening hopes in Japan. Let the people of God there be sure that in proportion as the disciples of Christ go to all nations and disciple-or, venturing on his plain command, at least try to disciple—them, in the same ratio the number of their home churches, and the number of hearts in those churches will grow. On the field subject to the exclusive control of Revelation, no operation or plan must be chalked out according to reason alone. However poorly capable a human mind may be to take in the universal missionary church, the infinite mind of our Captain has spoken out plain on the matter, "go ye unto all nations."-Many of the prayers and exertions at home would bring down richer blessings both to far and to near, if they were directed to some outpost church.

In fact, the concentration of Christian effort to any given locality savors much of the old Babel project, the ethics of which were,

"lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth." Now, just this was the will of God: "replenish the earth, and subdue it.” And does He, who desired the posterity of the first Adam to be scattered over all the world, even while the plain of Shinar was quite spacious enough for them, not equally desire the offspring of the second Adam to spread over the whole globe? Shall we remain in our home pastures, beneath the shadow of our steepled church towers, and drink the sweet waters of Siloam, while others are famishing from thirst? It is a conso- lation that he who knew how to scatter Babel, knows also how to scatter his church. Israel in the flesh was scattered abroad, but at the same time in mercy, for they were sown among the people," as a seed that shall serve him; and it stands to reason that the spiritual Israel of God must take the same tour round the globe, that as sin entered into the world and passed upon all men by the traveling up and down of fallen inan; even so, through the instrumentality of the light sown unto the righteous, by the righteous, the works of darkness shall be destroyed, and the desert changed into the garden of God.

VOL XIX. NO. 1.

(To be continued.)

Journal of Occurrences.

JAN.

ART. III. Journal of Occurrences: affairs at Macao; rules from the British consular agent at Whampoa; U. S. sloop of war St. Mary's; executions among the Chinese; town of Victoria erected into a city, and the colony of Hong kong made a bishop's see. AFFAIRS at Macao have taken a singular turn during the last two months. We have not been able to find room for all the communications which have passed between the Council and H. E. Sii, but have endeavored to insert all of any importance, and for the rest refer our readers to the China Mail, to which paper we express our acknowledgements for those we here introduce. In page 651 of the last volume, the apprehension and confession of another of the murderers is given, as communicated to the Council. They replied, taking exception at the confession and summary execution, at which Sii ex- pressed his astonishment in the following manner, and at their still detaining the prisoners.

Sü's Reply to the Council's Letter of the 14th October.

Sü, gov.-gen. of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, &c. In reply to the dispatch of the 29th day of the 8th moon (14th October), which I received as an an- swer, stating that at a proper time attention would be given to its contents, which are empty words without meaning; and requesting at the same time a reply to the dispatch of the 17th of the 8th moon (2d October), I have now to make the following observations. The dispatch says, that the three in- dividuals are not imprisoned, but detained for the necessary inquiries. Now, is not the long period of two months sufficient for the conclusion of these inquiries? In these 7th and 8th moons, two depositions have already been taken of the criminals who had been on two separate occasions apprehended, and copies of these depositions have been sent accompanied by dispatches; and there is no one who does not know that this case is already settled. Are not these depositions of the real aggressor and of an accomplice, then, sufficient documents? and is it still necessary to have recourse to witnesses and inquiries from individuals unconnected with the question? Besides, after the three individuals have been given up, they will have to continue in the exercise of their duties at the Barrier Gate, and consequently will not be concealed. This is all I have to communicate in reply to the dispatch of the Council of the Portuguese Government. 1st November, 1849.

The Council rejoined, Nov. 7th, in one of the best papers yet issued under its scal, exposing the discrepancies of the two confessions, and the flagitious nature of the exchange Gov. Sü had proposed between the three prisoners and the relics. After comparing the two confessions, and showing their discrepancies, they conclude with the following remarks :—

"As to the justice of the demand which this Council made to your_Ex- cellency in their dispatch of the 3d ultimo, it way a very simple one. They merely required that your Excellency should tell them, without circumlocu- tions, whether you would deliver them the head and hand of the deceased governor, or whether you wished to traffic with these precious remains; nevertheless, your Excellency has not, up to this date, satisfied so simple a requisition, continuing to keep possession of those mutilated members, as a property of your own, no doubt because you are conscious of having acquired them by means which, in your Excellency's judgment, give you a right of dis- posing of them as may seem good to you, regardless of constituting yourself by this act a participator in the crime which gave you the possession of them. This Council have already endeavored to show your Excellency the iniquity of the infamous traffic which you proposed to them, and the necessi-

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

ty of the head and hand being restored to them without any condition or clause whatsoever, which this Council can not, because they ought not to, adınit. They have already, in short, caused you Excellency to see, that such an inhuman and unheard-of act, committed towards the person of the Representative of Her Most Faithful Majesty, amounts to an atrocious of- fense against the sovereignty of Her Majesty, and an outrage to the nation, to whom is due entire and condign reparation. In the face, therefore, of the extraordinary proceedings of your Excellency, and of your tenacious persis- tence in remaining deaf to the voice of reason and justice; and as this Coun- cil have already informed Her Majesty's Government of all that has taken place, nothing more is left them to do on the subject, but to protest again against your Excellency, holding you responsible for the assassination of the Most Excellent Governor Amaral; for the retention of his head and hand; for the violation of the rights of Her Majesty and the Portuguese nation; and lastly, for all consequences whatsoever that may result, as well from that act, as from the unqualified proceedings of the Chinese authorities of Canton with regard to it. And, as it is requisite that full knowledge be had of all the circumstances of this unheard-of case, this Council are going to make them known to the Representatives of all the foreign nations resident here, as well as to the governments of all other friendly powers, allies of Her Majesty, by means of a Manifesto, of which a copy will also be forwarded to your Excellency."

To this the governor-general sent the following reply.

Dispatch from Su to the Council of Government of Macao.

Su, Governor-general of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, &c. I have received the dis- patch of the noble Council of the 25th day of the 9th moon (9th November), and having inade myself acquainted with its contents about the murder of governor Amaral, proceed to reply, that as the aggressor Shin Chi-liang was apprehended at Shun-teh, a place not far from the capital, he was taken there within a day, and immediately tried and sentenced in order to avoid delays in the examinations. By thus proceeding with the execution without loss of time, can there still be any doubt on the point? Besides, the case of beheading a criminal is not one to be trifled with. Shín Chi-liáng made a deposi. tion, and afterwards confirmed the same, and it was in consequence of his confession that the place where the head and hand had been buried was discovered. Can it still be said that this individual was a supposititious criminal, and not the real aggressor? If in all these circumstances doubts are entertained, the life of man is of great consequence; the execution could not be thus carried into effect, without the family of Shin Chi-liang uttering a word about it. As to the depositions of Shio Chi-liáng and Ko Ahong, as each of them expressed himself according to his own way, there has been a difference in some circumstances; but there was no discordance as to the fact, and all of them in their depositions have acknowledged. Ko Ahong and the others to be the accomplices, but did not mention the individual Kam Tong. Are not the depositions of the criminals sufficient to serve as documents, when rumors are still believed? With regard to Ko 'Ahong and others who ran away through the Barrier gate; as on that occasion, night was already approaching, the soldiers at that post could not, in the midst of such a hurry, recognize them in order to stop them. This is a very simple reason; how then can guilt be brought home to these soldiers?

A deputed officer was sent to take the head and hand of governor Amaral, to be de- livered up: but the noble Council having kept back the three soldiers belonging to the gate, without setting them free, the said officer could not take upon himself the respon- Bibility. Here is the cause of the delay and of this confusion. All things should be managed with reflection; and in a proper way; obstinacy can not bring affairs to a conclusion. This then depends on the serious consideration of the noble Council. This is all I have to answer to the Council of the Portuguese government.

10th moon, 9th day (23d November, 1849).

The Council of Government published a lengthy Manifesto, dated Nov. 26th, 1849, which is entituled "A Demonstrative Exposition of the proceedings of the Chinese Authorities of the province of Canton, in relation to the disas- trous event which occurred at Macao on the 22d day of August, 1849." In this paper, the Council begin upon the presumption that the assassination of Gov. Amaral was encouraged, if not authorized by the Chinese authorities, and add, “that the subsequent conduct of these authorities has raised those

Journal of Occurrences.

JAN.

presumptions to such a height that they can not but be accepted as proofs of their complicity in the atrocious crime, the responsibility of which, far from attempting to remove by the efforts they should have employed to throw it off from themselves, they have progressively aggravated to such a point that at present the whole of it attaches to them exclusively." Taking this ground, the Council proceed to recapitulate the principal facts of the case in order to fortify their position, going over with a brief analysis of the papers which have proceeded from the governor-general, and his acts in relation to the criminals apprehended and executed for the murder. The paper doubtless carries conviction to the minds of those who joined in “the public voice,” which "unanimously accused the Chinese authorities of having connived at this horrible outrage,” but to those who dissent from that public voice, it adds no new proof of Sü's connivance, much less of his previous authorization of the outrage. On this matter, we have already given such an opinion as the facts then brought to light led us to adopt, and need not here repeat, since we see no grounds for altering it. The Manifesto concludes with the remark that "The necessity of occupying theinselves with the present task has been ex- tremely disagreeable to this Council, but they feel it to be imperative on thein not to leave unproclaimed manifest, although pungent and bitter, truths, which had been unjustly provoked, in order to establish and fix by unques- tionable facts the responsibility of that iniquitous outrage on the head of him to whom it belongs; the expositions and documents brought forward in this Manifesto appearing to them sufficiently to prove,-

1st. That the treacherous and barbarous assassination of the councillor Joað Maria Ferreira do Amaral, governor of this province, was nothing else than the consequence of a premeditated plan of aggression, for the development of which this act was the first step agreed upon. 2dly. That if this plan was not concocted with the concurrence of the Chinese authorities, its execution was countenanced by them. 3dly. That the same authorities, by refusing to Futisfy the just demands made on them, and with which they were bound to comply, and by committing other acts in violation of the law of nations, constituted themselves participators in the crime which by the same law they were bound to punish. 4thly. That, in conclusion, all the responsibility of this atrocions crime, and of all its consequences, attaches to the saine authorities, for which responsibility this Council again protest, renewing all their former protests, which they hereby ratify, in the hope that this respon- sibility will one day be made effective for the satisfaction and redress of out- raged justice, of violated laws, and of so many and so sacred rights trampled under foot."

When sending a translation of this Manifesto to Sii, the Council expressed the following disclaimer, which called forth a reply, and an inclosure throw- ing some additional light upon the subject.

The Council of Government &c., to Su, Governor-general of Canton. This Council have the honor to forward herewith to your Excellency a copy of the Manifesto, which, as they informed you in their dispatch of the 7th ultimo, they made public on the 26th of the same month.

This Council avail themselves of the present opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's dispatch of the 23d November last; and as they have already stated in their former dispatches all that it behoved them to say on the subject to which it refers, they confine themselves at present to declaring to your Excellency, that whatever may be your proceedings relative to the restitution of the mutilated incmbers of the most ex- cellent the deceased governor of this province, they will on no account influence those of this Council with regard to the three Chinese detained here, in relation to whom this Council will act as they have acquainted your Excellency in their dispatch of the 3d October last. Macao, 3d December, 1849.

Jeronimo, Bishop of Macao -Carneiro.-Neves.-Simoens.-Goularte.-Pereira.

Dispatch from Su to the Council of Government of Mucao.

In order to satisfy the Su. governor-general of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, &c question relative to the urder of governor Amaral. I proceed to state as follows Shin

1850.

Journal of Occurrences,

Chi-hang the real assassin, having been first apprehended. was executed. Afterwards his accomplices Ko Ahong and Li Apau were detected, the latter of whom was killed when about to be seized, and Ko Ahong also wan captured, and made a confession, a copy of which was inclosed in a dispatch to the noble Council as is on record. Inquiries were in the meantime going on after two individuals, surnamed respectively Chou and Chen, who had escaped; and the mandarin of Kwangchau has now reported to ine that repeated and strict searches were made to discover the said criminals, but as it was thought probable that they might have taken refuge with the pirates and joined them, a description of these men was ordered to be drawn up, in order that when the pirates should be apprehended it might serve to identify thein. The mandarin lately brought from Kweirhen hien one Chang Asin, alias Chou Asin, who conjointly with Chou Ayau and Chen Afat had gone to join the pirates. As there were reasons to suspect his com· plicity, he was repeatedly interrogated, and he deposed that he knew Chou Ayau and Chen Afat, who as well as himself had been workmen at Macao; that one Shin Chi- liáng, known to him, having determined to assassinate Amaral, to revenge himself, had bribed Ko Ahong and Li Ayau to assist him in his design, and arranged with them, in concert with Chou Ayau and Chen Afat, that they should prevent persons from approach- ing. All agreed to go together. Hearing of the strict search that was making for them, they fled to Hiangkang, a seaport, when they joined the pirates. Having after- wards fallen in with the English, the said Chou Ayau and Chen Afat were killed in action, and he, the deponent was apprehended by the soldiers of the (Chinese) government and sent to Canton.

This deposition then, having been compared with those of Shin Chi-liáng and Ko Ahong, they were found to agree, and the two men who ran away are thus clearly identified as accomplices. With regard to the said criminal, who confessed to having committed pira- cies, which is in itself a crime punishable capitally, as he was an accomplice of the other delinquents in preventin: people from approaching at the time of the murder, his guilt is still graver." Therefore, besides directions being given for the reiteration of the examinations, in order that his trial might take place, the deposition of the said criminal was transmitted for my inforination. From this it appears that the principal accomplices in the crime being six, of whom one was drowned, two were killed by the English sol- diers, and the remaining three apprehended; all therefore are discovered. Chou Asin has already been committed for trial, that he may afterwards be rigorously punished. All this I make known to the noble Council, sending at the same time, a copy of the confession of Chou Asin. Tuukwang, 29th year, 11th moon, 6th day (19th Dec. 1819).

Confession of Chang Asin, alias Chou Asin.

I lived at Macao jointly with Chou Ayau and Chen Afat, where we earned our liveli- hod by acting as workmen. An acquaintance of ours named Shin Chi-liang, on account of the Portuguese Governor Amaral having made roads without the Campo gates, by which work the graves of his ancestors were destroyed, was so enraged thereat that he determined to murder Amaral, in order to satisfy his revenge. For the purpose of assist- ing him in his design, he bribed Ko Ahong and Li Apau, and charged me, together with Chou Ayau and Chen Afat, to act as guards on the occasion, so as to prevent people from approaching. All of us agreed to this, and on the 5th day of the 7th moon Shin Chi-liang having heard that Amaral would go out for recreation proceeded with us to waylay him. Towards evening, when it was twilight, Shin Chi-liang seeing Amaral approach on horseback, went up to him under the pretense that he had a petition to hand him, and said that he had a complaint to preter; and whilst Amaral was stretching out his hand to receive the paper, Shin-Chi-liang drew a sharp knife he had concealed in the handle of his umbrella and commenced stabbing him in the arm and shoulder, until he fell from his horse, when he immediately cut off his head and hand, and we ran away, each his own way. Chou Ayau, Chen Afat, and myself, having afterwards heard that strict search was being made for us, fled to Hiangkang, a seaport from whence we went over to the pirates, whilst with whom Chou Ayau and Chen Asat were killed in engagements we had with the English soldiers, and I was afterwards seized by the sol- diers of government, and taken to Canton. I pray therefore for mercy.

On the 24th, one month after sending Sii a translation of the Manifesto, the Council forwarded the following dispatch with the three prisoners, who had been detained since August.

From the Council of Government, &c., to Su, Viceroy of Canton, &c. This Council send to Your Excellency the three Chinese guards at the Barrier Gate, who were detained here; likewise their depositions sud those of two with es-ex, from winch it is seen clearly and evidently that these three meu belonging to the Barrier were at least cognizant of the horri- ble outrage commet d near that post on the evening of the 221 August They are either guilty, or acted under orders in permitting free passage through the Barrier to the vile perpetrators of that abominable crime, This Council therofure send these prisoners to your Excellency as guilty persous, in order that they may be tried according to law; and by sending these three prisopers,

Journal of Occurrences.

JAN.

they hold your Excelency aarwerable for them; and again require from your Excellency the capture of the alessas sad accompisces, sad also christ that the proceedings, until the erim- inals are confronted here foliow the course kuid now a un justice and iaw; and they protest against asy acts of a contrary antare, sad farther renew all their former protesta. Tai Council having reported everyta.ag in theiz Sovereign, kare nothing further to do unt:" they receive ber cum- Banda

Macao, 24th December, 1849.

Jeronimo Bishop of Mucus —Janquim Antonio de Moras Caracire, ac

Immediately on receipt of this, the tsotáng, through whom it was sent, in- timated that the bead and hand were at the disposal of the Council, and after so be delay the relics were delivered up on the 16th inst., to a commission appointed for the purpose, on board a lorcha off the Praya Grande. They were weil preserved and easily identified, and were carried to the chapel in the palace, where service for the dead was performed by Bishop Matta; the flags were at baif-mast and minute guns were fired on the melancholy occasion.

The following Regulations have been published by the Consular Agent at Whampoa for the guidance of masters of British ships. They show the re- salt of long experience in relation to the dealings between foreign seamen and the Chinese, and that prevention of intercourse is the best remedy for the evils which once were connected with it. It is a melancholy reflection that seamen coming to this heathen land from a Christian country must be suat up like convicts on board their ships during their stay in port, in order to prevent them from injuring themselves and others. It recalls to mind the anecdote we once heard a sailor narrate: That a little girl was once crossing the gangway of a man of war, and as she stepped over and looked up and down the deck, she caught her mother's dress in terror, exclaiming, Look, mamina! so many sailors, and they are all loose!—We hope the day is not far distant when seamen in herthen countries will be an honor to, and for the advancement of the holy religion they profess in name, and not a reproach by their intemperance and folly."

Regulations for Masters of Britisk vessels and others at the Anchorage of Whampoa.

1. The consular offices are open from 10 a.m. to 4 P.M. daily, with the exception of Sunday, and such holydays as public offices in England are closed.

II. Masters are required, within twenty-four hours after arrival, to deposit with H. Mi's Consul at Canton, their vessel's certificate of registry or suling-letter, Bocca Tigris pass, and manifest of cargo, after which due permission will be obtained to break bulk. III. Except in the case of vesɛels belonging to H. M.'s colonies and possessions abroad, masters are required, within forty-eight hours after arrival, to deposit, or cause to be deposited, with the consular agent at this anchorage, the agreement with the crew, together with an account at the foot of such agreement, of all apprentices on board, set- ting forth their Christian and surnames at full length, the dites of the registry of their indentures and assignments respectively, and the ports at which, and the times when they were registered; and also all indentures and assignments of apprenticeships, and the register tickets of all the crew who shall be subjects of her Majesty, the whole to be kept by him during the ship's stay, and. excepting the register tickets of deserters, to be returned to the master a reasonable time before departure.

IV. The laws of England are in full force, regard being had to the difference of local eircumstances, and to the provisions of ordinances for Her Majesty's subjects within any vessel at a distance of not more than one hundred miles from the coast of China. The consular agent calls especial attention to the Act 7 & 8 Victoria, Cap. 112, to amend and consolidate the laws relating to merchant seamen, which Act, except so far as re- lates to agreements, register tickets, and baving apprentices, applies to ships belonging to all Her Majesty's colonies and possessions abroad when at this anchorage; and all certificates and sanctions required to be endorsed on agreements, shall, in the case of these ships be otherwise given in writing when no written agreement exists. This act enacts that no seaman can be shipped, discharged, or left behind, without the previous sanction of the consular functionaries in writing; and they are instructed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that great care must be taken that such discharge is never sanctioned except in cases of absolute necessity, In those cases where offenders may be given in charge legally without the previous issue of a warrant, application is required to be made to the constable at the office of the consular agent.

V. Seamen and other persons dying on board, sto::e and other ballast, are prohibited from being thrown overboard.

VI. Cleanliness in this climate being indispensable for the preservation of the health

1830.

Journal of Occurrences.

of crews, masters are held responsible for payment of their washing. The usual charge is one dollar for each seaman for the first month or part of a mouth, and fifty cents for each subsequent month or part of a month, of a ship's stay.

VII. Seamen being strictly prohibited from going to Canton and on shore, bum-boats are to be permitted to come alongside the ships in reasonable numbers, at meal times, at the gangways only, to sell clothes and other necessaries. Dealers have been cau- tioned against giving credit, inasmuch as no debt exceeding in amount five shillings, in- curred by any seaman can be recovered until the period of his service shall have been concluded.

Vill. All masters or other persons in charge of vessels about to leave this anchorage shall give notice thereof in writing to the consular agent, and hoist a blue-peter at least twenty-four hours before the time of intended departure, unless he shall think fit from a sufficient cause to dispense with the observance of this regulation.

IX. Every British subject arriving at this port, not borne on the muster roll of any British ship, and intending to reside here, is required within a reasonable time to enrol himself in a register kept at the consular office for the respective districts : and if any British subject conveyed to this port in a British vessel, shall, prior to the departure of auch vessel from the dominions of the emperor of China, be found requiring public relief, such_vessel will be held responsible for the maintenance and removal of such distressed British subject.

X. Any individual appealing from the decision of the consular_agent, is required to forward his appeal unsealed and under cover to the consular agent for transmission to the consul.

XI. All fines are payable in ready money. Dollars locally termed chopped are received by weight at the rate of 7.17 tacia to 10 dollars, and the dollar is received at the ex- change of 48. 2d.

The Consular Agent takes this opportunity to make the following remarks —1st. On Sunday there is usually an opportunity of attending divine service 2d. To avoid expos. ing European seamen, it is advisable to engage a sampan, or Chinese boat, for pulling up to Canton and about the anchorage 3d. To prevent pilfering, a particular watch ought to be kept on Chinese in and about a ship when discharging and loading small and loose packages. 4th. Bathing in the middle of the stream, unless at slack water, is highly dangerous. 5th. Insubordinate conduct being most frequently occasioned by drinking intoxicating liquors to excess, and if these be excluded, masters would have comparatively little trouble in maintaining good order amongst the crews, it is recom- mended to them to arrange to watch each other's versels, and to make signals when boats come under the bows or sterns. At meal times, when bumboats are permitted at the gangways, vigilance is necessary also, though the precautions taken should not be vexatious to the crew. 6th. The consular agent having little leisure for correspondence, all persons at this anchorage baving business with him, are requested to transact it personally. 7th. Pilots may be obtained at First Bar. 8th. The consular agent is an- xious to do his duty without fear or favor, and to treat all persons courteously who have recourse to him; but having frequently come in contact with very unreasonable individuals, who have not hesitated to misrepresent him most grossly, and to treat him with marked disrespect, he feels reluctant to fine any one on this account if it can be avoided, and with this view intimates that the law gives him ample power to cause hie official authority to be respected.

ALEX. BIRD, British Consular Agent.

Whampao, 3d November, 1849.

The U. S. sloop of war St. Mary's, 20 guns, bearing the broad pendant of Commodore Voorhees arrived in these waters on the 31st, from Honolulu. Her officers are as follows: Commodore, Philip F. Voorhees. Lieutenants, John B. Marchand, C. A. R. Jones, Wm. E. Boudinot, A. C. Rhind. Acting Master, David Ochiltree. Surgeon, Samue! L. Addison. Purser, Cameron Anderson. Lieut. of Marines, F. B. McNeill. Commodore's Secretary, Dabney C. Wirt. Midshipmen, David L. Braine, Felix Grundy, Joseph L. Brecze, Edward T. Williams. Boatswain, John Crosby. Sailmaker, Wm. B. Fugitt. Carpenter, C. W. Babbitt. Gunner, J. Brown. Purser's Clerk, James Conway. Executions among the Chinese. The number of criminals who undergo capi- tal punishment at Canton usually amounts to several hundreds annually, but no governor-general has in recent years equaled the present incumbent in the nunı- ber of persons whom he has sentenced to the sword; during the last year there have been nearly 400 executions, though it should be remarked that criminals can not he capitally punished at any other city in the province besides Canton, with the exception of Kiungchau fo in Hainan. The place of execution in Can- ton might perhaps be called a public square, but it rather resembles a vacant lot

نان

Journal of Occurrences.

lying among others built upon, for it is not regarded as a thoroughfare ; during most of the time it is occupied by the workmen of a pottery manufactory near by to dry their furnaces and other ware, so that it is literally, a potter's field. This place near the Tien-t-z' mátau, or Imperial landing-place, on the southern side of the city, parallel with the So-f kiải, or Rain-cloak St., and opening into the Tsing- tsien ki or Granary-front St.; there being no fence or gateway between the latter and the fáh chiung, or law arena as the spot is called, whenever an execution takes place, the street gates on both sides of the opening, and that at the lower end towards the river are all shut as soon the officers arrive with the culprits. This compels all passengers who may be going by at the time to stop in the street until the execution is completed, and the gates are reopened; the rush to see the bloody corpses is then very great, few persons being admitted as spectators.

It is shocking to witness the indifference with which life is taken on these oc- casions; and the moral effect of such scenes to prevent crime is nothing at all. A few days ago, twenty heads were cut off. The wretched criminals were brought from the prison borne on men's shoulders in small cages hardly large enough to hold them doubled up in the smallest compass; the bearers put the cages on the ground, and actually emptied the prisoners out by turning them over, just as if they were already carcases. The executioners used large hangers, and while the officers in attendance are making ready, these callous men are vaporing about and showing the spectators how neatly they can do the bloody deed. Ŏn this occasion, the criminals were all dressed in clean clothes; these are sometimes given by the officers, and are always desired, under the idea that the spirit ap- pears before Yen-lo-wáng in hades in the dress the body had on when it left. The provincial judge, the prefect, the two district magistrates, and a centurion, who acts as the deputy of the colonel in command of the city, were all present with their lictors. The criminals were all made to kneel in a row facing the south before them, and their names read off by a clerk; there were five heads- men, and eleven swords standing in a row along the wall. One of them took a sword, and as a man held up the pinioned arms of the criminal behind, thus forc- ing his head horizontally forward, he struck it off with a single blow, the head- less corpse falling along on the ground, and he wiping the blood from the blade on his jacket. He replaced the weapon, and took up another, and after the fifth had been executed, his turn came again; and thus the whole five took turns, each one decapitating four persons, and using two swords. Not a word, not a sigh, not a grean, proceeded from any of thein, and in a few short moments af- ter they were brought on the ground, their gory heads were thrown together in a pile, even before the contortions of the muscle of the chin and neck had ceased, and their bodies left upon the ground; the heads often remain until they become bare skulls, but no obstruction is put in the way of the relatives taking away the corpse and the head, except in atrocious cases when the officers order the head to be exposed in a cage where the crime was committed as a warning to offenders. As soon as the dreadful ceremony was completed, the officers and their atten- dants, with the procession of empty cages returned into the city; as the gates were opened, a great crowd rushed in to behold the bloody corpses, among whom were probably friends of some of the victims, ready to carry away their remains. In case no one appears to claim them, the authorities order them to be buried in a golgotha on the eastern side of the city called mán yan chung. Of ficers or persons of note are usually carried to the spot in sedans; as the chair is set down on the ground, and they are ordered to step out, the executioner stands ready, and strikes off the head as the person stoops to pass out. Criminals sen- tenced to the slow and ignominious death, sometimes called “cutting into ten thou- sand pieces," and to strangulation, are bound to a cross before their execution.

The town of Victoria in the colony of Hongkong has been ordained to be a city, and the island of Hongkong and its dependencies erected into a bish- op's see and diocese, to be called the Bishopric of Victoria. Rev. George Smith, D. D., well known as the author of a work on China, has been conse- crated as the first bishop of the new see. He left England in November last, in company with a number of clergymen, and may therefore be expected soon to arrive, and enter upon his duties.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-February, 1850.—No. 2.

ART. 1. Letter from Rev. B. J. Bettelheim, M. D., giving an account of his residence and missionary labors in Lewchew during the last three years. (Continued from page 49.)

I BEG you to forgive this digression, and kindly to forbear with me. It may after all be no digression, in view of the missionary interest at large, though no doubt it is so from my report. But I am glad to have thus unintentionally proved that I am able to forget my own trials, whenever an opportunity offers to speak for missions. Tears have often moistened my eyes while writing the above lines, partly sorrow- ing, I hope after a godly manner, for the delinquencies attaching to the church even in her missionary enterprises, and partly moved by hea- venly joy, when the whole tenor of the divine scheme of salvation, beaming from the page of Revelation, flashed upon my mind, and told me, "Refrain thy voice from weeping and thine eyes from tears, for there is hope in the end, that thy brethren will come out from their borders, and push their way to the ends of the earth." As for me, I have not hastened from being a pastor at home to follow after the Lord in a land that is not known, neither have I desired the woful days we pass in Lewchew.

Repeated consideration respecting my duty to God, and examina- tion of his plan of evangelizing the world, have confirmed me in the view that to break up new ground is most consonant with the wide reaching aim of the gospel; and I am thankful to say, that though nearly four years of great hardship have passed over me since I left England, I feel myself like Caleb—that as my strength was then, even

VOL. XIX. NO, II.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB.

so is my strength now. I mean strength of purpose in the Lord to persevere in the aggressive system. Just in proportion to the little ground which has been gained, do I feel my zeal awakened to new efforts for continuing the attack, only praying for grace that this zeal may not degenerate into obstinacy, become the tool of wounded pride, nor use unlawful weapons. When I feel sure against such drawbacks of the natural old man, then am I strong when I am weak. It is in the spirit of this discipline that I waged, and do wage, the warfare of faith in Lewchew. It is like an onset of cavalry upon a strong square of infantry, but it has its blessed trophies, and its sustaining encourage. ments also. I can exclaim, “By thee have I run through a troop, and by my God have I leaped over a wall; thou hast also given me the shield of thy salvation, and thy gentleness has made me great.”

How I felt the first time I found myself within a Lowchewan house can be better imagined than described; but as I had counted the cost beforehand, and was prepared even for a 'Get thee behind me! Get thee hence!" or something still more forcible than words, nothing new could well befall me. I was little moved with the cries of the women, or frightened at the screams of the children, but seated myself in the first room I could get access to. You will perhaps ask in surprise, at the outset, how I could gain access into houses, whose doors a well trained body of spies would certainly take the precaution to have shut? The answer is simple. I did not enter by the door, at least in most cases, for I could not, but found my way in through the deep gaps in dilapidated back walls. I might say, I have done some service to the masons in this way, and perhaps to the owners too, for by and by the former got more work, and the latter got their walls repaired; this whole practice of getting in through such an open- ing at the back, at first considered here no more irregular than it would be in villages at home to get over a fence or a hedge, came by and by into disuse, to the great annoyance of the children and youth who are capital jumpers, and feel as much at home on the top of the roofs as a cat does. At present the spies alone are entitled to this privilege; they appear and disappear like ghosts on the stage, the magic consisting in the easy removal of the straw sandals, and the adaptation of their exercised naked feet to all the inequalities, that this rocky coral shore affords. One would often be tempted to think they can pass through walls, so sudden is their disappearance and reappearance. More than once, when congratulating myself on a short interval of the free use of my limbs, have I been undeceived by perceiv. ing the spies on the roofs looking down upon me. The masons have

1850.

Letter from B. J_Bettelheim.

likewise to thank me for jobs of work they had on low walls, over which I addressed the people in the yards, when as yet I had not courage enough to enter, and several such walls I could point out, which have been raised two or three feet.

By manœuvring to get out of the track of the spies, or turning quite suddenly in an unusual direction, I have always the choice of a few open doors.

A strong gale overthrows a Lewchewan wall almost as easily as it does the sliding paper doors and partitions inside the houses; and a long rain is sure to wash open some new entrance by carrying away the dust and inovable filth stuffed between the stones, so that one can pass and repass for several weeks over the traces left behind by a tyfoon before the many fresh thoroughfares are stopped up again. Besides, the greater part of the houses I visit, at least at present, are of the poorest sort-huts and hovels, sometimes accessible on all sides, or standing in a yard formed by a few bamboos sparingly planted around them; if they have a door at all it consists usually of a few bamboo branches knotted together with straw strings, a loop of the same material being all the fastening required, and as easily untied by me as by any one else who has to enter. So much for the mode by which I gained admission into the houses.

Their furniture and domestic arrangements are all in the Chinese style. As is the mother, so is the daughter; and I might add, as a cage is full of birds, so are their houses full of deceit, of charms and scraps, and other emblems of idolatry and belly-worship; such as cups, trays, tea-holders, and chopsticks in abundance, and constantly in use. When you go from house to house, you would suppose the population were constantly at meals, especially the higher classes, whom I meet always either at their breakfast, lunch, dinner, or supper. No wonder they are great of flesh and slow bellies, pacing along with measured dignity like idlers, whose only business is to watch their gait and looks before the multitude, accustomed to measure grandeur by such and like outward farces. As neither tables nor chairs are used, the writ- ten, and sometimes painted ornaments on the walls are very conspicu- ous; but most so is the god's corner, where the ancestral tablet is set up, either open or enshrined, and provisioned with a stock of sacrifices, varying according to the wealth of the householder. What the prophet of old said of degenerate Israel, applies fully to them: "These men have set up their idols in their belly, and put the stumbling-block of their iniquity before their face." Nothing can be more revolting, more abominable than this constant display of idols and eatables, while you have to tell them of a God who is a Spirit, and whose kingdom is not meat and driuk.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB,

In the beginning of my visits to the dwellings, I rather selected the respectable part of the population, and met with astonishing good reception. After the first surprise and confusion occasioned by my sudden appearance was over, one or other of the family, and sometimes even the master, kept me company, and was sure to hear the message of salvation, as I was watching my time, and gave my visits a pro- fessional turn as soon I could. But invariably the second or third visit to the same house found matters altered. In some instances, I was plain- ly forbidden the house. In some, all the inmates ran off. In others, the master told me if I had any compassion upon them, I would not expose them to the dangers they ran in letting me enter their doors. Not very long ago, in three instances, I had hairbreadth escapes from a good beating; on one occasion the stick being already lifted up for a blow, and arrested only by another person seizing the hand of the infuriated old Confucian fool, whose language was, "prophesy not in the name of the Lord, lest thou die by our hand." Nothing of the sort threatened me when I began these visits, and these methods of opposition have been gradually ripened under the fostering care of the enemy. The people, if left to themselves, are too indolent for any act of unkindness that requires exertion, and would never dare to withhold from another the common marks of respect, universal in this land even between peasants, unless they were commanded to do so.

Formerly, there was at least some appearance of regard paid me by the spies. They contented themselves to hint, to hiss, to beckon, or to vociferate unseen by me, placing themselves in a back or side ground. Now, all is done in my very face and eyes. Whole troops of these wretched hirelings, swelled by a levy, as I suppose, from the neighbor- hoods I successively cross, march in files before and behind me, like soldiers; every side lane being guarded on both openings, and their shouting and hooting almost deafening. Thus my heritage is unto me as a lion in the forest, it roareth out against me; but shall I therefore hate them? No. I only abominate the government, which brought about such a state of things all the while its officers made, and still make, professions of goodwill and friendly offices, whenever a ship calls in. I do not suppose that with all this drilling and manœuvring around me, the rulers would dare to order an open assault, or hazard our lives. This display of physical force is no doubt partly intended to provoke me to some overt act of revenge, and warrant thereby what they might further have in view to do with us; partly it may be a measure of in- timidation to keep us locked up at home, seeing what reception we meet with out of doors, and partly that they might degrade us before

1350.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

the nation, and show they have as much power over us as over the peasant, and that there is none who bemoaneth or hath pity upon us. But they have forgotten that I am a missionary, a soldier that beareth hardship, and to whom life is not more dear than the end for which it is to be endured. I have set my face like a flint against their assaults; I know they shall not prevail against me, for the Lord is with me to save me, and keep me. I fear nothing but myself. A single moment of forgetfulness, the least act of rashness, might cut the thread on which our lives hang, but it is my prayer and hope that the Lord will perfect me in bumility and self-abasement, so that nothing shall be able to offend me that does not offend him, and then I may safely leave the requital of my wrongs to him.

Among other measures contrived to make my visits disagreeable to myself as well as my hosts, one was that the latter were to plead deafness and dumbness, and as soon as I came in sight, they were to motion with the hand, by pointing to their mouth and ears, and shak- ing the head in the negative. It would be amusing, but out of place here, to tell you how I surprised some of these mimic fools into a sud- den cure, but this device shows you that no method is left untried to prevent the introduction of the gospel, especially into houses of the better sort. Still here and there I have found, and to my surprise, still find at least an ear to hear; and the rest I leave cheerfully with Him, who promised that his word shall accomplish that which he pleases, and prosper in the thing whereto he sends it. I greatly long and pray for a companion in these rare trials, for though I fear not the reproach of man, nor am afraid of their revilings, I am afraid of their lying falsehoods, and it is but common prudence to wish for a witness, where both parties are full of distrust, and a breach is impending every

moment.

The kung-kwán, or public office at Napa, is a building which serves for public business and for a school; I visited it regularly for eighteen months, meeting there from five to thirty, and even as many as fifty per- sons, when I happened to surprise them at official meetings. Some- times, if the leaders were inimically disposed, a hint from them suffic- ed, and the whole congregation jumped out of the windows, or over the wall into the neighboring houses. But usually I have been and am still pretty well received, only that at present I can not get out one single answer from them to my questions. In this office, for several months I had a few books hung upon a nail, which I always found on the spot on my arrival; in a similar way, I held some maps there stuck up on the wall. Gradually all this was discontinued, as none

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB.

would produce either books or maps when I asked for them a second time. I likewise regularly visited the public office at Tunai (the village in which the French missionaries resided) for nearly a year, meeting there very many children. I continued my visits to this place for a long time, even after I had found none there beside the two guards. The kung-kwan at Napa, being near at hand, has still my attention, though less regularly; I usually find there the same. company, and they have heard enough to know better. My time is certainly better spent among the peasants and workmen, than among the class of literati, who are all fed on the sweat and labor of the en- slaved common people—a class, whose members, unlike their fellows in China, are here never allowed to raise themselves to stations of power. Among the poor, especially in very filthy neighborhoods, where, according to Confucian etiquette, I am sure even their cynic Liú-hiá Hwui

might have hesitated to venture,* I have somewhat more freedom, provided it be not at, or near the harbor, where I have always met with the most determined opposition. Need I say to him who knows that God has chosen the poor, the weak, yea, even the fool- ish and base things of the word, that missionary visits to the most de- graded class of fellow-men are the most sought after and welcome, inasmuch as they have the mercy of the Scriptures plainly on their side. And though I would despair to bring any aid merely human to bear upon such a destitute, brutalized mass as our poor are, I can not for a moment doubt divine things must have their promised effect on them. If the dry bones of Ezekiel's valley began to live, and the stones by Jordan's shores are said to quicken into children of Abraham, the hand of God is surely not too short to reach and remedy Lewchewan abjects. Yet even among these outcasts of humanity the unseen ene- my of the soul has his usual stronghold, and the general rule of espion- age, though occasionally slackened, is still so visibly interfering, that I have little to boast, and much to be humbled for, even among the humble.

* Liú-hiá Hwui was one of the seventy-two worthies, who were disciples and many of them cotemporaries of Confucius. His family name was Chen, and his name Hwoh ; he received the title of Liú-hiá, or Under the Willow, from the place where he ruled. He belonged to the same country and age as Confucius, and enjoyed the confidence of his sovereign. He was very strict in his obser- vance of the forms of etiquette, and is chiefly known for his not noticing a young girl of eight or ten years of age, who was once seated in his lap by a relative. He is also styled Chi-ching

the Just, from his regard to

equity and veracity.

1859.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

At the beginning of the present year our troubles multiplied thick up- on us; these two things befell us, famine and beating. Our appointed purveyors for some time supplied us with the worst articles possible, so that we were obliged to refuse payınent, and of course, refuse all accep- tance of food through thein. On one occasion, I succeeded in getting a man with a horse-load of potatoes into the house—no mean proof that the natives have neither enmity against us, nor desire to know of any law prohibiting dealings with foreigners. The step was taken so sud- deuly on my part, and so early in the morning, that I had my man in the lane leading up to our house, before the spies were on the alert. A tremendous hooting drove off the man as soon as he canie in, but be- ing so near I led the horse up to the door myself. However, on going out for other purchases, we met with a frightful accident. I had a servant with me at the time, and after selecting and laying down a good price for a piece of meat, ordered him to take it home.

But on hearing the spies cry out and order the rabble to run after and tear it away from him, I took the meat into my own hand, and twice succeed- ed in dissuading them from attacking me, but they were repeatedly urged on, so that I took to my heels. Through a whole long street they pursued and finally overtook, and tore away from me this pur- chase made in a way, for which we have established several precedents in the markets, where no opposition had been attempted, neither to- wards myself nor Mrs. B., whenever we laid down silver coin for the articles we took froin a stall. This public attack and disgraceful defeat frightened us greatly, and certainly there was much ground for it, considering the effect such scenes have on the mass of this popula tion.

In this trying juncture of circumstances, we heard of an English bark being wrecked off Kumisan, whose captain had been brought hither by two American whalers to solicit a junk in order to take off his cargo, and wait until some ship put in, the whalers not being able to give him any other succor. It would take me too much time to spare, in this already long paper, were I to detail all the treachery with which this "hospitable" government met our application. Captain Clark had to find his way in the whalers to Shanghái, from whence H. M. S. Mariner was ordered over to the assistance of the wreck. A letter intrusted to the whalers, in which we begged succor from the nearest British authority, thus reached our consul at Shánghái, and though when the Mariner was here, I was not told she had been sent further than to Kumisan, I still incline to think the urgent note I ad- dressed to the captain of any ship that might arrive at Kumisan, and

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FER.

which the officers here were over glad to take thither and keep in readiness, was not of itself sufficient to bring a man of war seventy miles off its track. I am therefore grateful for any hint Mr. Alcock felt himself permitted officially to give for extending us so opportune a relief.

This government, persuaded that I had now had enough of Lew- chewan hospitality, sent message after message to learn if the ship could be induced to come hither, supposing that I would avail myself of the opportunity. To make still more sure, on my advice, they prepared and kept ready a letter at Kumisan, in case the ship would or could not put in here, to be sent to the governor of Hongkong. They hesitated long before they ventured on such a step, which they plainly saw assumed a political character, and upon which ground I found it all the more palatable; for I thought it a good piece of diplo- macy to bring about an overture from a Japanese government to English officials, however trifling the motive might be.

Our situation was such that I felt fully justified in appealing to the English government for protection, but being persuaded that a mis. sionary's prayer would likely be quite disregarded, I tried to give it as much weight as I could. Since the government here with pleasure became my secretary, I confess I expected that some step or other would be taken by the English government, if not for us, at least for themselves. The way was open, the passage from Hongkong or Shanghai to Napa takes from four to six days, and for so long a time, it seemed to me an English ship might absent itself, and no doubt of ten does so for naval exercise. So cheap and easy an opening for diplomatic relations with Japan, who knows when it will offer again? Government here saw eye to eye with me. I told them, that though I had often written on the difficulties I meet, none will easily believe that the rulers of a country, which has obtained such renown for hos- pitality, should be in earnest in opposing the residence among them of a family which brings them advantage, and never can do them any harm. I further told them, that I was sent by a public body, very much interest- ed in the welfare of Lewchew, and that I can by no means return without first hearing from them on the subject. Moreover, I am here so placed, that I can not call a ship over here when I like; it must be sent, or come of itself, and as the English government, in cases when no other can be got, will always feel it their duty to succor a subject by a ship of war when near, it is quite likely, if the anthorities in Lewchew bring the case strongly and clearly enough before our go- vernment, that we would obtain a ship to take us ofl.

1850.

Leller from B. J. Bettelheim.

I have been the more particular in giving you the secret springs of this transaction, for I am persuaded that evil-minded persons will avail themselves of the dispatch written by the Lewchewan authorities to our governor, to prove more conclusively that I assumed an official cliaracter. At the same time, I confess, I promised myself direct relief from any issue the matter might take; and some hopes indirect- ly, since the government here would now be persuaded I was ready to leave if recalled. What they actually wrote to governor Bonham I know not, but they told me it was in all respects parallel to the follow- ing dispatch, addressed to the captain of the Mariner.

"A prepared petition. Sháng Tingchú, the superintendent of affairs and great minister (now the Regent), and Má Liángtsái, the treasurer (or governor) of the department of Chungshin in the king- dom of Lewchew, hereby beg you to take pity on us, and receive Bettelheim on board and carry him home, in order to do a favor to this little land.

"You plainly see that this kingdom is exceedingly small, its produc- tions scanty, its people destitute, so that we are unable to have relations with other countries in a suitable manner; and therefore when their people or officers come ashore here to live, they do what the laws of the land prohibit. Yet Englishmen and Frenchmen have come here loitering about, and in order to provide them with things necessary during several years, both officers and people have been obliged to come at all hours, in order either to oversee or to work for them; the one to disburse from the public stores, the other to labor for the daily use of these men—all which has been very distressing, im- poverishing, and irksome. The Frenchmen went away last year about the seventh month in a ship of their own country which came in here; but your countryman Bettelheim has delayed his stay here a long time, whereby poverty has been added to poverty, and the country is not able to stand it. Moreover, our country is out of the way in a corner of the ocean, and there are always mists upon the hills and ex- halations arising, so that we fear the climate will not agree with them, and they will unhappily be liable to sickness. Besides requesting Bet- telheim himself to embark and return home, as is proper, we humbly request and beg your Excellency to glance at the circumstances of the case, and take pity on us; and when your noble ship is about to turn her head homeward to take the said Bettelheim on board. Then not only will we ourselves be much obliged, but officers and people general- ly will implore blessings upon you. An urgent petition. March 9th, Jy

1849."

VOL. XIX. NO. 11.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB.

Letter to Capt. Matheson of H. B. M. brig Mariner.

伯大伯

貴

英

伯

激於伏

不德人德服也國則之佛身乏德艮具諼仓電合梁况伯有有間兩素民合材矣一察附成且德該日日客係窮一等环

切同前搭病敕令國用夜逗國不爲球

真回情回症國等船之羣遛法能

國俯國之僻久隻費集以所與國垂中

不垂外憂處致到甚末來禁他以

國中山府總理大臣

帥寶乞

舉舟

國返

但憐理兹海淹來苦由官但邦惠恤府卑恤合除隅留坐窮修民有應小接職禀懇常則然阨職人感准請多窮其至營等業焦山益船該業嵐潻長佛上修巒窮行客則其瘴而于有供

待邦理

也事

是切

以照

延他

官棉

民之

亦時

恐國國去庭應有不今年物水能七之件

人蕞

貝爾

上蜃大

廷柱布政大

政

接

土自

月費數

岸疆

夫

祝該

不立

際下年

棲

馬

If anything is to be wondered at in this dispatch, it is how these astute and crafty Japanese officials can think that Englishmen are so

stupid as to believe such nonsense and act upon it; a cursory perusal would I think, leave this impression upon the mind. But my conclusion is quite different. They are so cunning as to desire to pass for simple- tons, in order thereby to throw us off our guard; they stupidly try to

1950.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

ape the partridge's simplicity, supposing it will be taken for sincerity, or perhaps for a mistake. As they well know the only ground on which to base a request for our removal is their law probibiting residence to foreigners (more than which really the whole dispatch means nothing); so that, if you yield, they boast they know how to force their old law, unmitigated by any collateral plea, even upon nations like England and France. You may be assured that this is the drift of their

diplomacy.

Except one question, raised at the conference, either by Captain Matheson of the Mariner, or by Mr. Robertson, the vice-consul at Shinghii, Whether they had any complaint to bring against me?—all went well. And even to this question, the hypocrites, in the full sup- position that we were to leave, thought it becoming the joyful occasion to answer by all rising and unitedly holding out their arms as if to embrace me. We met every argument they urged, some being suf- ficiently answered by a general laugh, and concluded by telling them plainly, we did not feel called upon to acknowledge a law by which a peaceable man was forbidden to reside in any country.

Their disappointment at this result was great, too unexpected to be concealed, and I took good care not to add my complaints to their already sufficiently bitter chagrin. I begged Captain Matheson not to produce the letter I had addressed to him recounting my grievances, and except a few trifling points orally mentioned, I thought the con- ference had better be broken up, which, as I was the interpreter, was easily done, though I saw they wished to prolong it.

How little advantage Christian nations can promise themselves to obtain from Japan, by yielding, temporizing, gentlemanly, appeals, has already been many times shown; and how little, on a minor scale, we gained here by the intercessions of the Mariner was soon seen; for a passage across the river in the public ferry-boat was refused me, as heretofore, and still more unmistakably in another pelting at noonday, which I received before March ended, while addressing a few people in the streets, at their open shop doors. On my repeated com- plaints, I got only a verbal message, that a boy, wishing to drive off some fowls, had missed the birds and struck the wall, from which the stone rebounded and hit me on the inside of the fore-arm, a place to which no missile taking such a ramble could possibly find its way, and still less retain force enough to inflict a considerable wound.

I come now to an epoch in our history, which may be peculiarly in- teresting to you, namely, the visit of the American sloop of war Preble, Commander Glynn. No sooner had I rowed near her, than the officers

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

Fen.

vied with each other, who should be first to show me sympathy. Seven boxes for you, Sir!" was the salutation given me before I had even set foot on the gallant ship. "Seven boxes," said I ; " well, there will certainly be one man with thein." The kind greeters knew not what I referred to; I meant a missionary brother, for whom I would have given seven boxes of my own, even for a simple European ser- vant. But if there was no man who came to remain with me, there was Capt. Glynn and his excellent corps of officers to do for us, as much as they possibly could while here; and though it became appa- rent, even the next morning, that little Yedo has as good means as big Yedo to have little intercourse with an American man of war, and all hope of any melioration of our position by the kind offices of a friendly ship was of course cut off, still the single fact that Captain Glynn bought provisions in the market and paid for them, and had them carried home by natives, notwithstanding the hostile position government assumed against his ship, has done you, and consequently us, more good than Commodore Biddle did with his three-decker in having a look at the capital of Japan.

These, however, are matters foreign to me as a missionary, but I can not omit to beg you to make my heartfelt acknowledgments both to Commander Glynn and his officers for the many presents and contri- butions made us in a variety of ways, most considerate on their part; among these, Dr. Burt's forgetting a fine Manila hat and a new fa- shioned coat, was not the least charming specimen of the method with which gift upon gift was put upon us. I wish I could walk half as much as the shoes and boots Captain Glynn gave me would serve; but there is an end to my excursions, unless a man comes to my help, who can stay at my house, or at least in Napa, while I am absent at a dis- tance. Since my Chinese servant left in the Mariner, I can not stir from home. I am the more thankful to your countrymen, for I could in no way requite, or even gratify them, by procuring any native articles for them, a service which I could formerly always do for ships in port; for the Preble I could not get even a single potato, and I am there- fore quite in debt to her generous officers.

I ain now near the conclusion of this paper, and wish only to add a copy of one more dispatch, which will leave no one in doubt respect- ing the lying duplicity of this government, and in which, besides a plain mention of the case of the Preble, will be found a variety of topics entered into, quite unusual in Lewchewan official papers; you will thus be the more fully able to advise us on the further steps to be taken, if any are found advisable, for this mission.

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

貴

貴英貴

可有

客即察得來國公最出准客大內容敬者着前運此船耳少產其出人云尊啟案官由貢以隻一矣素事銀面經札者查訪嗣辦事到切至少今僱前在數前問後公出來私于不乃馬議條日並停失于即用民但如僱准其接無止便非停猶家百此艇强僱不常止苦小姓說無止馬少而前難船不者阻僱故不項辦造敷實滯船雖得運况作出也

○有不貢于不貨于鬼又僱辦辦人多之意職云船也公賃所用外前強之倘聊益有抑做日止請撥覺數且國上

我屢日二其船士馬英免經軟三難只民匹船步請許小然不畜如之行辭人船逢過而前時四仍賃以有運騎日會方乞則通貢之所無隋洞不往辦者告議

其可覆者盡陳于後〇三月十五日接到尊札

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FER.

孔

耶耶耶

耶耶貴貴

賢孟來戶班穌而穌貴穌止愚客案客遺之叨也不之觀之客之貿民示今行法道列○多道者道欲道易趕諭因路永官中又者也或在教者全着復之致民朝云當員有各傳不欲已時安各屏耶主吏站街開可聽行不寧隨翰穌人役住上也聖合許之其專全出等而用敝道各愚治分能外無看手國者處民如得無之喝者比上不嚴小以限時逐此勢自可加兒修無關其非高官也檢身量閉聚欲聲吏且束失齊誰窟觀聽講

下使勿禮逆戶者角

解

至舖違得其此又行百家旨非店路

家至國家

§亦行聖

姓等又等

家乎官舖之

敝吏

無掩云

欲門探

國等習

聽晝卒

自着俗百合也

時等

赶

停驚

以關店行

因屢經飭示在

工

1850.

貴

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

貴耶

痘治行客辭子說隻裡云舟講客穌先痘全示嗣男者大到總近到解從之察之身諭于女此夫來理日來欲前道年法况牛四未卑請即官或搭人屢乃成已不痘月出職問以切昨駕承在非之如能種初痘所安禮勿往回聽路人豊前流入二者未否相待兵國亦上心凶日行人日應解至待之船不無講之又所民所據到也其少如勝人解所考告間已院O所無己來仰信其嚮孩人因得種三需輕待或望從道往子皆送種八月物忽前別情並也之知新之痘二件當日屬三愿無是年熟種處汁十亦亞的花月嗣聽以紀但痘在卑九以美一國二後從預因法彼職日脩利樣兵十止縱貯地論出即接辦駕做船二其

薄露遣到不船國一日講逗

大尊敢到逢二接解夫札失來有雙到而日備丙禮之他遣尊待久由云乃時國到札有如請孩此已船這內實此

物產本而穈乏等已材將語總方有做不請種國流

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB.

合

貴英

光安乘奉女或更使客霸佛痘痘二不病還兒有有痘逗辦亞年痂問○種風所瘡理三期于聊以痘氣希流益公國尙巾

县上祈流者行苦用船早國

鄙數俟行牛則公煲至語端回若痘不用由接藥行本國欲之免之修踵材國

行應之使法死煩職到之中

回及後

7.2

早回覆但患病臥床未見全愈今

22 道光二十九年四月二十六日中山府總理大臣向延柱

雖亡現營來貼使

覆早方云之今業上亦孩

祈行不患舉且自

流奂國因官所

府包種行故人

役備時

海患因民會民

下况出

並病將候队所

間遣極

至夊痘

然損其

百上是

姓屇為

新

霩

日辰習

人若

夜年俗

為于

駐以今

體此恐說時

劄來計

那四種

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

Reply of the Regent on several points

A respectful communication. Your several letters were received sʊme days ago, and those parts which can be answered are all here- with replied to in order. On the 7th April, your letter was received, in which you say, that, 'In the presence of an English captain, it had already been agreed to permit you to hire horses and boats with your own money, &c.,* and that no obstruction would be put in the way of doing so.' When I was on board the English ship, there was no reference or assent to such a thing, and in saying so, you have certainly exceeded what I understood upon the matter. The horses of this country, as I told you before, are usually few in number, and the people themselves have not enough to transport their goods; whilst those which are reared for scholars and people to ride upon are ex- tremely few. As to boats, the people construct very few, and those which are made are only used to carry taxes, or on the public service; so that to allow a private person to use them is somewhat difficult, and to hire them out to an individual is still more out of the question. Even when one of your country's ships arrive, we have to suspend the public service of carrying articles in which they may happen to be engaged, and take off two or three boats for a while to go to and fro; this, however, is an occasional service, and must of course be at. tended to. But if we should permit them to be hired out to persons, they could not be employed on government service as they are needed, which would be highly detrimental. Therefore, although you have requested to hire boats, I have repeatedly begged to decline the request; and also again draw your attention to the circumstances of the case, and beg that you will stop hiring horses and boats.

"As you also observe, 'I am forcibly stopped, and, hindered from going about,' I immediately ordered the officers to inquire into the matter, and it seems that you, Sir, are not forcibly stopped. It ap- pears, in fact, that when you go abroad into the streets, you say you are unwilling that the rustic people, the little children, and others, should violate all propriety and offend you; consequently, I have again

* The captain of H. B. M. brig Mariner. In my communication, I did not say permitted, which of course I could not do before the experiment was made. I only said that the object had been spoken of, and it was one of the topics men- tioned in my letter to Capt. Matheson.

When the French ships were here, their officers rode about in numerous par- ties, and when I went to Oonting on a visit to Admiral Cecille, accompanying the officers of a French merchant brig, we had the best horses, and at the post. houses had a choice of relays from among 20 to 30 horses.

VOL. XIX. NO. 11.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

and again given my orders to this effect, as is on record.

FEB.

And now

once more, on getting your dispatch, I have again issued the most stringent injunctions for the people not to disobey, but to preserve the utmost respect.*

"What you further say, 'That the spies and soldiers terrify the rustic people, and drive off those who are wishing to hear the holy doctrine,' is not correct; and still more unjust is it to say that they cause the shopkeepers and people to shut their doors, laborers to cease from their work in midday, and all business to be suspended. For in this country, from the highest officers to the lowest of the people, nobody wants to hear the doctrines of Jesus. I have heard it said

that when you, Sir, desire to preach the doctrine of Jesus, you go in the streets, gesticulating, and speaking in a loud voice; but passers- by, even if they run up to gaze at you, do not thereby prove their desire to hear the doctrine of Jesus. The policemen, or the officers, do not hoot at or drive away those who gather to look, and those in the shops are only acting as is their custom. We have no great number of shops, and when the master wishes to go out, the doors and win- dows are closed, but this is not done by command of the officers or police.

"You remark, Jesus is almighty, and his power immeasurable and boundless; who can resist his will?' For ages, we in this land have rejoiced, with the rulers and statesmen of China, in learning the doctrines of Confucius and Mencius alone. By these, rulers and ruled, according to their several stations, are able to cultivate virtue, and regulate their households; and in the government of the country, we follow the rules left behind by those sage and holy men, which have been to us an everlasting canon of peace and prosperity: but the hearts of men do not at all incline to hear the doctrines of Jesus. You have in days past orally explained, and nobody has received them; though you still loiter and hang about here for a long time, wish- ing people to hear them, yet nobody will believe and accept them. Hereafter I wish you would cease this preaching, and when a ship

* I never complained against any but the spies. Government declared that it is the children and peasants which molest me; and the drift of this promised injunction to preserve the utmost respect is that the people will be more strictly driven off, should I address them. The context of facts is absolutely necessary to enable you to read aright these official papers.

We have the best reasons for saying that when a Japanese official docu- ment speaks of the nation, it supposes it to be absorbed in the wellbeing of a few rulers.

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

arrives, go aboard of her and return home. This is what I earnestly hope you will do.

"On the 14th of April, I received your letter in which you say, 'Should the ship [Preble] which left here yesterday, or should one or two other American ships be sent hither, the tsung-li kwán (the re- gent) should by no means conduct towards them as he did to the one on the previous day.' Now, when a foreign ship comes here, we treat her with propriety, and never exhibit the least contempt. When the American ship anchored, I sent the treasurer to salute her captain, and prepare the articles he wanted; how could we presume to neglect anything? I am therefore quite at a loss to know what you mean by your remark.

"On the 21st April, I received your letter in which you observe, 'All the children, who have not yet had the small-pox, should come to my house for vaccination.' I thereupon sent a high officer politely to decline the proposition. But afterwards, on the 24th, you wrote again to say, 'That when a man was vaccinated, the pox only appeared on a spot, and did not extend over the whole body, and therefore the disease could not spread among the people; and you sent a volume called Account of a New Mode of Vaccination.' I have before intimated

to you that we are already well acquainted with the mode of curing the small-pox; but as this country is poor and its productions scanty, we must ascertain whether or not the year is an abundant one before we commence vaccination, inquire into the ages of the children, and prepare a store of medicines and provisions, after which we will get pox scabs from China, and distribute them in the land, and require all the children to be vaccinated at the same time. This is our usual practice. But just now, I think it is too early in the year to vaccinate, and the store of medicines is not ready.* Furthermore, since 1844, on account of English, French, and American ships com- ing here one after another, every class of people, officers and plebeians, have been obliged to stop at Napa, and attend to the public service, even to the detriment of their own public functions and private busi- ness. And you, Sir, too, by loitering here, have much increased our troublesome public duties, and now the whole kingdomt is greatly im-

My stock of medicines is at their service, if they need any. Last year the officers sent cows to me to be examined whether any vaccine virus could be obtained from them, so sensible had they become to the importance of vaccina- tion from my repeated representations on the subject. This year some virus was received by the Preble.

↑ That is, really the rulers.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FER.

poverished. If, therefore, the small-pox was to spread among us at this juncture, we certainly could not escape the calamity of death; and it was on this account that I sent an officer to beg to decline the offer, and I also request you to accede to it.

There is one thing more, which is rather observable. Though the New Method says that the small-pox will not spread among the peo- ple, still the natives of different countries are unlike, and I am very fearful that the effluence or virus may get abroad. If you wish to vaccinate your daughter,* I beg you will wait until you return to your own country, when it can be done. For these reasons, I return here- with the copy of the New Method of Vaccination.

"I would have earlier replied to these several points, but I was con- fined to my bed by illness, and write these few words even before I am at all well, which I send as a respectful answer, begging at the same time you will excuse me, and wishing you the highest peace.

"Reply of the Regent Sháng Tingchú. May 18th, 1849."

A greater tissue of the most palpable misstatements and pretexts, betrayed too by the very enforcement and stress laid on points where they felt their error to be unmistakable, and a better proof of their ob- stinate and ever increasing opposition to even the most advantageous and philanthropic offer to do good to the nation, can not be given. The document is also remarkable for its discussion on the religion of Jesus, a name, which formerly they could not bear, and on account of which they returned several of my dispatches. This, notwithstanding the language they still dare use against the King of kings and Lord of lords, I consider as a point gained, and proof that persevering effort has a softening effect, even on Japanese hatred to Christianity. That which deserves prominent consideration, too, is, that this dispatch clearly demonstrates that the rulers perfectly know I am a missionary and nothing else, and that whatever they do say, or may have said, on the political nature of my mission, is mere hypocritical foppery, as they themselves are convinced that a messenger at all authorized by a European government would not have been left four years in such destitution, at the mercy of the populace.

Weary as I am of writing, I must not omit all mention of a visit from the Nancy Dawson, a Thames yacht, on a trip round the world, which put in here, May 22d. Imagine the delight of my wife to be

This is to give the paper an air of sincerity, for the writers knew at the une, that my babe had been vaccinated, though I am sorry to say it did not take

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

again in the company of a lady—a Londoner too like herself, after so long a separation from all female society. Captain and Mrs. Shedden were all friendship and generosity towards us. Omitting further de- tails, I will only mention that a meeting was arranged between Capt. Shedden and the authorities, at which the latter were outmanœuvred, and obliged to keep possession of a letter I had prevailed on Capt. S. to write them concerning us. I suppose they took it for an official note, and felt at a loss to decide what to do; for if it was official, it must have an answer, but how to reply, if not disposed to yield, was their dilemma. One night, after we were already in bed, tired with fatigue, and depressed with grief occasioned by parting that day with our friends in the yacht, and after the officials had had four days' time to prepare a reply, the messengers came knocking at the door, in great haste to deliver the answer to Capt. Shedden's letter, as if there was now any way left me of recalling him. At the same time, another dis- patch was given to me full of excuses for the delay, and of regret for

the sudden departure of the ship, and begging I would read over Capt. Shedden's letter.

Reply to Capt. Shedden's letter.

大

貴

大

經等如等求兵客人但等國水人尙具着由此但託船之自因由定送了動查英貴伯主誠遠用該兵國德在請方工船主捎合此勿來項主之阻將之給聊交所好此價問價送給買名人錢買又水寶物受免交來云菜人件辱收于數近少不價不價賣東來使錢勝值人西英待

敝其鮮國價食彈值物九本小官官國就多物奉謝產送多本

無之無之榮船

幾焉央付接臣

人尊札内云貴國仁待本船付何廷柱爲據實回覆事前日恭接具禀琉球國中山府總理大臣

}

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB.

疲自為法有不杜戶來驚禮有人他然伯貧又他肯禦至俗嚇相英免吃不德民云國倘伯于稱良接臣收虧敢命風所人若德民西民毫兩價是流逗聞異購有合家洋大無回值係言遛不者需人又平人聲使受恐卑窮以但國物賣云日為嗬他辱有職國來遠政件與自開嗬囒受數傳待而舉實布必英家門囒他辱聞客墬國且散飭臣買惟他嗬屈之當官又流屬者何當此屈之誤然民加吏則東家非他之案也之奉書說買國西人輕掩事等又禮公大伯辦政遣出慢門又由云請奔英德不從家外之掩云敝伯勿走國令許重人之語門自國德給投之等私治食時也等家於⇧價廢好窮為罪物乃又由往待修至職名舉買等買行官做來伯文所業等國賣由來關家之德書說由做是做乃閉常自時送攔至琉為國國不關古有也我阻困國球國逢政是門以人以内賣

1850.

道大

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim

英

貴

光人英理國多賈逢需别安國楚國二體醫等帶有之有泰有素也之十諒之由來藥實他之西抬無矣令九切術做到材非國物價金等名年稟伏國這自國船則有求銀由又

二十九年閏四月初六日

古若

以有

來人

傳不

授醫抱術恙於請

乞往裡力來早船利通伯云所其日往哉用德伯及所貴來又故命德也需國不云所所合也需豈水進得今頜需所有菜興不時價物買圖等得到貿銀件之利物利道易存按求獪加裡之貯照西富苦富若事庫時食之難等貴此中價物意辦由國海僅公價哉至做仁方備平高又其國待狠器算昂云預地預多物明值伯備薄備屬之但求德物產賣英用因厘仓件之出屬耳歈清

華到得院以則寮英

不勉必力用醫

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Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEF.

“A prepared petition. Shing Tingchú, the prime-minister (or regent) of the department of Chungshán in Lewchew, hereby replies, bringing proofs for the truth of his words.

'A few days ago, I respectfully received your excellency's dis- patch, in which it is said, 'Your government has treated ine very kindly in sending water to my vessel, and giving me fresh provisions, for which I am greatly obliged and thank you; I beg you to set the price for them, and I will accordingly send the money, &c.' Our little kingdom, like a caunon-ball for bigness, can furuish but few productions; yet since your excellency has personally come here from afar, we have managed to send you water and a few vegetables; for this trifling token of hospitality, we beg you not to think of paying.

You also remark, 'The captain of a British man of war lately in here bought several articles, for which he requested Bettelheim to pay those who sold them; but your government prohibited their re- ceiving the money, and kept them away, by which conduct the good name of the captain of a British man of war is greatly disgraced.' The fact is, in regard to the articles purchased by this captain, the money had already been disbursed from the public treasury, and paid over to the sellers, so that they could suffer no loss; and as we of- ficers always wish to act towards visitors with proper hospitality, I begged him not pay for them. I fear, therefore you have been mis- informed as to the sellers having been driven away, and not receiving their money.*

"You further say, 'Bettelheim has written me a letter, in which he mentions two instances when he was disgraced, and many other cases of oppression and wrong done him.' This government has ever behaved towards Bettelheim with propriety, and never in the least degree caused him to be disgraced, nor has it wrongfully oppressed him. And you say he adds, 'When I go out and in, there are per- sons who affright the common people, and cry out with a loud voice, A Hollander! A Hollander! Shut your doors! Shut your doors!' Now we here commonly call all who come from the West, Holland-

* The truth is, that as the authorities thought I was going to leave in the Mariner, they afforded us great facilities, and a bill was made out in presence of Capt. Matheson of all the things we bought. But the upshot altered matters. When I resorted to the market where the earthenware was bought, the over- seer, who had made out the bills, and all purchasers and sellers, were driven off I wrote repeatedly to the government, but in vain; and at last took the money and threw it down on the spot where the purchase had been made. I could not learn, however, whether the money ever came into the hands of the seller.

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

ers,* and_the_term is not at all a disparaging ore. Further, officers usually keep their doors shut, but the common people let their's re- main open during the day, except the household is going out, when the doors are barred; this is not done to annoy nor as a defense against Bettelheim.

•

"Again you remark: When he (Bettelheim) goes out to purchase articles himself, or when he sends servants to buy eatables, the laws forbid it; and whoever sells to him are regarded and punished as criminals by the laws.' Now the regulations of this country in dealing with foreigners require that official compradors be employed to purchase whatever may be needed, and do not permit private dealings.

"Further you remark, ‘It is very surprising that a report should be spread abroad among the people, that Bettelheim and his family impoverish the country by living in it, and that they will make the Lewchewans a poor people; this report is not at all true, and injures the reputation of England.' Since the time that Bettel- heim came here, the whole country-officers and people, have had orders to serve him most zealously, and have done so, even to the damage of their own duties and business, until they are quite weary of it; they have not presuined to circulate a report of his impoverish- ing the land, and thus defaming your honorable country's reputation.

"And again you observe: 'Bettelheim is obliged to pay very high prices for food and other things he buys, and yet he pays the utmost farthing.' The articles which Bettelheim requires are reckoned ac- cording to the current and fair market-price; but as no gold or silver coin is current here,† that which he pays is laid up in the government treasury, to be ready for use in making articles: how can we force up the price, and be thus seeking for gain!

"Further; 'In our days, commerce is greatly extending in these seas, English and vessels of other western countries are going to and

* The origin of the appellation may have been innocent, as indeed they formerly knew only of the Dutch visiting Nagasaki ; but at present, in common parlance, Oranda means barbarian, and is a word used somewhat as funkwei is at Cantou, to frighten children with.

↑ Purchases are made here with silver according to its weight, but there are proofs enough of the existence of a currency, and the great consumption of gold and silver. The head ornaments constantly buried with their owners, the extensive trade with Japan, the imports from China, the peddling trade throughout the islands, the mere mention of a treasury in a dispatch like tins,— amply show that coin or bullion is used,

VOL. XIX. NO. HI,

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB.

fro, and will necessarily come into this port; if your government treat them well, and prepare for sale necessaries for their use, the country will soon flourish, and be greatly the gainers by such a traf- fic.' This country is small and its productions few, and when a foreign ship comes in here, even the water and vegetables she re- quires are obtained and furnished with difficulty; as to preparing articles for selling to them, it certainly is more than the resources of this kingdom would permit. How then, can we be scheming for gain, and laying plans for enriching ourselves?

“And lastly you say; ‘Bettelheim has a large supply of medicines which he brought here from England; if any person is afflicted with disease, request him to come to his house, and the English doctor will zealously do all he can to cure him.' For a very long period, we have practiced the medical art in this country as it is done in China; and in healing diseases, we have therefore no need of em- ploying the English modes of cure.

"I humbly beg your excellency to examine this, and consider these things. An earnest petition. May 27th, 1849.”

The conclusion of this letter, of which one most gratifying feature is the omission of prayer for, or even an allusion to our removal, leads me to add a few words on my medical labors.

In the first year of my arrival, I had upwards of fifty patients, most of them suffering from cutaneous diseases-leprosy, psora, lepra, elephantiasis, tumors, &c., just as you have in China. I think the night soil, universally used for manure here as it is in China, without undergoing any preparatory process, and the almost exclusive use of pork as animal food, are among, if not the only chief causes of the prevalence of these disorders. We ourselves, and our poor children, have suffered, and the latter still suffer from psora, in many of its forms. We have obtained some relief by giving up the use of pork and protecting our feet, for the naked feet of the natives (which, before the Preble pitied us, we were obliged to imitate) has no doubt much to do with the frequency of elephantiasis, and other malignant pustules, which from the extremities spread disorder over the whole system. Cataract, leucoma and staphyloma, are not rare, but I only succeeded in getting hold of the hand of a man whose eyes were both covered with leucoma; I led him home, but besides there not being much hope of recovery or relief, he was removed on the second day of treatment by my guard. Several respectable persons from the capital called, and the itch ointment and eye-water promised well; since the death of the king all this has been stopped.

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

In my visits to families, I met with several cases of heart-rending destitution from want of medical aid. I took medicine to their houses ; but on my next visit, bottle, medicine, all, had taken been by the emis- saries, and the patients begged me not to expose them to danger and penalties, in addition to the pains they already suffered from illness and want. Since the Nancy Dawson left, I have offered medicines in two cases, which were accepted and used with good effect. Perhaps the express mention made by Capt. Shedden on this topic had some effect. Ophthalmic cases are very frequent, and from neglect or ill treatment many of them lead to blindness.

About the time of the equinoxes, frightful mortality reigns, of which the numerous burials in the cemeteries on both sides of our residence make us mournful witnesses. This year many deaths happened in our neighborhood, and the water of our open wells becoming scarcely drinkable from the mud washed in by the long and heavy rains, I offered the magistrate of Napa twenty dollars to let curbs and covers be made to the wells of this neighborhood. The lying spirit dared to send the money back, accompanied by an official note, in which he told me, though it rained ever so long, that not a drop entered our wells, and they had no need of my money, or of my advice about putting alum or coals into the water. I had also some surgical exercise when the French brig Pacifique was here. I amputated the fore-arm of a sailor in the Nancy Dawson, who had been injured by a shot. He left the fourth day after the operation in a promising state.

To sum up. This station, abstracted from the iniquitous inter- ference of government, has proved no exception to the general way in which newly opened missions proceed; and considering that this is Japan, the want of exception is already in its favor. The divine argument against depraved Israel, "Hath a nation changed their their gods which are no gods," is certainly felt also under the gospel, notwithstanding its being a commandment of the ever blessed God made known to all nations for the obedience of faith. Nor must we forget the singular and peculiar situation of this nation of Lewchew. Her father was an Ammonite, and her mother a Hittite:”—China

露

and Japan have begotten and foster this bastard people, and the ini- quities of both taint their very soul. Your may justly infer the disposition of this government and nation from what you see in the reception they give the doctrines of the cross, and the effect these will exert on them when received. Japan itself is a child of China, in faith, literature, and national morals; and the proverb holds good, "The fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEE.

teeth are set on edge." Here they won't bite into any fruit which China has declared to be sour. To this must be added, that Lew- chew, unlike China and Japan, never stood in any connection with foreigners, has had no relation whatever with a Christian nation, nor sent her ships to distant ports. They have "settled on their lees, they have not been emptied from vessel to vessel, therefore their taste re- maineth in them, and their scent is not changed." God has now sent them wandering, and they shall wander; they must submit to his divine discipline, and eventually enter the ranks of his tributary kingdoms.

But the Gospel, since the age of miracles closed, has worked its way by means and effects, and its progress has been proportionate to the means employed, and their adaptation to the various modifications the several localities offer. Now, in this respect this mission is left in unparalleled destitution. It would have been much better not to have begun it, than to carry it on in such a heart-breaking way. For though the want of success is certainly much owing to my un- worthiness and incapacity, still, in a great measure it may also he accounted for by the want of adequate machinery to carry forward such an arduous undertaking. For what can a single naked hand do towards breaking up all this hard fallow-ground? What am I before this mountain? Not only did the study of these languages- the Chinese, the Lewchewan, and the kindred Japanese, fall on me, and the harassing opposition we experience, retard both myself and Mrs. B., but a great amount of domestic labor, so that often time and strength failed for prosecuting that labor, for which alone it is worth while to suffer these daily hardships and vexations. In this land, "where every prospect pleases, and only man is vile," the difficulty is not to live and work as a missionary, but to live at all, to live and move about as a man. I am persuaded a merchant or a mechanic would be as much opposed here as I am. The means used by government to rid themselves of us are all directed against the animal man; they beat, they pelt, they starve us, when they please; they send us bad provisions, and abridge our locomotion, and knowing we possess a modicumn of human feeling, they harass and vex us in endless methods.

Driving off the people from before me is not done so much that they shall not hear religion, as to show that the government can master a foreigner, disgrace him publicly, and teach the people to fly before him as from a wild beast. Of this intention they make no secret, and drive them off when my wife, or the children walk through the streets. When I complain of wrongs, the natives tell me, we must obey the

1850.

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

laws; and as the laws say, they can have no dealings with a foreigner, he may sink up to his waist in a ditch, or in the sea-as indeed was twice my case—and nobody would act wrong if he did not help him out. To make it possible therefore for a missionary to live here as a man, and carry on this mission effectually, means are required, adapt- ed to the peculiarities of this particular ground, but hitherto none such have been employed. I shall, therefore, close this sketch of my opera- tions with a few suggestions.

1st. Sound the trumpet in Zion; make this mission known to those who watch the progress of the Gospel. In the Record, a leading Eng- lish religious paper, not a single notice is to be found respecting this mission, and I suppose because its editors knew nothing of it. Among the multiplicity of objects now engaging the world as well as the church, anything requiring special or even common attention, must be prominently brought under notice.

2d. Sound an alarm in the holy mountain of God. The church of God has tender sympathies. Tell her a day of darkness and of gloomi- ness, a day of clouds and thick darkness, has spread over us. I am the man that has seen affliction; I am hedged about that I can not get out; the enemy has made my chain heavy. Now, let the children of God only know my case, and the difficulties experienced in making known the glad tidings of salvation, and we shall not fail to have their tears, their prayers, and their help.

3d. Knowing this, that no mission of Christendom is of any private interpretation, it is the duty of all to work together for good. No mission becomes the private property of those who first undertook it but all and each who approve of the new sphere opened for Christian and philanthropic exertions, are its patrons. A mission like this in Lewchew, in particular, isolated and cut off from regular intercourse with the main-land, approached by only a few straggling ships, not all of whom assist us, and a few rather injure, will scarcely be regarded as likely to be successfully carried on by a mere handful of men at such a distance. We are thankful for the Divine favor which has enabled us to open this new corner in the Lord's vineyard, and we may be sure that if it is his will to prosper the tillage, laborers will be raised up to enter upon the harvest.

4th. No half work. Either keep it up efficiently, or give it up al- together. One man to a station like this renders even his efforts al- most nugatory. If the mission be at all worth carrying on, let there be at the very least one brother sent to my help, one who can endure kardness as a good soldier of Jesus Christ, shod with the preparation

Letter from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB.

of the gospel of peace, mild, patient, forbearing, an Abdiel, who in all afflictions, knows for whom he endureth shame, and by whose grace; and yet one who has a forehead of adamant, and can stand reproaches, for all the house of Lewchew is impudent and hard-hearted. If such men are sent here, utriusque artis periti, men who trim their way to seek love, and yet like Jeremiah, are born men of strife and contention to the whole earth, I will joyfully sit at their feet, be guided by their counsel, and quickened to increased activity by their zeal and example.

5th. The mission imperatively requires the aid of an educated Chi- nese, who understands his own language, and can speak the court dialect fluently. No missionary can get along among this people with- out a good assistant in Chinese, for even the common people under- stand that character, and he will often wish to show them a book. There is also much writing to be done with compradores and with the authorities; so much, in fact, in my own case, that I have been oblig- ed to give up writing out accounts with my purveyors, and am afraid I must curtail my correspondence with government, though that is now the only channel open for influencing those in power. Some dispatches occupy me an evening and forenoon in composing, inscrib- ing in my copy-book, and writing out a fair copy to be forwarded.

6th. In my present position, I feel the want of a European servant to look after many things, which require and consume my time; and what if, as a last resort, all native assistance be forbidden us by the rulers? Yet this necessity would be less, if a missionary brother and his family came to our aid.

7th. Friendly exertions with merchants, whose ships now fret all waters, must not be neglected; and I am sure some can be found who will allow their captains to turn in here. Lewchew is in a queer location it is true, and a position somewhat further north or south, would have placed Napa in the course of ships bound to Canton or to Shanghái; but placed as she is, let us beg benevolent merchants whose ships sail between Shánghái and Sydney, Canton and San Francisco, cr China and the West coast of the Americas, to have them touch here. 'The laying open the gold in California may be regarded as a design of Providence to push gold seekers between Asia and America upon Japan and the isles afar off. There are resources enough in Lewchew to make it an object with western nations to keep a lookout here, and I hope commerce will soon come to the help of Christianity.

8th. No efforts should be spared to induce England and the United States to send their ships, and survey these waters more minutely. Surveying ships in this neighborhood, and a man of war in this

1850.

Letter from B. J Bellelheim,

port, would do good, if their officers and crews conducted as became Christians. I do not mean they should bombard these towns, but those who have power can speak with power. God has given Christian nations power in this world, and they must show the rod, as Moses did when he stood before the rock with it in his hand, when the rock will otherwise neither hear nor yield its native waters. Lord John Russell, in a speech made in the House of Commons on the 22d of Feb., 1848, said, "He contended, that in a foreign country, Bri- tish subjects had a right to be protected by the public force of this country. The executive government would be greatly to blame if it gave less protection to British subjects now than in former times, and if it allowed the name of an Englishman to be less respected than it hitherto had been." Now then, why should not English subjects, or their friends at home and in China, openly claim protection for them against oppression, ill usage, and public disgrace in Lewchew? "The earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof:" who can forbid man to visit any part of God's earth? Why then should an English subject not be permitted to reside here? Have we by treaty with China bound ourselves not to visit Cochinchina, or Siam, or Tibet, or Corea? Suppose that Lewchew stands in the same relation to the Celestial Empire that these countrics have stood, and perhaps still stand; even then none can oppose our residing here, or declare it against the faith of our treaties.

But admitting, for argument's sake, this to be a Chinese tributary, is it on this ground to be considered like the interior of China, which our generosity, and perhaps also just caution, have shut to us for the present? At a point of tiine when the brazen gates of Japan are so near to be burst open, is it reasonable or prudent, that Christian go- vernments should look on quietly at the insults heaped upon a fellow Christian, at the Japanese frontier? Is it not an insult to drive a man back from a ferry, which every peasant is allowed to cross and recross fifty times a day? An English officer has here bought goods, a bill of which purchase was regularly made out, and the poor sellers are not permitted to receive payment. A native gentleman once accompanied me for some distance on my way, not minding the threats and shouts of spies; he was dragged from my side, dragged away by the beard, and cruelly beaten for no other sin than that he walked a few steps in friendly conversation with the English barbarian. Another Lew- chewan, whose heart was attracted by the excellence of our faith, be- trayed by his partiality to a foreigner, whom he was not afraid to call father," was dragged from our neighborhood, and we have never

Leller from B. J. Bettelheim.

FEB.

learned what became of him. Servants who formerly delighted to join in our family worship, are now permitted," because cominanded, to run from their master's house, simply because the name of Jesus had been mentioned to them. Similar facts, showing that this nation is train- ed-yea, forced, to abhor the names of foreigner and Christian, besides the many instances of personal obloquy mentioned in this paper, this Government has heaped upon us—do they not call every Christian and civilized power, to speak a word to stay the nuisance? And what if we be quite ejected, by open force or starvation? If I rightly under- stand the measures the Lewchewan authorities now employ against us in our very kitchen, and their open interference with everything of a domestic nature, we are not far from such a catastrophe. We drink our water for money, our wood is sold unto us, and yet we can not order what we find necessary for our health, nor can we get a work- man into the house to make or repair utensils for our use.

The transition from respect to an utter disregard of all civility to- wards us was sudden. This whole nation is like a machine, the key to which is exclusively in the hands of the rulers? A move in any direction is no sooner indicated, than the whole current rushes thither- ward. Can any one suppose our disgraceful expulsion will promote the interests of Christianity, or facilitate our intercourse with Japan! I can assure you none in the world. The eyes of Japan are upon us. Our ejection from Lewchew, an act which would not be simply that, but a submission of the foreigners to their law-submission, because military arms are not, though stones, sticks, famine, and cruel vexa- tions are employed against us—will disgrace England as much, and in its moral effect be tantamount to the dismission the American Com- modore had scaled on his forehead at Yedo. Do not think such events pass off in Japan for trifles. They are played off as such to the inex- perienced stranger, and his pardon is begged for them as for any other common blunder by chance committed against him; just as they would beg my pardon after having pelted me, by saying, children or rude peasants had from inadvertency forgotten their instructions to behave politely towards me, or had intended to strike a bird and missed, the stone finding its way to the wounded spot; but no sooner has the ex- cuse grown a little stale, than the insults are repeated, and the mis- takes dished up to the people at large as victories over Christians or Christianity, and perhaps a battle lost against Japan can not do more to clate their pride, and feed their eninity. One of the great reasons that forbid my leaving, believe me, is to prevent or at least retard, shame and reproach to fall upon Christianity. Our defeat is the defeat of our

1850.

Letter from B. I Bettelheim

או

country and religion; honor and duty bid us to hold fast our confi- dence, and our faiut hope firm to the end, and stand, a brave phalanx of soldiers of the cross, as long as we are helped and supported by God through Jesus Christ our Lord.

And now men of Israel, help! Remember, a son of Abraham, I have become a Gibeonite to help the Gentiles to an inheritance in the Cat- naan of God. For what am I doing here but hewing wood and draw- ing water, the first rough and menial service, by which the unshapely block is torn from the quarry of nature, to be subjected gradually to the sinoothing tools of civilization and religion. Behold, I, and the children which God has given me, and the wife of my youth, life, and substance, and comfort, all we are and have, are laid upon the altar of God for the Gentiles' sake; will not a Gentile brother, whom

grace has brought into the commonwealth of Israel, feel it his duty to come over and help us, and assist the elder brother in his toils and hardships en- dured forthe gentiles' sake? Spread your skirts over this widowed Ruth, who has left father and mother and the land of her nativity, and is come unto a people not known heretofore, a nation meted out and trodden under foot, for no other reason than the glory of God, and the advance- ment of his kingdom of righteousness and truth. Do at least send us letters of comfort and advice. Perhaps our stay here is, for reasons unknown to mne, inadmissible; perhaps the due time of relief has not yet come for these outskirts of the world; who knows but our's is a case similar to Ezekiel's, when the Lord directed him, “Prepare thy stuff for removing; it may be they will consider, though they be a rebellious house.”

My dear brother, I need not ask you to excuse my length; I anı tired of it myself, but could not cut it shorter. One of old said he had not time to be short; as for me I have not ability to write a short let- ter, if I have to say much. To say much and concisely is the gift of good writers, and I must be thankful for getting through my matter anyhow.

Believe me,

Your's in the bonds of the Gospel,

B. J. BETTELHEIM.

P. S. Since the preceding was written, information has been received from Dr. Bettelheim up to Dec. 28th, 1849, at which time he and his family were in good health. The same system of watching his motions whenever he goes abroad is kept up by the spies; and even when Mrs. Bettelheim goes out with him to make a diversion in his favor, by drawing part of their attention of herself, their number is increased, in order to preven' oither of them quietly addressing the people. Speaking of the hindrances they put in the way of going out on the Sabbath, the recurrence of which they are well aware of, he says: "They make preparations the day before, doubling the guard and look-

Remarks on the Words Shin and Ti

FEB.

out men on every station, so that when I go out to my work, in whatever direction, I find these emissaries at the end of every lane, besides forerun- ners going before crying, The barbarian! The barbarian! Shut the doors! Shut the doors! Besides this, there is a cordon inclosing me round about, sometimes not less than two yards' distance.”

In order to elude them, he has screened himself in a thicket till evening, and then suddenly shown himself in the crowded market of the capital, but his success has not been much more. Surprise has tamed the enemy—so I thought-and I am granted half an hour to address the wondering multitude. But the enemy is not tame; he is on the alert, and if there is a pause of half an hour, it is used to gather the troop, and on they come, bearing long and heavy bamboos, striking upon the naked bodies of the people as if they were a mass of cattle, and crying out, Why did you not run? Why did you not run?—thus betraying all the more plainly that it is they who teach the peo- ple to flee from us as before wild beasts."

ART. II. Letter to the Editor of the Chinese Repository respecting the objects to be had in view in translating Elohim and Theos.

MR. EDITOR,

THE following thoughts have been suggested by the arguments em- ployed in the controversy concerning the name of God in Chinese, which will probably not be new to your readers, but as the question must shortly be decided, so far as relates to the forthcoming version of the New Testament, it may be worth while to call attention to a few of the most important points to be considered.

It is to be borne in mind that in reference to the translation of bb and 80s, there are two distinct questions. The first is, what term shall be used to translate these words when they refer to idols or false gods. On this question it is believed there is no dispute. The second is, what term shall be employed to translate the words

' and fos when they refer to the true God. It is on this question that the difference of opinion exists. It was formerly con- tended that the name of the highest deity known to the Chinese should be used as the designation of the true God. This position is now abandoned as untenable. It seems to be so plainly necessary that a generic name should be employed as the designation of the true God, in common with the gods worshiped by the heathen, that all parties admit that the term to be sought for is the generic name for god in the Chinese language. A hasty glance at the arguments published on this question shows, however, that the parties are not in fact seeking the same thing, though they call it by the same name. The one is seeking for "the name of the highest genus or class of

1850.

Remarks on the Words Shin and Ti.

beings to whom the Chinese offer religious worship." The other is endeavoring to find "the name of the being, or class of beings, to whom the Chinese ascribe the highest attributes." With these views of the nature of the term to be sought, it is not probable that they will ever be able to fix upon the same word. They must first agree as to the meaning to be attached to the phrase, "the generic name of God." To determine the meaning of this phrase, it is necessary to fix the sense in which the word god is used. It may be used for God by way of eminence, or the true God. The phrase would then mean— "the generic name of the true God." But this expression has no intelligible meaning, and this sense of the word god in the phrase in question, must therefore be rejected. There can be no such thing as the generic name of an individual, unless the expression be construed to mean the name of the class or genus to which the individual be- longs.

There is but one other sense in which the word can be used. If it is not here used by way of eminence, it must be generic, and may be regarded as the translation of Elohim and Osos. The generic name for God, is the same as the generic name for Elohim, or for Øsos. A generic name is the name of a genus, that is, of a class all the in- dividuals of which possess certain properties or qualities in common. Every individual possessing these common properties may be designat- ed by the generic name, whatever differences there may be in other respects. The generic name of God, or Elohim, or so, in the Chi- nese language is the name by which the Chinese designate that genus or class of beings which in English is designated by the word God, and in the sacred Scriptures, by the words

and sog. Now

nothing is easier than to ascertain what class of beings is thus de- signated, or in other words, what those common qualities are on account of which the individuals composing this genus are classed together under the same appellation. We find that by the usage of the holy Scriptures, the words Elohim and so are applied to any object to which men offer religious worship. The English word god is constantly used in the same way. An English writer does not stop to inquire what are the attributes ascribed to a being, in order to know whether the word god is applicable or not. He is satisfied if it appear that religious worship is offered to the being in question. If men offer to any being that worship which is due to Jehovah alone, that object is properly called their god, whatever attributes it may possess, or whatever attributes it may lack. The attributes common to this class of beings are not divine attributes, if by divine be meant

Remarks

is on the Words Shin and Ti.

FER.

that which is peculiar to the God of the Bible. The words esos, God, are alike applicable to Jehovah, and to all the vile aud senseless things worshiped by the heathen. There is but one cha- racteristic common to all the beings designated by these words, and that is, that they are objects of religious worship. The naine by which the Chinese designate this class is the term by which the words D', esos, God, must be translated into the Chinese language. They can not be properly represented by any other term. Any term which excludes a portion of the class, is not the name of the class; that is, it is not the generic name of god. A word must be found which shall be applicable to this whole class, and if no such term exist in the language, one must be introduced. Without such a word, the claim of Jehovah to be the only living and true God, the only proper object of religious worship, can never be clearly set forth. If there were no such word, the very necessities of thought, as the knowledge of Christianity advances, would soon force some word into such a use.

Here, however, we are happily relieved from all difficulty. No one denies that the Chinese have a term which they use to designate the class of beings whom they worship, and it has been abundantly proved that that term is shin It has been clearly shown that this word is the designation of a class which includes all the objects wor- shiped by the Chinese. It may be considered, therefore, as a settled question that the class of beings designated in Scripture by the words D' and esos, the Chinese designate by the word Shin. This then is the generic term for God in the Chinese language. But it is admitted that Elohim and 60s, even when used for the true God, should be rendered by the generic term for god. They should there- fore be rendered by shin.

It has been argued that ti is the generic name of god. The only way in which an argument can be constructed in favor of this proposition, is to assume that "the generic name of God" means “the name of the being to whom the Chinese ascribe the highest attributes," or of "the class of beings to whom they ascribe the highest attributes." This again is based on the assumption that the word god in this phrase means the "being, or class of beings whom are ascribed the highest attributes; or in other words that it means the true God. We have already shown that this sense is un- phrase means "the name of the class of beings designated by the word God," ti is not the generic name of God,

tenable. But if the

1850.

Remarks on the Words Shin and Tr.

for it is not pretended that the word is applicable to the whole of this class. The whole argument by which it is thought that ti ris proved to be the generic name of God, consists in proving the fact that it is applicable to a very limited number of the beings called gods. That is to say, it is applicable only to a small number of the beings worshiped by the Chinese, which all who speak the English language call gods.

tí

The proof that ti is a generic term for god is based upon the fact that it is the designation of the highest objects of worship known to the Chinese, and also of several other beings who are worshiped. But to prove a term generic, it is not enough to show that it is applied to several individuals of the same class. The word hound in English is not a generic term, because it is not applicable to a genus, though it designates a portion of a genus. The arguments which prove that is generic for the genus deus, would equally prove that hound is generic for the genus canis. If oue tells me that a greyhound is not a dog, I have a right to know what peculiar qualities exclude it from the genus which it so much resembles, and in which it is com- monly included. So when we are told that a ti (when the word refers to an object of worship) is not a shin, we have a right to know why this class of worshiped beings should not be included in the same genus with other worshiped beings, and whether it is not in point of fact so included by good native writers of the language.

But supposing the proof adduced in this case to be conclusive, from what source is it derived? For the most part from books written thousands of years ago. It is proper to consult such books on a question like this, but they are not the court of final appeal. These ancient classics are not the only witnesses whose testimony should be heard when the question relates to the meaning of words in daily use among the people. The Christian missionary certainly will feel bound to inquire of those for whom he writes, and to whom he speaks, what meaning they attach to words which he proposes to use in instructing them. Let him go to the temples. He finds them full of idols. Ile exclaims, "These, these, are their gods." Isaiah would have mourned over the worship of many Elohim, and Paul would have told the dc- luded worshipers that their ɛo were worthless and vain. Let himn inquire of the worshipers what they call them, and he will be told that they are shin. The tablets and inscriptions give him the same information. He now tells them that, "There is but one Ti in the universe-that these skin are not ti-that they should cast away their shin, and worship none but Ti." Now the emperor of China is

Remarks on the Words Shin and Ti.

•

FEB.

a ți. What then, would the hearers understand from such an address? A single experiment will be sufficient to satisfy any one who will make it. It is a simple matter of fact, to be determined not by arguments, not by long quotations from ancient works, though these have their use in illustrating the subject, but by the hearing of the ear. Do the Chinese of the present day call their gods, shin, or do they call them tɩ? The fact is, shin would long since have been adopted, but for two or three objections. The principal one is, that it is not used for God by way of eminence. This, however, is a matter of usage, and does not affect the general meaning of the word. This usage can easily be introduced without any violence to the genius of the language, and indeed already prevails, to a limited extent, in the colloquial dialect of some parts of China. Even ti is not free from this objection; for how- ever it may have been used anciently, it is not so used now, in the language as spoken by the people.

The objection that the word has other meanings may also be urged against tí, which, in its ordinary acceptation means ruler. It is said that shin means spirit. In the translation recently published of the quotations in the Pei-wan Yun-Fi, under the word shin, we read of the "spirits of the woods,”—“ of the hills,”—" of the streams :" we read also of "presenting offerings to the spirits,"-" doing obeisance to (worshiping) the spirits,"—" propitiating the spirits,”—“ sacrificing to the spirits." Are not the beings here spoken of precisely such as in the Scriptures are called so, and Elohim? If shin ought never to be rendered by the word god, it can not be rendered in Hebrew or Greek by elohim or el, or by dɛoç. If so, then of course, el or clohim, and dɛog can not be translated by shin, in translating fiom Hebrew or Greek into Chinese. Yet those who contend that shin never means god, propose to use it as the translation of those terms in the new version of the Scriptures, just as it has been used in every former version, when the words refer to false gods. They must be held chargeable with in- consistency until they abandon this use of the word, or admit that it is the generic term for god in Chinese.

The difficulties of this question are neither removed nor diminished, but rather increased, by transferring a foreign word as the designation of the true God. What is required is a word corresponding to the word god, applicable alike to the true God and to false gods. To speak of Jehovah, or Aloah, would be to speak in riddles, unless it be added that this is the God whom we are bound to worship and obey. What word shall be used in giving this information?

L. N N.

1850.

Remarks on the Words Shin and Ti.

{Nole. The remarks of our Correspondent cominend themscives to the candid inquirer into the merits of the terins proposed in former articles in this work. We beg his permission to append a few general remarks to his letter, in reference to the whole subject, and for the purpose of record- ing the various steps of the discussion. We refer here to a letter just issued by missionaries of the London Missionary Society, addressed “To the Protestant Missionaries laboring at Hongkong, and the Five Ports in China.” It is dated Shanghái, Jan. 30th, 1850, and is signed by Messrs. Medburst, Stronach, Milne, Lockhart, Muirhead, and Edkins.

Without remarking upon the circumstances under which this document is issued, or the position its writers assume, and their "determination not to adopt a version of the Scriptures in which the term (shin) is so employed,” we here quote the eight objections they bring forward to the use of shin :

“1. Skin never has been employed by any Chinese writer to designate God by way of eminence, and would, if so used, in the version of the Scriptures, involve an absurdity in the estimation of every well-educated Chinese.

“2. The real meaning of shin is invisible being or essence, and as such is used and understood by the Chinese in the sense of spirit. It is applicable as well to the spirit of man, and the living principle in irrational animals and plants, as it is to the highest being of whom the Chinese have any conception. A term, therefore, which is common to all these, can not convey any idea of Divine nature. "3. Although some of the spirits, who are called shin by the Chinese, are worshiped, skin does not necessarily mean a worshiped being, neither does the use of it convey in itself the notion of divine worship, nor imply that beings so designated ought to be worshiped. Worship with regard to the skin is an accident, not an essential element.

"4. The term shin being applied to the spirits of heaven, earth, and man, to invisible beings both good and bad, high and low, honored or derided, is, in its general acceptation, equivalent to the word spirit in western languages. To say, therefore, that there is but one shin, and no other, that Jehovah knows of no other, and that the devils believe this, is to utter what, according to the mean- ing of the term, as used and understood by the Chinese, amounts to a falsity.

5. The word skin, when used in the possessive, as belonging to a person, must, according to the usus loquendi of the Chinese, be understood of the spirit possessed by that person, and not the god worshiped by him. Hence the phrase my God," or the "God of Abraham,” could not, if skin were employed, be in- telligibly expressed in Chinese, without a circumlocution.

"6. The word shin, when used in connection with sacrificing to the god of a progenitor, must be understood as conveying the idea of sacrificing to the manes of ancestors.

“7. The word skin being the most expressive term in the Chinese language for spirit, whether concrete or abstract, we should, were it used for God by our- selves, or by others whom we might be unwilling to offend, be deprived of a most useful term in its proper and legitimate acceptation, compared with which no other term in the language is so definite.

"8. The word shin having been rondered spirit by the best European Sinolo- gues, and used in the sense of spirit by the Roman Catholic writers in China, whose influence throughout the country is more extended than that of Protes- tants, there is little chance of the latter being able to establish a usus loquendi in favor of their own mode of employing the word, particularly when that mode is denounced by the Chinese themselves as wrong.'

We have not time now to remark upon the character of these objections, and there is little in them which has not already been brought forward; but we are not willing that gentlemen standing in the position that Messrs. Medhurst, Stronach and Milne do as the delegates of their fellow-mission-

Remarks on the Words Shin und Tr.

FER.

aries to revise the New Testament, should ecparate themselves from the Committec at large, and assert that the insertion of such a term as skin for the translation of theos, will “render the whole work unclassical and con- temptible," without entering a protest against it. Some of those whom they represent, believe shin to be the best word, all things considered ; and to designate the revision by such epithets is unnecessary and unseemly.

The writers then mention the discussions which have been held at Shùng- hái respecting the adoption of Sháng Shin to mean the High God, and of Pi shin to denote that God, or God by way of eminence, in compliance with the recommendation of Mr. Mellor of the B. and F. Bible Society, and the rejection of both terms. They then quote the remarks of scholars and others in England and America, who have read the arguments used on both sides, and propose that Alonh be transferred. This wordis found in the Syriac inscription (See Vol. XIV, pp. 202, 224, note 5) for the proper namne of Jehovali, in the phrase Chin Chú O-lo-of. Dr. Med-

hurst and his collaborators in this letter, propose this word to be used as the appellative name of God, and that it be accompanied by the following explanation: "Wherever Aloah is used, it refers to the beings whom meu sacrifice to and worship. They do not know, however, that the most honor- able and without compare is only one Jehovah, besides whom no other ought to be worshiped. Jehovah is the proper name of Aloah.” In support of this plan of transferring a word, the writers adduce four reasons:

"1. We can not go wrong in so doing. We can not be said to use an improper word. It is sanctioned by the Scriptures: we are therefore right in employing it, unmistakably and incontrovertibly right.

2. We free ourselves thereby from all mixture with Chinese superstition. Those who employ the terin shin, are ever in danger of having it coupled, at least in the minds of the heathen, with kwei, evil spirit. Shin and kwei are correlative terms, and are generally classed together by Chinese speakers and writers. In doing which, the kwci is put first. The term also includes an in- variable reference to the Chinese system of the yin and the yáng, from associa- tion with which the native mind can not escape, if the term shin be used. The word tf also, even when referring to the Supreme, does not allude to a being of infinite perfections like Jehovah. But, by the use of the transferred term, we free ourselves at once from all these shackles, and are left at liberty to give our own views of the meaning we attach to Eloah, whether in the monadic or gene-

ric sense.

“3. We are violating no rules of language ; no philological difficulties lie in our way, but those inseparably connected with a new term, which will be rapidly decreasing every day, from the first noment after we have employed it, until they have entirely disappeared."

4. We are much more likely to succeed in creating for ourselves a usus lo- quendi, by adopting a new term and translating it, than we are by taking an old terin, diverting it from its proper sense, and applying it to a use utterly revolt- ing to the philological taste of the people.”

They say in reference to the whole subject, “that the time has come when a stop ought to be put to this protracted controversy. The advocates of both terms have found that objections lie against both; the advocates of ti are willing, on account of the difficulties which lie in the way, to retne from the contest, and adopt the transferred term; the advocates of shin ac- knowledge their difficulties, but scem resolved to abide by their favorite word, with a definition."

1850.

Topography of the Province of Húpch.

No one will question the desirableness of settling the controversy, and no one wishes to throw any obstacles in the way of such a consummation. No term has been proposed for the generic name of God, against using which strong arguments might not be urged ; ti, tháng đi, tiên tổ, chim, chứ, chín chủ, chin shin, aloah, all of them are open to objections ; but which one shall be taken, as on the whole, the least objectionable? Uniformity among the whole body of Christian writers in Chinese on this vital point is a great object, and one for which every one will, we think, be willing to concede something. We would here add, that it is a subject worthy of consideration, by those missionaries who write in Chinese, whether they ought not to con- form to one way of writing all proper names, and not use different characters to express then. For instance, we have seen Jehovah written Yé-ho-hwá

耶火華, Yé-ho-htoi 耶賀華, Ye-ho-kuod 耶和华,Ye-huok 耶華 Ye-huos爺華, and You-ktos 耀華. Dr. Medhurst writes 阿羅訶 for Aloah instend of 阿羅阿 as it is on the Syriac

monument itself. The characters for other names are altered or abbreviated in a similar manner, tending to make great confusion in the minds of na- tives, unacquainted with the original languages. For the name Jehovah, we prefer to every other way of writing it.-Ed. Ch. Rep.]

爺華

ART. III. Topography of the province of Húpeh ; list of its de- partments and districts; description of its principal towns, notice

of its rivers, lakes, productions, &c.

THE province of Húpeh

or Northern Lakes, formerly con- stituted part of the province of Húkwáng, and is still under the su. perintendence of a governor-general, styled Liáng Hú tsungtuh, who rules over the united province, and has his residence at Wúcháng fú. The area of Húpeh is between 69,000 and 70,000 square miles, ex- tending from lats. 29° to 33° N., and longs. 109' to 116° E.; it is nearly of a rectangular shape, and enjoys so many advantages of temperate cliinate, fertile soil, navigable rivers, and beautiful lake and mountain scenery, that it is called the Granary of the Empire. It is bounded north by Honán, east by Ngánhwui and Kiángsí, south by Húnán, and west by Sz'chuen and Shensí.

Húpeh is celebrated for its lakes, and though the largest lake in China is found just across its southern frontier, still the entire lacus-

VOL. XIX. NO. 11.

Topography of the Province of Hupek.

FEB.

trine area in Húpeh is the greatest. The following list includes all of any importance In Wúcháng fú, are found Liáng-tsz' hú

T 湖; Fútau hú 斧頭湖or Axlake, Tsingning hú 清寧 or Clear- calm lake, and Weiyuen lakes. The first of these four lies east of the capital, and is connected with Ax lake by a conduit, form- ing a water communication across the bend of the Yángtsz' kiáng at this place. In Hányáng fú are eight lakes, none of them of any great size, viz. Mieuyáng hú, Peh-uíor White Clay lake, and Chihyéor Wild lake; these three are rather arms of one large lake inclosing an island, than separate sheets of water. Niú hú or Cow lake is an expansion of one of the mouths

hú牛湖 of the Hán R., which empties in just above Hányáng. Tá-peh ★ É Large White lake, Hungma I or Red-horse L.;

all join their waters, and empty into the Hán R.

yeh 楊葉

or Willow-leaf lake, and the Sántái

and Sán hú

The Yang-

or Three Terrace lake, form one sheet of water, inclosing several islands, on one of which is the town of Tienmun. In Kingchau fú are found the Sánkáng hú⇒ MH, which unites with the Kiun lake, and the Peh-lienor White-lily lake; their waters flow both north into the river, and south into Tungting lake. These comprise all the lakes of any note.

The rivers of Húpeh are numerous and large. The magnificent Yángtsz' kiáng flows through its entire breadth, and receives the are the Hán kiáng

waters of many tributaries, the largest of which

漢江 on the north, and the Tsing kiáng

which joins it near

f-chang. Besides these two important streams, there are the Pá ho

巴河, the Po-ting ho岥亭河

FT, and the Wú-hút

•

near Hwangchau fú, the Lung ho

rivers, east of the Hán R. The Hán river (from which one of the famous Chinese dynasties took its name) rises in Shensí, and drains the southern declivities of the range of hills near the Yellow river, drawing its waters from most of the sou- thern departments of Shensí and Honán, and the northern half of Húpeh, a region of upwards of eighty thousand square miles. Its entire length is not far from 300 miles. The Tsing kiáng, or clear river empties the drainage of the southwestern districts into the Great river.

The size of this important province differs but little from that of Kiángsí or Shántung, but the productions and manufactures are more varied. The states of Virginia and Missouri in the United States, are each of them nearly of the same size as Húpeh; it is also about

1850.

Topography of the Province of Húpek.

twice the area of Portugal, or three times that of Ceylon, a little more than that of the Bombay Presidency, or a little less than that of the island of Celebes. Its population in 1812 was 270,370,098, which gives an average of 389 persons to a square mile. Húpeh is divided into eleven departments, which are further subdivided into 7 chau and 60 hien districts, according to the following list.

I. Wúchúng fú it, or the

Department of Wúcháng, contains ten districts,

viz: one chau and nine hien.

1江夏 Kiánghiá,

6通城

Tungching,

2 H = Hán-ning,

7 武昌

Wúcháng,

3嘉魚 Kiáyin,

8 大冶

Táyé,

4蒲圻 Púki,

9 ill il

Tungshan,

5 và Tsungyáng,

Hingkwoh chau.

II. Hányáng fú, or the

Department of Hányáng, contains five districts,

viz: one chau and four hien.

1漢陽 Hányáng,

4 黄陂縣 Hwángpi hien,

Hánchau,

5沔陽州 Mienyáng chau.

3 孝感 Háuhán,

III. Ngánluh fú, or the

Department of Ngánluh, contains four hien districts.

1鍾祥 Chungtsiáng,

2京山 Kingshán,

Tienmun,

Tsienkiáng.

IV. Siúngyáng fú, or the

Department of Siángyáng, contains seven districts,

viz: two chau and five hien.

1裹陽 Siángyáng,

I'ching,

3 南漳 Náncháng, 4 đi và Tsáuyáng,

5光化縣Kwánghwa hien, 6穀成州 Kuhching chau, 7圴州 Kiun chau.

100

Topography of the Province of Húpeh.

V. Yunyáng fú, or the

Fen.

Department of Yunyáng, contains six hien districts.

1鄖縣 Yun hien,

2房縣 Fáng hien,

4 f 4 Chuhshán,

5竹谿 Chuhki,

3 保康Fáakáng,

6鄖西Yunsi.

VI. Tehngán fú, or the

Department of Tehngán, contains five districts,

viz: one chau and four hien.

1安陸 Ngánluh,

2雲夢 Yunmung,

3應城 Yingching,

Yingshán,

5隨州 Sui chau.

VII. Hwángchau fú, or the

Department of Hwángchau, contains eight districts,

viz. one chau and seven hien.

1 H B Hwángháng,

Kishwui,

3蕲州 Kichau,

4 Kwángtsí,

5 đã Hà Hwangmei,

6羅田 Lotien,

7 a ta thè Máching,

8Hwángngán.

VIII. Kingchau fú, or the

Department of Kingchau, contains seven hien districts.

1 Kiángling,

2松滋 Sungsz',

3 + } Chíkiáng

4 宜都 Itú,

5公安Kungngán,

6石首 Shihshau,

7 監利Lánli.

IX. I cháng fú Ẻ Ê RF, or the

Department of I'cháng, contains seven districts,

viz: two chau and five hien.

Tunghú, 5Kwei chau,

Chángyáng, 6 Hingshán,

1東湖

2長陽

3 長樂

Chángloh,

7巴東 Pátung.

Hohfung chau,

1850.

Topography of the Province of Húpek.

X. Shínán fú, or the

Department of Shínán, contains six hien districts.

恩施 Nganshi,

2宜恩 Siuenngan,

3 | Lichuen,

4★ Láifung,

5咸豐 Eánfung,

6建始 Kienchí,

101

XI. Kingmun chau, or the

Department of Kingmun, contains two hien districts. 1遠安 Yuenngán, 2 = và Tángyáng

I. The department of Wúcháng includes much of the eastern part of the province; its surface is low and marshy; many lakes are found in its borders, and the proximity of the Yángtsz' kiáng offers great facilities for transporting its produce. The city of Wúcháng lies on the eastern bank of the Great river, at the junction of the Hán kiáng, and opposite to the city of Hányáng fú. All accounts concur in the great population congregated in this spot, the land and water both being covered with inhabitants; London and Yedo alone can compete with it, for no other place in China presents an equal number of human beings on the same area. A fire broke out in the suburb of Hánkau, opposite Hányáng in 1833, which was reported to have burned seven days, destroying a great amount of merchandise with the wooden dwellings. The river, here five hundred miles from the ocean, is a league broad, and deep enough to carry the largest Chinese vessels.

A recent traveler thus speaks of the approach to this mart, which may be regarded as the centre of China in a commercial view. "The night had already closed in when we reached the place where the river is entirely covered with vessels of all sizes and forms, con- gregated here from all parts. I hardly think there is another port in the world so frequented as this, which passes, too, as among the most commercial in the empire. We entered one of the open ways, a sort of a street having each side defined by floating shops, and after four hours of toilsome navigation through this difficult labyrinth, arrived at the place of debarkation." He further remarks, that "for the space of five leagues, one can only see houses along the shore, and an infini- tude of beautiful and strange looking vessels in the river, some at an- chor and others passing up and down at all hours." The coup-d'œil of these three cities is beautiful, their environs being highly cultivated and interspersed with the mansions of the great; but he adds, “It'

102

Topography of the Province of Húpeh.

FEE.

you draw near, you will find on the margin of the river only a shape- less bank worn away with freshes; and in the streets, stalls surmounted with palisades, and workshops undermined by the waters, or tumbling to pieces from age. The open spots between these ruins are filled with abominations which diffuse around a suffocating odor. No regulations respecting the location of the dwellings, no side-walks, no place to avoid the crowd which presses upon one, elbowing and dis- puting the passage, but all get along pell-mell in the midst of cattle, hogs, and other domestic animals, each protecting himself as he best can from the filth in his way, which the Chinese collect with care for agricultural uses, and carry along in open buckets through the crowd.”

II. The department of Hanyáng lies west of the preceding, be- tween the river Hán and the departments of Ngánluh and Kingchau; its chief town is a little north of the provincial capital. There is a Jarge trade here in paper. The lakes in the department produce a great variety of wild fowl, and the orchards of fruit in this region are cele brated. Near the city itself lies the hill Tá-pick ★14, Great Dividing Mt.

III. The department of Ngánluh lies north-west of the preceding, in the bottom lands of the Hin R.; these fertile fields supply the in- habitants with most of their breadstuffs. The capital partakes of the same commercial advantages as Hányáng.

IV. The department of Siángyáng lies north of Ngínluh, border- ing on Honan, and its chief town is on the banks of the Hán R. The surface of the country is mountainous, except near the river; gold is washed out of the rivulets in some places in this department; and within the precincts of Kien chau is a very high mountain, consisting of twenty-seven summits, and inclosing twenty-four lakes in its circuit. Other mineral substances are drawn from these mountains. Siángyáng fi was known in the days of Confucius as the capital of the Tang state i it afterwards belonged to the Tsú state.

V. The department of Yunyáng lies in the northwest of the pro- vince, between Honán and Sheusí, and having Siángyáng and Ícháng on south. The mountains are said to produce tin. A high peak, call- ed Tieh-kiuh linglies in the extreme west of the depart-

ment.

VI. The department of Teh-ngán lies east of Siángyáng, and north of Hányáng, along the borders of Honin; the region is rough, like the districts further west. Among the productions of this department is the singular substance called peh lah, an excretion produced by an insect, whose larva envelops itself in wax; the inhabitants collect the wax, and use it for the same purposes as that of bees.

1850.

Topography of the Province of Húpch.

103

VII. The department of Hưúngchau occupies all the southeastern corner of the province north of the Great river, having Wúcháng fú on its north, and Ngánhwui on its east. The situation of the chief town is highly favorable for trade, and much of the traffic of this fertile region find its way to it. In the district of Lotien is a famous foun- tain, whose waters are highly prized for making good tea. Opposite the city itself, in the river, rises the island of Peh-kwei, or White Tor- toise I., noted for the number of large tortoises found on it, which are often kept by persons about their houses; a species of very small size is also common, which are domesticated, and even carried about the person. The Chinese fable that a soldier was once pursued by his enemies on this island, and to escape them leaped into the river, when one of the huge tortoises lying near the shore took him, as the dolphin took Arion, upon his spacious back, and safely carried him to the op- posite bank. The grateful soldier fed the reptile for a while, and then set him at liberty.

VIII. The department of Kingchan fú is situated on the south. ern borders of the province, between Hányáng and fching fú, and south of Siángyáng, forming one of the richest and largest depart- ments in the province. Its quarries are noted for the fine quality of inkstones they furnish—an article the Chinese literati are very curious in. A Manchú garrison is maintained at this city, which is regarded as one of the keys of China.

IX. The department of I'cháng was made up from portions of those around it, Yunyáng and Siingying on the north, and Kingchau on the east. Its natural features are like those departments, and its chief town and most of the others, lie near, or on the Great river. All this region is famous for the contests here waged in the declining days of the Hán dynasty.

X. The department of Shinán occupies the southwest corner of the province, west of Íchúng and Kingchau; it formerly all belonged to

the latter.

XI. The inferior department of Kingmun is a small section of country partitioned off from Kingchau fú; the chief town lies on a branch of the Hán kiáng, a little southwest of Ngánluh. It extends westerly from the river, and in its products does not vary much from the surrounding regions.—It may be remarked, that the capitals of fú in this province are situate deither on the Yángtsz' or the Hán rivers; consequently they are all of them very eligibly placed for trade.

The productions and manufactures of Húpeh are varied and abund- ant. Gold, silver, tin, iron, mica, copperas, crystal, marble, argillite, and other minerals, are found in its mountains: fruits, tea, cotton.

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Topography of the Province of Ilúpch.

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herbs, and grains, with building and cabinet woods, are taken from its fields and forests; while great numbers of fowls and fish are obtained from its lakes and rivers. The manufactures of insect wax, bamboo pa- per, crystal and stone ornaments, and ardent spirits, are famed through- out the empire.

Still, notwithstanding these resources, its inhabitants suffer at times from famine. The following letter, written by a Chinese, contains an account of the calamities which befell this region some years since. "In the month of May, 1831, our river swelled and burst its banks with so much violence in all the plain, that a vast number of dwellings, large and small, were torn from their foundations, and carried away by the waves; their fragments collected together would hardly have served to cook a meal. The bodies of the persons swept off by this deluge were as numerous as the plants which showed themselves above the surface of the waters; while many of those who escaped, perished in the highways from famine, and found their graves in the maws of birds and dogs. Young men fled to other provinces; parents lost their children, and husbands were separated from their wives. Mothers, overcome by hunger and fatigue, abandoned their sobbing infants in the road, or died leaving their little ones still clinging to their dresses. How sad were these sights, and no one able to afford relief. Most of the old men perished in the valleys, but some, who escaped, stretched them- selves groaning in the paths, while others, a little stronger, sought the nearest caverns, where they reared huts of straw, and lengthened out their days with herbs or carrion. Others drifted about in boats, seeking fish and worms to save themselves from starvation; but, naked and un- protected, exposed to the wind and snow, they lost their strength, and their emaciated bodies became dry as the hay in the field. In these unhappy times, they were unable to raise any money; nobody would buy their fields, nor let them have food; even those who offered their wives for sale found no purchasers; and destitute of resources, many of them perished miserably. The living moved about among the un- buried dead, few of whom received the rites of sepulture. This year (1835) we have suffered from drought and locusts, so that our fields are baked and eaten up." Another observer remarks that the great plain through which the Yángtsz' flows, at this time appeared like a vast sea, and scores of villages were entirely swept away.

The greatest portion of this province is level, and some of it is lower than the great river which flows through it. The northern part is high- er, and a low chain of mountains beyond the line of Honán forms the watershed between the valleys of the Yellow and Yángtsz' rivers.

1830.

Men and Things in Shánghái.

105

ART. IV. Men and things in Shánghái: number and character of its population; tything system; taxation; sickness, and pauperism; distribution of food; use of opium and prospect of the traffic being legalized; increase of the general commerce; the number of foreign residents ; new churches dedicated; converts to Christianity; com- mittee of Delegates for revision of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese. From a Correspondent.

DEAR SIR, With your permission, I propose to notice briefly, some topics and events, which perhaps may not be without interest to your readers. For aught I know, all the inhabitants of this great empire are at this moment enjoying the most profound peace, and all its millions are free from the scourge of war. Indeed the people of this land are not prepared for, are not in a condition to experience, such revolu- tions as have shaken all Europe during the last year. Intelligence here moves slowly. Weeks and months are required for what on the other side of the globe, would need but hours or minutes. Repeatedly, du- ring the last year, forty days and more have elapsed without one line reaching us from Hongkong or Canton, a distance of only about a thousand miles. Information comes equally slow from Peking, and other parts of the empire. At present, stagnation—“ rest,” if his majes- ty please so to call it, prevails in all the provinces. While European states have been dashed one against another, in a manner ill-befit- ting Christian people, the peaceful sons of Hán have had rest—rest, however, which it is feared, by many, not without reason, will prove, like the sullen calm that precedes the tyfoon, the precursor of dread- ful conflicts. We know what former civil and revolutionary wars have been in China; we know how they have swept over the land like the besom of destruction. Many intelligent Chinese think their country is on the eve of change, and they fear for the consequences. And well they may. However, they may be wrong in their predictions. Time will show. Come what will-what God ordains—and for one, I can console myself in the belief that it will all be for good, and for China's good. Better be torn in pieces by the hurricane, than to die by inches in a calm, expiring for want of air to breathe!

The more foreigners become acquainted with the Chinese, the more extensively does the opinion obtain that the population of the empire, as given in modern statistics, has not been overrated. Recently, and on the best authority, I have heard it said that the population of Sháng- hái is half a million of souls! From others, equally well informed,

VOL. XIX. NO. 14.

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Men and Things in Shúnghải.

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I hear it affirmed that it can not exceed two hundred thousand! Others, again, take a middle course, and say with the utmost confidence, that it can not vary far, one way or the other, from three hundred and fifty thousand. Who is right? And how do these several parties arrive at their various conclusions? One would make out the number of inhabitants by ascertaining the catties of rice daily consumed; an- other would do it by counting the number of coffins sold during a given period, and from this go on to find out the number of the living- men, women, and children; a third would seek to gain the same end by estimations based on the rate of taxes; a fourth would get it by count- ing the barbers, and then the number each could shave in one day, and thence deduce the whole sum total. Many other schemes I have heard discussed; but being unable to solve this grand question myself, I wish you, Mr. Editor, would put the inquiry to your correspondents, at the five ports—What is the population in each of these five cities ? And request them, in giving their answers, to give the authority on which they are based.

The tything system is known to be universal in China; and I have been told that each local magistrate throughout the empire is requir- ed to make an annual return of the number of families and individuals in his jurisdiction. If it be so, and these returns are faithfully made, they must afford the best, and the only sure data for an estimate of the sum total of population. Gentlemen who daily pass through the streets

of Shanghái, tell me that they have seen numerous copies of the_mun-

pái, “door-schedule;" and of the shih kiá mun-pai, †✯ 門牌

"ten families door-schedule,” in the houses and shops of this city. I have myself seen some, and have now before me a proclama- tion from Ping, the chief magistrate, urging the constables and tyth- ing men to press their examination for the

Thú kau

jin ting, [ascertainment of the number of] families and individuals, so that a full census may be made out for government. This proclama- tion is dated January 25th. It is the sequel of some that have preced- ed it; and the parties concerned are charged with delinquencies, and threatened with punishment in case such are repeated.

The collection of the taxes on houses is causing the local govern- ment some trouble; and proclamations, accordingly, are issued. In one of these, the magistrate asks, "How is it that, while the houses are very many, the taxable deeds are very few?” And then remarks, pertinently enough, that "either the landlords must have a mind to defraud the revenue (by keeping back their deeds), or the police must be guilty of receiving bribes (for not duly reporting them)." Both

1850.

Men and Things in Shanghát.

107

suppositions, I fancy, are correct. Here again, as in the case above of the census, delinquencies are pointed out and punishments threatened. How far these delinquencies extend, I am unable to determine.

This city is increasing, both in the extent of its business and number of its inhabitants. A more heterogeneous mass, however, it would be difficult to find. All the extremes of character in the empire are here brought together, so that it is difficult sometimes to tell which is, and which is not the indigenous part.

Among the worst, as most believe, are the Canton men—not those from the provincial city, but rather those from the more eastern and southern districts. Next in badness, and next, if not first in enter- prise are the Fuhkien men. There are different clans of these men, and they have their respective public halls. In this thing, they are about to be imitated by the Cantonese, who have purchased land in the city, and are preparing to build for themselves a Kung-so. These "Southrons are a terror to the quiet people of the north, and the officers dread coming into collision with them, since when this hap- pens the authorities are usually resisted, and often set at naught and maltreated. The chief magistrate, the chíhien, has recently issued a pro- clamation requiring that all these people, the Canton and the Fuhkien, be registered by the managers of their respective public halls. More numerous, and far more tractable, are the Ningpo men. The "Green tea-men" are of a similar caste, more sober-minded, and perhaps less cunning. A full account of all the varieties of Chinese to be met with here would form a very interesting chapter in your journal.

The last year, the 29th of Táukwáng, it is said will be written down in Chinese history a year of famine. The number of distressed peo- ple has been, and is still very great. The long and heavy rains in spring and summer covered with a deluge of water almost the whole of the immense plains of Kiángnán. The consequences have been, a failure of the crops, especially that of cotton, and great mortality among the people. Few, very few families, have escaped the scourge of disease in some shape. New cases of fever and ague, dysentery, and such like are now infrequent. But in the city and suburbs, mul- titudes are still famishing.

Distribution of food among the poor people of Shánghái, is being carried on to a limited extent by order of the local officers. The plan is this: contributions are solicited and obtained from the rich and benevolent; and these, at a given rate and by order of the magistrate, are portioned out to those families and individuals, who have been registered as

pin min, "poor people." It would seem that a

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Men and Things in Shánghải.

FER.

regular return of these poor people is required by the government; for in a proclamation now before me, of recent date, the magistrate takes occasion to complain, that there are great differences in the numbers returned, when the present are compared with those in former years. The numbers of the poor people for the current year, the 29th of Táukwáng, if I correctly understand the case, are much augmented. This is no doubt correct; and it is easily accounted for by the single fact, that the present year is one of famine. Distribution of food by private individuals is also giving relief to a few. Multitudes, however, are perishing in the streets of the great cities of Kiángnán. Tens on tens, every week, during this cold winter, have been found dead in the streets and temples of this rich city. Want of food, want of clothing, want of shelter, coupled with debauchery and disease, are the combined causes of this misery.

Remission of taxes due from the distressed people in a large num- ber of the departments of this province, and in the adjoining one of Ngánhwui, has just been commenced by the emperor's orders, glad- dening the hearts of many. These departments are those which were so dreadfully inundated last summer. More than fifty places are

enumerated.

The rise in the price of grain has been considerable of late, caused partly by the distresses above enumerated, but more I believe in con- sequence of an order from Peking, directing purchases to be made by his majesty's officers to supply the demand of the capital. It is said the Yellow River, that most troublesome of all the emperor's subjects, is showing such symptoms of rebellion, that the officers in charge thereof dare not draw from it the full quantity of water requisite to feed the Grand Canal, lest in doing this the whole surrounding country should be deluged. Your readers, I suppose, are aware that not a little of the surface of the country, adjacent the banks of this great river, is somewhat below that of the mighty waters which roll along its bed to the ocean. It is said, further, that this state of things, the threatening attitude of the Yellow River and the consequent want of water in the Canal, will require another fleet of junks to venture out to sea and brave the dangers of the promontory of Shantung, and what is worse, large fleets of pirates. How fortunate it would be, not for the inhabitants of Peking alone, but for all China, if the new navigation laws, based on the just principle of reciprocity,-could be extended to the Middle Kingdom.

The use of opium among the Chinese, was never more rapidly increasing than now, and its evil effects never more evident. Eighty

1850.

Men and Things in Shanghai.

109

thousand chests, report says, are coming to China this year, one half of which it is supposed will reach this northern market.

In this city, both the traffic and the use of opium are in no way concealed. Whole chests are carried through the streets in broad day. The legalization of the traffic is talked of everywhere, not only by those who are en„ gaged in the trade, but the officers of government. Hü Náitsi and his friends, who brought forward their proposition in 1835, only wait an opportunity to renew their suit. But whether legalized or not, there seems no immediate prospect of arresting the evil,—an evil that is tak- ing away the vital energies of the nation.

How the general commerce at Shanghái and at the other ports will ul- timately be affected by this drug, affords matter for curious speculation Its bearing at present is such as to drive every merchant from the port who will not deal in it." This I suppose is true, with one or two exceptions. Be this as it may, no one can doubt that the general com- merce here is steadily increasing, and is likely to increase.

The number of foreign residents, too, is increasing, if the purchase of new sites and the erection of new houses can be received as evi- dence of that fact. Four or five very substantial houses are now being built within the boundaries of what is called the " English Consular grounds." Besides these new foreign residences, and within the afore- said limits, a new Chinese custom-house is very conspicuous and now nearly completed. The roads throughout Yángking Páng have of late been considerably improved; and several substantial stone piers built to facilitate the shipment and landing of goods. All these things be- token an increase of the general commerce at Shánghái.

Three new churches have been erected within the walls of this city during the last twelve months. One of these, called Yésú Táng, i. e. "Jesus' Church," and the property of the English Church Missionary Society, was dedicated on Friday, the 4th instant, to the service of Almighty God-the Rev. T. McClatchie of that Society, and the Rt.. Rev. Bp. Boone and the Rev. Mr. Syle of the American Episcopal church, officiating on the occasion. Another, called Kituh Táng, "Christ's Church," was dedicated in like manner and by the same re- verend gentlemen, on Sunday, the 6th. The second is the property of the Episcopal Church in the United States, and the money for its erec- tion was given by a gentleman in Boston, U. S. A. The other is called Shinghwui Táng, “Sacred Assembly's Church," and the pro- perty of the Bap. Southern Convention, U. S. A. This is so far com- pleted that it is expected to be dedicated on the coming Chinese new year's day. At Christ's Church, on the day it was opened, and on the

110

Journal of Occurrences.

Fza.

following Sabbath, the number of Chinese within the walls could hardly have been less than six hundred men, women, and children. In addi- tion to these houses for Christian worship, a site for a fourth has re- cently been purchased by the agents of the London Missionary Society. As the means for making knowu the truths of Revelation are thus multiplied, some first-fruits begin to appear. I have heard mentioned the names of at least eleven Chinese, who have been baptized and admitted to church fellowship here since the commencement of 1849. During the year just closed, only one missionary family, the Rev. John Hobson and wife—has joined those laboring here, while their number has been decreased by the death of the Rev. Mr. South- well, the Rev. Mr. Spaulding, and Mrs. Wylie, and by the return to their native lands of Mrs. Southwell, the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Tobey, and Miss Morse.

The Committee of Delegates, engaged on the Chinese version of the New Testament, have advanced in their work to the end of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and expect to complete the whole in May or June next. In the meantime propositions have been brought for- ward, having reference to a Version of the Old Testament. It is proposed, if I correctly understand the case, that the missionaries at each of the stations-Canton, Hongkong, Amoy, Fuhchau, Ningpo, and Shinghái, form themselves into local Committees, and each of these local Committees to be entitled to have, at their option, one or more Delegates, who shall assemble at such time and place as the aforesaid Committees shall determine.

Wishing the missionaries all good success in their most laudable work, believe me,

Shánghi, Jan. 1850.

Dear Sir,

Your's very truly,

SPECTATOR.

ART. V. Journal of Occurrences: death of the Empress Dowager;

deceuse of Mrs. Whilden at Canton; attack on Mr. Reynvaan. THE news of Her Majesty's decease reached Canton on the 19th inst., hav- ing been about three weeks in its passage across the provinces, and we suppose the tidings have not yet reached the confines of his Majesty's do- minions on the west. The following paper was soon after hawked about the streets, though the newyear's holidays were not shortened by the provincial authorities. Their excellencies, the governor-general, the governor, the three commissioners, and all other officers stationed in Canton, went together, on

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

IIt

the 20th of the 1st moon, to the Examination Hall, and there put on mourn- ing, offered sacrifices, and performed the rites usual on such occasions. The common people have not received orders to mourn, but expect soon to see the public announcement, until which there will be no general manifestation of sorrow. The signs of official mourning are to wear coarse white dresses, remove all signs of rank, as the button, peacock's feather, fringe, &c., sign the seal in blue ink, go without shaving the head, use ash colored cards, suspend all music, and beating of gongs or drums, firing of cannon, crying of lictors, and contract no matrimonial engagements for twenty-seven days. The commencement of this mourning dates from the day of death, so that it will not be more than sixty days' duration in Canton. The imperial pro- clamation is as follows:

On the 11th of the 12th month (January 23d) the Board of Rites memorialized the Throne as follows: "At noon of this day, the officers of state assembled." They further memorialized, "That they had put on mourning, that for a hundred days they should not shave the head, and should wear dark robes and vests.' The master of ceremonies also memorialized, requesting his Majesty at noon to enter and see the golden coffin; the emperor next day went at 6 o'clock P. M., and sacrificed to her tablet.

On the 24th January, the Supreme Will was received: “We have attended her Majesty, since we received the throne, and have nurtured her twenty-nine years; we had seen that in her declining days she had every comfort, and that she had passed the age of eighty, for which our heart was happy and calm, and we encouraged ourselves that she would happily add one year to another, until she enjoyed the felicity of seeing a century. Lately, the 19th inst. she took an airing in the garden and returned to her palace; we daily went to inquire respecting her health, and then unexpectedly became aware that our beloved relative was not in usual vigor. We thought that if she was nursed a few days with care, she would then recover her health; but contrary to all our anticipa- tions, her ailments daily increased in strength, and on the 24th at 31⁄2 o'clock P. M. she drove the fairy chariot and went the long journey. Our grief broke out in loud lamentations, for we were greatly afflicted. We humbly brought to mind, that since the Holy Empress Filial-Pure-Bright (i. e. H. I. M's own mother) left this to take the upward journey, we have been deeply indebted to Her Imperial Majesty Tá-hing, for her abounding kindness and overshadowing favor. We have been made happy while attending to her behests, as men are rejoiced by the sun which prolongs their lives; but now never can we again look upon her affectionate countenance; our grief can not be easily relieved.

"We received her last orders that mourning should be worn only twenty- seven days; but we can not be satisfied with this, and therefore, as is right, we ourselves shall put on this filial garb for a hundred days, twenty-seven of which we shall mourn our loss in deep mourning. As to her requisition, that since we were nearly seventy years old, we ought not to give way to deep grief, for the cases of government are heavy, we can not presume to disobey it, and must con- strain ourselves to repress these feelings. This day, the princes and high offi- cers again assembled and forced themselves to beseech us to restrain our grief; and also memorialized us to respectfully follow the excellent rules of our Im- perial ancestor Kienlung, which we thereupon felt necessitated to do. Let daily libations be poured out before her in the palace of Contentment.

"In all that appertains to the full ritual of mourning, we hereby order Mien- yo and Teaitsiuen, princes of the imperial clan, Kiying, a cabinet minister, and Wanking, president of the Board of Civil Office, carefully to manage and pre- pare them. For all that propriety requires on this occasion, let them examine the old rituals, and deliberate upon the various points, reporting to us by memo- rial as occasion requires, Let these orders be published throughout the empire for general information. Respect this.”

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Journal of Occurrences,

On the 24 February, an imperial order was issued: “Let the bier of Her Im- perial Majesty be respectfully carried to the Ichun garden, and laid in state. We will ourself remain there also for a season, in order that we may convenient- ly morning and evening pour out libations, and give vent to our grief. Respect this."

Death of Mrs. Whilden. This lady died at her residence in Canton, after a painful and protracted illness, which she bore with Christian resignation. She was buried on French I. at Whampoa, near Mrs. Devan and Rev. Mr. Clopton, who also belonged to the Baptist mission. Her bereaved husband, we understand, intends to return to the United States with his three mother- less children. We have been furnished with the following notice of Mrs. Whilden.

"Died in Canton on the 20th inst, Mrs. Eliza Jane Whilden, wife of the Rev. B. W. Whilden, missionary of the Board of Missions of the Southern Baptist Convention. Mrs. Whilden was the daughter of Mr. Robert and Mrs. Jane Martin of Union District, South Carolina. She was born on the of 13th February, 1821. and made a profession of religion in 1840.

"In the year 1843, she was united in marriage to him who now mourns her loss. Shortly after her marriage she went with her husband to Camden, 8. C., where they resided four years-during which time Mr. W. was pastor of the Baptist Church in that place. Previous to her residence in Camden, Mrs. Whilden had felt a very strong desire to become a missionary to the heathen-excited chiefly by reading the life of the first Mrs. Judson.

In the spring of 1848, while residing at Healing Springs, Barnwell Dist., 8. C. her husband was induced to offer himself as a missionary to the Chinese. An article from the pen of the lamented Pohlman which Mrs. Whilden had put into the hands of her husband, was chiefly instrumental in bringing him to this decision—a decision for which he has reason to believe she had been praying for years. Mrs. W. with her husband sailed from New York in Oct. 1848, in the ship "Valparaiso,”—and arrived at Hongkong on the 13th of February following, the anniversary of her birth. She has alluded to this coincidence with peculiar pleasure. On the 23d of the same month, she reached Canton. Thus in about a year after her arrival in Canton she is called away. Her discharge from the labors and sufferings of missionary life came as she was just entering upon them. We mourn, but not without hope. Her end was peace. She hath done what she could."

An attack on H. G. I. Reynvaan Esq., the French consul at Canton, was made on the evening of the 19th inst., by one of his domestics, who ap- proached him from behind while he was reading alone, and struck him on the head with a chopping-knife; the blow was not strong enough to fracture the skull, and on Mr. R. rising instantly to seize him, the fellow fled down stairs and out of the house. Information was immediately given to the Chi- nese authorities of the attack, with all the particulars, but they have shown themselves most culpably negligent, for the man has not yet been arrested. In fact, so secure did he feel, that he went three days after to one of the silk dealers with whom Mr. R. did business, and presented a forged order for two pieces of silk in the comprador's name, and obtained them. It was a Pro- vidential mercy that Mr. R. was not killed on the spot; but whether the indolence of the magistrates is owing to the fact that life was not taken, and they do not feel it so in portant to arrest the offender, can not be said. They are greatly to blame for their negligence.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.—March, 1850.—No. 3.

ART. L. Notice of the years of famine and distress which have occurred at Shanghái, recorded in the Statistics of Shánghái,

Dusung the third year of the emperor Yenyú

(^. D. 1316), the district of Shanghái was flooded, and the land taxes were reduced; famine followed in the next year, and grain was distributed amongst the people. In the 24 year of Shunti (1336), there was a dearth, and the granaries were ordered to be opened, and their con- tents, together with the donations of the wealthy, distributed amongst the starving people. During the eighth year of Hungwú t

(A. D. 1375), freshes occurred and famine followed; at the end of the year, the distressed were assisted, and in the following year, the land taxes in four departments of this region were remitted, and in the next year, one shik (about 170 lbs. av.) of grain was supplied to each house- hold which had suffered. In the first year of Yunglob (1404), famine prevailed; and the next year the Board of Revenue memorial- ized that as Shanghái and Hwating districts were flooded, the taxes on the low lands might be taken in pieces of manufactured silk in lieu of grain.—During the following spring, grain was again furnish- ed, and the excise on salt was not collected, and in the autumn, the taxes on all the flooded lands were remitted. Aid was also granted the next year.

In the seventh year of Siuenteb (1432), an inspector-general named Wang Lái memorialized that he had inspected the damages by floods, upon which the land taxes and imposts were dis pensed with.

In the fifth year of Chingtung (1440) in consequence of

VOL. XIX. NO. 11.

114

Years of Famine at Shanghai.

MARCH.

damage by freshes, it was ordered that in Sungkiáng fú a composition should be made for the taxes in grain, by reckoning each piece of middling three threaded cottons as equivalent to two peculs of grain, the wide three threaded cottons not being demanded; and fractional parts (i. e. taxes under two peculs) were to be paid by pieces of broad white cotton cloth.

In the fifth year of Kingtái

(1454), Cháng Fung, the pre-

sident of the Board of Revenue, reported that distress prevailed in the depart ments of Súchau and Sungkiáng. Wang Wan was thereupon ordered to inspect them, and decide how much of the taxes it was best to remit, and what amount of composition should be taken for the kinds of articles which were usually sent to the capital, or retained in the province, or supplied as food to the cavalry. The inhabitants received relief in 1455.

During the fifth year of Tienshun

(1461), the sea over- damage the autumnal

flowed this district, and in consequence of the duties were remitted; dearth prevailed till 1466. In the tenth year of Chinghwá (1474), the autumnal dues were again remitted in con- sequence of floods; and in 1495, an epidemic and dearth were exper- ienced. In 1509 a flood came, and famine ensued the next year, when there was another inundation; in consequence of the dearth in 1513, the second harvest duties were remitted. In 1519, fanine was again experienced.

In consequence of the drought in 1540, the customs and taxes were remitted. In the 35th year of Kiátsing, in consequence of a petition by the censor Chau Jütau, the land tax was remitted in the districts of Hwáting, Shanghái, Tsingpú and Kiáting. In 1561, be- cause of the floods, food was given out, and the district magistrate Kub Kwangsien ordered Wang Chau, one of the people, to distribute congee; and the sub-director of the Banqueting Office, Kú Tsunglí, gave out millet for the food of the starving people. In 1567, a severe famine wes felt, and the next year, because of the floods, orders were received from court to waive the collection of the fixed duties, and send up

for that year only the rice used as official rations. In 1573, famine again afflicted this region; and in 1575, the 3d year of Wán- lih, great floods brought a dearth the next year, so that the emperor released the district from arrearages, and ordered that only three tenths of the autumnal taxes should be collected in the ensuing year. In 1579, floods covered the country, to that the censor Lin Ying- kiun, sent to inspect the province, memorialized the emperor to remit a portion of the usual taxes of every kind. All those who nad dis. tributed alms to the distressed were also promoted.

1850.

Years of Famine at Shanghái.

116

In 1592, the sea rose, and Wáng Tán, a native of the place, col- lected many hundred corpses of those drowned, and buried them at his own cost; the taxes were remitted for the next year.

In 1587, the drought and destitution were so great that the people devoured each other, and the officers issued orders and regulations to afford relief. The next year, the money used to buy horses for II. M. stud, and three lacs of taels (£90,000) were sent from the treasury at Nan- king, and the high officer Yáng Wankü was ordered to distribute them in the departments of Súchau and Sungkiáng; but this man was covetous and despised by all, a deceitful hypocrite, so that Táng Hientsú caused him to be dismissed from office. There was a flood that year, so that the inhabitants were destitute, and the emperor listened to the governor and judge, and disbursed the customs of Kiángsú, and the fines levied on the borders of Shantung, to relieve the wants of the poor.

The year 1589 was a bad year, so that the governor Yü Lih me- morialized the Throne, and part of the income from the land and froin the duties, and part of the arrears of former years and dues of that year, were remitted. The prefect Yü Kiun also exhorted the rich to give millet to make soup to feed the starving. In 1591, relief was given out, in consequence of the freshes. In 1608, the water rose so that governor Chau Kungkiáu laid the case before his majesty, and fifty thousand taels were distributed among the destitute, taken from the revenue of the two departments of Hwái-ngán and Yang- chau. The next year there was a dearth, and the same governor ordered the prefect Cháng Kiúteh to direct the district magistrates to see that vegetable soups were given to the starving inhabitants of the villages and hamlets, placing the management of the distribution in the hands of the gentry and elders, and “lovers of righteousness."

In 1824 (4th of Tienkí), there was a great flood and a year of want; W Hing, the sub-director of H. M. stud, a native of Hwa-ting, dis- tributed three thousand peculs of millet to the destitute of his native district. In 1629, a dearth occurred, and the prefect Fáng Yoh-kung took more than seven thousand peculs of rice from the storehouses of one Kú, which he gave away to the poor or sold at a cheap rate. In 1640, there was a severe famine, and a drought the next year, so that the price of grain was high; the küjin graduates Ho Káng and others furnished millet to the poor, and the magistrate Cháng Kwangyoh found on inquiry that many of the people had died in the winter by starvation. The prefect of Sungkiáng received orders to change the tax of rice for three tenths as much wheat as an equivalent.

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In the 9th year of Shuuchí (1652), rice rose very high by reason of the drought; the graduate Tung laid the matter before the magistrate Yáu, requesting him to release the people from paying the autumnal taxes, but through his delay few of the people benefited by the govern- ment bounty. In 1671, there was a famine, and the magistrate Chú disbursed from the granaries. The year 1679 was one of drought and distress; the magistrate Jin delayed collecting the taxes, and reduced the cases in his office; so that, though the taxes were not remitted, the feelings and discontent of the people were quieted.

In 1680 (19th of Kánghí), rice was dear in the spring, and the starving filled the streets; the magistrate Jin himself furnished two hundred peculs of grain and 130 taels in money to the sufferers. In 1696, the sea rose during the summer, drowning many of the people, and carrying both corpses and coffins to distant places; the prefect Kung raised a high tumulus and buried them all in it. He had al- ready distributed relief among the people. In 1705, the magistrate Hü Sz'ching, in consequence of the scarcity, called together the literati and the common people, and sold them food out of the govern- mental granaries at a cheap rate. In 1707, there was a drought and dearth, so that during three months the magistrates distributed the grain laid up in the place according to the law, and also the rice, pad- dy and wheat levied as tax in the districts of Hwaingan. In 1708, there was a great flood, and the grain collected in Kiángsí and Hú- kwáng, to the extent of more than three hundred thousand peculs, was sold at a cheap rate, and congee was distributed to the starving for three months. In 1715 and 1721, the people also received aid from government.

In 1723 (1st of Yungching), the emperor graciously ordered that the money due from fines, and the grain then in store, should be carefully distributed among the poor;

and as the winter was bitter cold, the local officers were ordered to give out food according to the exigencies of the people. The district magistrate, Fú Chítsiuen re- ported that there were upwards of 600 names, and that he had dis- bursed food for a month. In 1724, aid was afforded in consequence of the flond and distress. The provincial treasurer Yurtai obtained permission, and had three thousand peculs of the tribute rice in store brought from Kiángning fú, and distributed in the districts, and given out as congee; he also disbursed fifty thousand taels from the provin- cial treasury to buy food for distribution in the districts which had been submerged. Relief was also afforded in 1726; and in 1732, in consequence of an inundation and dearth, a rescript was received, or-

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dering the authorities to distribute one tau of rice (about a peck) to every adult, and half as much to every child living in the maritime dis- tricts which had been submerged; more than 3600 peculs were dis- bursed. During six months, over 25,800 peculs were distributed among the poor. The grain junks were also detained, and rice sold from them at a cheap rate. The governor Kiáu Shíchin made a dona- tion of 400 taels to be laid out in alms.

In 1743, the price of rice rose very high, and the prefect Yarha had the tact to get the rich families to act generously and sell grain cheap to those who were suffering. In 1747, the waters rose and caused great distress; congee was given out to the starving, and food supplied to the people for a month. Money was furnished to bury those who had been drowned, and to assist in rebuilding those dwellings which had been destroyed. The district magistrate Wáng Ting subscribed his own salary, and exhorted the benevolent among the gentry and people in the city and villages to assist in carrying these intentions into effect. The next year there was a storm of hail which did great damage, so that his majesty sent orders to lend out seed as might be needed, about one fifth of a peck to an eighth of an acre; and to those persons who had been the greatest sufferers the preceding year, month's provision was lent. Food being very dear at the time, Wang exhorted the gentry and tradesmen to sell food cheap as they had done the previous, year.

In the next year, there was an epidemic, and the district magistrate Lí Wanyáu gave all his salary to buy medicines for the sick. In 1765, the dearth was very severe, and seed was lent to the farmers. The intendant Shin, and the magistrate Lí, both gave up their salaries to induce others to contribute. In the next spring, the dearth was still more severe, and the pestilence again appeared; rice was sold cheap as formerly For those who had died in the waste places boxes were furnished to the extent of a thousand to bury them. The villagers themselves, at the Yoh-wáng temple and monastery of Extended Hap piness, dealt out cash and congee, or ginger soup; and even old gar- ments, and thus saved many lives.

In 1794, there were many bad omens, and the famine waxed sore in the spring of the next year, so that the gentry of the city generally Subscribed millet to be made into soups for distribution; and for the time, they employed Wáng Tingfáng, to superintend the business. The dead were so numerous that they lay in the highways, (lit. “used each other for pillows.")

In 1804, the price of grain being high, it was sold out cheap, and many of the literary persons and people distributed millet to the poor-

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ART. II. Paul Si's Apology, addressed to the emperor Wanlik of the Ming dynasty, in behalf of the Jesuit missionaries, Pantoya and others, who had been impeached by the Board of Rites in a Re- port dated the 44th year, 7th month of his reign, (A. D. 1617.) [For the Chinese copy of this memorial, we are indebted to Wm. Leckhart Esq, medical missionary at Shanghái. It is, we believe, an exact transcript from one engraved on a marble slab, erected at the Jesuit's Church outside of the southern gate of that city, comprising the "Inscription" mentioned by Bishop Smith in his narrative. Ricci reached the capital of China early in the 17th century, and died there in 1610, aged 80. Pantoya was one of the ablest of his immediate sucessors, and Paul Sü his most illustrious pupil. "Like priest, like people." Sii's memorial shall speak for itself; and those who are interested in it can compare it with the copy of the original. How much of the principle and spirit of a Christian, was possessed by this illustrious disciple, we will not venture to say; some of his family still adhere to the faith of their ancient fathers, while others, it is said, are “ Christians.” Of Paul Sü himself, there are many mementoes in and about Shánghải; and in a temple half way between the magistrate's office and the south gate of the city, there is an image of him large as life, and where, by imperial appointment, he receives divine honors! For further particulars respecting Su and his re- nowned daughter Cardida, we refer our readers to Du Halde, Semedo, &c.]

Duke Su Wanting's Apology.

Sü Kwángki, guardian and tutor of the sons of the Imperial house, and Chancellor of the National Institute, respectfully presents this me- morial:

Knowing full well that the arts and sciences of the foreigners are in a high degree correct, your majesty's humble servant earnestly begs of his sacred Intelligence, the illustrious honor of issuing a manifesto in their behalf, so as to render his own felicity eternal, and give great tran- quillity to ten thousand generations. Your majesty's servant has seen, in the Governmental Gazette, the report of the Board of Rites, im- peaching Pantoya and others, your majesty's European courtiers. In that Report it is said, "Their doctrines are penetrating deep, and spreading wide, so that even men of eminence are believing in them;" and," although their discourses about astronomy are absurd, yet even scholars are falling into their cloudy visions." By thus specifying men of eminence” and “scholars," ministers of the Board seem to fear that trunk and branches are being alike involved. Still they have failed to give the names of individuals. Now your servant is one of the ministers of the Imperial Court, who has been accustomed to dis course with your majesty's courtiers on religious subjects; and he is one who believes in the many books they have published With them also he has been accustomed to investigate the laws of mathematics; his earlier and later reports thereon have all been laid before the Im-

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perial presence; and thus also your servant is among those who have "discoursed about astronomy." If, therefore, your majesty's courtiers are to be found guilty, how can your servant hope to be so fortunate as to escape uncondemned by the ninisters of the Board?

As your servant for years past has been thus accustomed to engage in discussions and investigations with these courtiers, he has become well acquainted with them, and knows that they are not only in de- portment and in heart wholly free from aught which can excite sus- picion, but that they are indeed worthies and sages; that their doc. trines are most correct; their regimen most strict; their learning most extensive; their knowledge most refined; their hearts most true; their views most steady; and that among the people of their own nations, there is not one in a thousand so accomplished, or one in ten thou- sand so talented as these men. Now the reason of their coming thou- sands of miles eastward, is because hearing that the teachers, the sages and worthies of China, served Heaven by the cultivation of personal virtue, just as the teachers in their respective nations by the cultivation of personal virtue, served the Lord of Heaven, and knowing that there was this correspondence in principles, they desired, notwithstanding the difficulties and dangers by land and by sea, to give their seal to the truth, in order that men might become good, and so realize high Heav- en's love to man.

According to their sayings, the service of the High Ruler is a prime duty; the protection of the body and the salvation of the soul are grand essentials; fidelity, filial piety, compassion, and love are to be universally exercised; the reformation of errors and the practice of virtue are initiatory steps; repentance and purification are the requi- sites for personal improvement; the true felicity of life celestial is the glorious reward of doing good; and the eternal misery of earth's pri- son is the bitter recompense of doing evil. All their commands and injunctions are in the highest degree compatible with the principles of Heaven and the feelings of men.

Their laws can cause men to do good most truly, and to depart from evil most completely, for that which they say of the favor of the Lord of heaven's producing, nourishmg and saving, and of his principles of rewarding the good and punishing the evil, is perfectly plain and most strictly true; sufficient to move the hearts of men and to excite in them the love and confidence, ine fear and dread, which naturally spring from internal rectitude.

Your majesty's servant has always been accustomed to consider the rewards and punishments ordained by the ancient rulers and kings, and the distinctions between right and wrong laid down by our sages and worthies, as most luminous and most perfectly adapted to guide

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men to what is good, and deter them from evil. All these, however, can reach only his external conduct, and can not touch his inward feelings. An example in point are the words of Sz'-má Tsien, "Yen- hwui's untimely death, and Tauchih's long life,” which have led men to suspect that there is no future recompense of good and evil. Hence deceit and guile have increased in proportion as the restraints laid thereon have been multiplied. Where one law has been enacted, a hundred evil practices have sprung up, disappointing the heart's desire for stable government, and exciting deep regret on account of the in- adequacy of means to secure that end. With a view of supplying this deficiency, recourse was had to the sayings of the Budhists, which declare that there will be a recompense of good and evil after the body dies; and that for their conduct and feelings both Yenhwui and Tauchih might seem to have had a recompense, which, it was sup- posed, would cause other men without delay to depart from evil and do good. Why then is it that during the eighteen hundred years since the Budhistic religion came to the East, the ways of the world and the hearts of men have not been reformed, except it be because, though seeming to be true, that religion is faise? The doctrine of Láu and Chwang, as they are set forth by the Contemplatists, are dark, far- fetched, and unreliable. All the schemes and legerdemain practiced by the doctors of the black art, are strangely deceptive and unreason- able. Moreover, they (his followers) wish to elevate Budha above the high Ruler, and thus do they act in opposition to the doctrines of the rulers and kings, the sages and worthies of antiquity. When all this is done, on whom then shall men depend? Whom shall they follow?

If there be an absolute desire to have men do good in perfection, then the knowledge of serving Heaven, communicated by your majes- ty's courtiers, is truly competent to repair and augment the royal Institutes, to strengthen and maintain the arts of the literati, and to restore and correct the laws of Budha. The proof of this is, that the nations of Europe which are contiguous to each other, and more than thirty in number, receiving and practicing this religion, during a thou- sand and some hundreds of years up to the present time, whether great or small, have alike been kind to each other; whether high or low, have alike enjoyed repose; their prescribed boundaries have required no guard; nor has their sovereignty been hereditary; throughout their whole domain, there have been no deceivers nor liars; the vices of lewdness and theft from of old have never existed : no one would ven- ture to take up an article dropped upon the highway; and even gates and deers of cities and houses it was not necessary to have closed by night. As to revolt and anarchy, rebels and insurgents, not only

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were there no such things and no such persons, but even such terms and such names had no existence. Thus for a long time, have these nations enjoyed tranquillity, and their governments have been well regulated. All their inhabitants have been thus intensely watchful only lest they should, by falling into error, become guilty of sinning against the Lord of Heaven. Accordingly it is most clear and most manifest that their Jaws assuredly can cause men to do well.

Such is the religion and such are the manners and customs set forth by your majesty's courtiers; and having repeatedly, and in the most tho- rough manner, examined their discourses and investigated their books, your majesty's servant knows that they are all perfectly free from error.

Your majesty's servant has heard of Yú Yu, the ancient minister of Sijung, who gave support to the Tsin dynasty in its rise to great- ness; and of Kinjihshín, the heir of Síyih, who became an illustrious statesman of the Hán dynasty, If these men could be of essential service to the state, it was of no moment whether they came from far

or not.

Moreover the temples and pagodas of the Budhists are to be seen in all parts of the empire, and the lama priests are continually coming to China. The Mohammedans also, whose sacred books have never yet been translated, so as to be adduced as testimonies of their faith, dynasty after dynasty have been freely tolerated with all their errors, and everywhere they have been allowed to build their own places of worship. Our high Emperor commanded two of his ministers Lí Chung and Wú Pehtsung, members of the Imperial Academy, with two of the principal leaders of the Mohanunedans, to translate their as- tronomical books. The result was that they prepared the work called Kien Yuen Sien Shing. The doing of all this brings out to view the sacred purposes of the first monarch of our dynasty, their profound desire to renovate the people and perfect their customs. Hence we see why it was that they sought out and commended [worthy men], not excepting those of countries far remote.

Now with regard to all the writers of these two sects, the Budhist and Rationalists, so imperfect are their doctrines and so incomplete their laws of instruction, that, during this long period of two hundred and fifty years (since the rise of our dynasty), they have not been able to realize the designs of our august sovereign in giving them his special countenance. Were the High Ruler worshiped as reverently as Budha and Láutsz', and were your majesty's courtiers received as indulgently as the priests of those two sects, their royal instruction would rise and flourish, and the principles of rectitude be carried to

VOL. XIX. No. III.

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such a degree of perfection, as to transcend all that was witnessed in the times of Yáu and Shun and their immediate successors.

During the seventeen years these courtiers have enjoyed your ma- jesty's support, no course has been opened by which they could requite the favors so generously bestowed upon them. Though they have earnestly and heartily desired it, yet they have found no means by which they could display before your majesty the virtues they cherish, and the constancy they have maintained. But knowing these, as your majesty's servant has done, should he keep silence, he would be in- deed guilty of an act of criminal concealment. Hence he has been so rash and so presumptuous as to come forward as their intercessor.

If his sacred Intelligence would deign graciously to receive our apology, grant a manifesto, and for a short space of time, and on per- fect equality with the disciples of Budha and doctors of the Táu sect, allow these courtiers to remain [in the empire] to promulgate their doctrines and urge on their reformation, it is humbly conceived that, ere many years have elapsed, the hearts of men and the ways of the world, will be seen to have undergone a steady and gradual change, progressing till at length there shall be one grand reformation, and perfect virtue become universal. Then every law enacted shall go into effect, and no command given shall be opposed. No unfaithful minister will then be in the capital or in the provinces. The manners of all the people without exception will be such as to render them worthy of being employed in the imperial service. The glorious feli- city enjoyed by your majesty's sacred person will be infinite, and the peace of your blessed empire perpetuated to a myriad generations!

Now since it might be difficult to secure full confidence were your majesty's servant allowed a hearing, or suspicions might be entertained by those who are spectators, and thus cause much debate, your ma- jesty's servant, therefore, would respectfully suggest three modes of examination to ascertain the truth regarding said these courtiers, and also three modes of surveillance, all which herewith he begs to submit for your majesty's consideration. The three modes of examination are:

1st. Let all the courtiers, whose names have been included in the memorials, be called to the capital; and let a selection be made of your majesty's ministers both in and out of the capital; let all these jointly translate the standard works that have been brought from the West; let subjects be taken up in detail-what is said on serving Heaven and loving man, what relates to natural and moral philosophy, to the systems of civil government, to astronomy, to mathematics, to physic and medicine, to agriculture and irrigation, to political economy, &c.;-

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and let a distinct treatise be prepared on each of these; and then let his majesty command the ministers of his own palace, in general as- sembly, to decide whether they are correct or erroneous. And if indeed they be subversive of the cardinal virtues and opposed to the classies, involving wicked doctrines and sinister means, then let the said courtiers be immediately dismissed and expelled; and your majes- ty's servant will willingly abide the punishment appointed for those who aid and abet the deceivers of his majesty.

2d. The words of the courtiers agreeing with those of the literati, but being at variance with those of the Budhists and Táuists; therefore all who are of those two seats, hate and detest them, and spread abroad slanderous reports, greatly to their injury. Needful it is, then, to decide which is right and which is wrong; and to beg your majesty will please command that these courtiers and the most notable of the Budhists and Táuists write in discussion, make the most thorough investigation, and strive and seek to come to an agreement. Then, as before, let his majesty direct that statesmen from among the literati, in general council, decide on the merits of the case; and if the cour- tiers are not preferred for what they have said, or if they have reasoned fallaciously, or have been nonplused; then let them be immediately dismissed and expelled, and let your majesty's servant be punished with them.

3d. As it would be difficult in the translation of their books to know where to stop, and as the Budhists and Táuists may perhaps not have the men [competent to take part in this], let your majesty's courtiers be instructed to draw up a compendium of their religion, in detail, stating its prohibitions and injunctions, with its requisitions and re- wards. Le this, with some thirty of the volumes that have been already translated, and ten or more of the original volumes, be to- gether submitted for your majesty's inspection, and if these be found contradictory, and opposed to the principles of reason, incompetent to urge men to do good, and to guard them from evil, to change and improve their manners and customs; then immediately let these cour- tiers be dismissed and expelled, and let your majesty's servant be pu- nished with them.

These are the three modes of examination (which are here suggested in order] to ascertain the truth concerning said courtiers. The three modes of surveillance are these:

ist. Regarding the item of expenditure-which has specially sub- jected your majesty's courtiers to suspicion-both those who suspect they make silver and gold, and those who suspect they are supported

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by the barbarian merchants [at Canton], are in error. Having volun- tarily left their homes, and not engaging in any lucrative occupation, they are of course the recipients of what has been soutributed. At present, however, their entire provision for food and clothing comes from contributors in Europe; and in its transmission, by exposure to winds and waves, to robbers and pirates, much fails to reach its des- tination, thus causing them great distress. Yet during these twenty years [since their arrival], they have not received from the people a single thing, a single cash; and yet they fear that some, not being observant, will suspect they received it for nought, or had obtained it by deceit or fraud, thus adding iniquity to transgression, especially as large demands were made on them by their extensive and varied intercourse. By the present scheme, besides allowing to them a stipend as heretofore, from your majesty's Court of Banquets, let orders be given that these courtiers may receive a measured amount of contributions [from the Chinese] for food and clothing, and let them be allowed to follow their own convenience, since, in their disinter- estedness, they will never consent to receive aught beyond what is sufficient for their personal use. A sufficient support being thus provided, orders may be given that the barbarian merchants at Canton forward no more presents, and that the money, which is sent on from Europe, on its reaching the custom-house, may be intercepted and remanded. In this way all communication [with Europe] will be cut off, and every suspicion removed.

2d. As your majesty's courtiers, in whatever place they may reside, are competent in the most faithful manner to instruct both the scholars and the people, whether they be poor and mean, or rich and honorable; henceforth, therefore, in whatever place they choose to reside, let them be allowed the exercise of their appropriate functions ; and let the magistrate treat them with becoming courtesy, allowing them to influence and guide whomsoever they please. Should the magistrate, in any case, be unable to repose confidence in them, then let them command the scholars and people-selecting such as have character and property,-to unite in companies of ten or twenty families, and give bonds of security to the magistrate for them. Should it indeed happen that any of the teachers, losing their virtue, conduct themselves in an irregular manner, harboring vain purposes, uttering wicked words, and displaying a want of principle, then let them, according to what has been proposed, be expelled and banished ; and let those who gave bonds for them, share in their guilt. Such as are without any bonds for their security, must not be allowed lo re-

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main in the country. Should any of the people, hearing rumors of their behaving in an irregular manner, bring accusations against them, then let the magistrates be required to investigate the facts, and search out the true circumstances of the case. Thus the practice of deceit will be impossible; and those who are true, and those who are hypocritical, will be brought out to view in their own characters.

3d. If the native securities unite to conceal and hide offenders so as to make it difficult to repose confidence, then again, let the magistrates be instructed at any time they please to make careful investigation. After having former offenders at once exposed, then let all such native scholars and people, as have maintained a pure and elevated course of conduct, be allowed to choose their own teachers; and let these teach- ers, each being furnished from the magistracy with a stamped and du- ly authenticated register in duplicate, be required, by means of these to make, at the magistrate's office, a continued report. At the year's end, let each magistrate carefully examine all those who have followed these teachers, and afterwards transfer into a separate register, the names of all such as either have not been accused, or if accused have not been found guilty. Once in three years let there be a general ex- amination; and let the magistrates and teachers freely commend all those who, having followed this religion, are not only free from all er- ror and crime, but have made many and commendable advances in well doing; let them also ascertain the number, and determine the degree of criminality of such as are guilty of wicked conduct; and let those who gave bonds for the same, in like manner receive due punish- ment. If there be those who have purposely offended, and who after having been warned and admonished by their associates and teachers, will not reform, then let these be reported to the magistrates that their names may be removed from the register. Should any be informed against by their own associates before their names are reinoved from the registers; or should the offenses of any one, committed before entering this religion be subsequently discovered; in all such cases, let the criminality be restricted to the offenders themselves, and let their associates be in no way implicated. By this means, officers of govern. ment will have reliable registers for reference, and all the people can clearly see that due examination has been made; and though the num- ber of disciples be small, each in his own sphere will be useful. More- over, if the Budhists and Táuists should ever succeed in raising reli- gious discussions, there will be no further necessity for any scheme that can produce excitement; since it will only be needful, carefully distinguishing between the people and the teachers, to have all cases

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examined, and rewards and punishments meted out by the methods now proposed: in no very long lapse of time it will be abundantly evi- dent who is right and who wrong, which is useful and which injurious.

Your majesty's servant, with profoundest reverence, begs to lay the foregoing clauses before his sacred Intelligence, to scan and to select, and to cause to be carried into effect such as shall be deemed desira- ble. Being younger than the ministers of the Board of Rites, he would not presume to place himself in collision with them nor oppose their words. This only he does: after the most thorough and careful in- vestigation he clearly sees, [and testifies] that for perfecting the adminis- tration of the empire, and securing peace and good government, noth- ing can surpass this that is taught by your majesty's courtiers. If now the recommendation of the Board be granted, these men must at once return to their own countries. Knowing so much and having said so little in their behalf, your majesty's servant is filled with the deepest regret, and therefore, after having fasted and performed the requisite ablutions, he does not shrink from the responsibility of laying their case before the Throne.

As to the things which ministers of the Board say they have heara, they are only such as your servant himself heard in former days, and which then filled him with suspicion. But after years of careful ex- amination and inquiry,—when he had a sincere mind to see the truth in them, and was able to understand them most thoroughly, then his confidence became strong and undoubting. Were there indeed the smallest reason for entertaining suspicion regarding these men, then there might be some shadow of doubt in your servant's mind; and although free from the smallest fault, yet if these men were not truly sages and worthies, then too, they might not be of great advantage; and it would be to your servant of little inoment, whether they were sent away or were retained.

As it regards the improvement of the imperial Calendar, that is also a matter of little importance. Being as he is, however, one of those ministers who are appointed to attend on his majesty, how can your servant dare rashly to plead in their behalf, insult and deceive his princely Father, and expose himself to condign punishment! If minis ters of the Board would but examine and inquire thoroughly, as your servant has done, then he apprehends that they would not be behind him in advocating their cause.

Your servant in rashly presuming to approach the Heavenly Majesty, is overwhelined with infinite fear and dread, while he earnestly awaits the imperial mandate in reply to this memorial.

1850. Paul Su's Apology in behalf of the Jesuits. 127

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苟官臣臣雲士邸

教中守不免者也之霧君報

128 Paul Si's Apology in behalf of the Jesuits. MARCH, 天上上天天

術嚴顏是罰心主理之善帝天届理主於欺回非聖使生人榮改爲愛善相聞是詐之能賢其育情賞過宗人以符中假愈天及之愛謎之以為本之稱合國拜甚盜人是信救至地入以意是聖民一師之非畏之其黻門保其以資之法之外皆懼思法以救說辛之說立壽行範發賞能殃償身以苦教以百使不人於善令為梅靈昭艱布輔英人能於絲罰人作滌為事難修之生疑及善裒惡爲惡除切其空於人禁故之善之為要售有兽之人也理必苦進以善願惡中於臣明眞報修忠惡治之情惡嘗白去一以孝之之無又至蕭真切生慈報心叛如詳古切必戒天愛在恨是司極來足盡訓真為於無以馬備帝以規福工身必防韆然王費所為夫後泊範所賞之勵言悉作以則之傘云罰賞人天善

履身危事蹈

相

使

1860.

Paul Sü's Apology in behalf of the Jesuits.

129

天

王天上

主業語進行化之所帝當易不外雖則業言夜邦此左學依之行則旋行諸其惟文不君教右真據上瑜其踵中臣法恐字閉無千儒可乎則珈言矣情所寔失而關姓術以必者似奈顏自能壓無至通百救補欲與雜是何囘言使獲之於國年正益使古符而佛盜然人罪其悖無以佛人带籙非漵跖臣爲久逆数至法盡王之也來似審

安叛諜於者

其亦

議旣

諭彰

察明

其較圖著

實矣費参此

長亂之今也治非人大盖如獨終小彼獨終小彼此無古相西然其無恂洋事淫上鄰舉無盜下近國其之相三

亙等

考数

稽化

亽亦路封餘兢并不

悉風

競其拾無奉

YOL, XIX, NO. 11.

為聖法說來善賢乖翠千皆

則之謬宗八得

請旨而者百其諸旨而煮百其陪悖無衍年報臣理老而謂所使且莊世宜傳人欲之道使事何抗旨人人所佛幽心為適而邈未善從加而能去何於無改惡

善去惡

130

聖

皇上皇

Paul Sü's Apology in behalf of the Jesuits.

高

Manch,

探不之之以表

納言道特則德諸賜有所陪表隱懷臣草蔽之一目之忠十今藎七暫是延載與以甄恩儈冒企施徒昧衷深

道陳無厚

明而抱上代帝朝未麻皇經過世皆化等帝典布于不上容章民翻命可海為妾納之法成譯翰為內漢臣儈盛未俗曆林証番名聞道心備是法臣據將由者若二以至李喇茍余容以百褒翀朝嘛利西納崇五表為吳以時於戎諸十搜乾伯來至國之陪常年揚元宗包中臣老來不先與荒國近臣

則者遺

則者遺聖回容師何佐

典崇未遠之

興崇未遠之回納如論秦

生

士譞諸

諸

化率能外書

化奉能外書大體回為興

一個上陪致仰而此司拜回又霸

體兼連臣理

釋見馬之一伏金

容

臣報臣報

必

留

旣答

敷

宣

答無所

唐處

道先沙寺教見日請朝赤所並梵殫家聖黑在無剎西道意馬有傳琳域術深哈之譯宮之

1850.

Paul Sü's Apology in behalf of the Jesuits.

天

國

131

諸須老臣命藥愛師三觀詐躬比風勸陪定相甘廷農人乃並猜永延戶翕化臣其左受臣田之擇以忖萬無成然竊與是僧扶共水說內上世疆可丕意有道同定利格外請有之之封變數名乞之欺其等物臣太遐之法年

僧流道咸之非利理數之臣矣互共果除之八法偏相債其係害論同其設以辨嫉二叛之治譯一為區爲臣鄳是諸常事國西試一推以陪拂一平來召時勘謗臣經一天經疏之陳害之邪成下傳中法說中貫術費之凡有有難務傷與左術事名三以求風儒道下陪處逮聞家即及臣證信

流罔是興窮僚驗售平福俗立之

而後

必人

合世

出道

而必

不断犯次

中改外觀皆乃勿至

流相行歷

使之或

一

仍

播合斥算必釋逐醫

主法恐

之德

衮有旁

臣同

132 Paul Sü's Apology in behalf of the Jesuits.

御

MARCH,

之粮且恐獲今濟動與覽呈經臣與儒外照交人至衣皆見受如翻將受學義舊際不諸食非猜其其

譯教共之不給往見臣皆也疑罪蹐書中罪肯發來察亦西諸者此駁

籍大其共受外反受國臣止三悖

三慈三論者其多之苦捐旣為者理

十誠譯定聽餘煩無之施已盤試不

餘勸書之從明費名然之出費驗足

卷規若如其合故或二人家一之勸

原條難言便諸耳更十展不節法善

來與就無廣臣為以年轉營或也誠本其赭

本其豬可海量今設來託生疑處惡事借夷受之騙不寄產燒置易

經踕道理典功或屈商捐計科受問自煉之俗諭助除歛人遇然金法移

效無詞十界其窮以以光等一風取銀其風用給祿項錢波給或度衣寺罪

詞窮即行斥逐臣

即行

於疑諸行

旣食恩過物賊捐夷臣所足足賜相多施所逐不用錢加蕈不凡接以臣

費⇧斥

倂並諸

進已陪臣

1850. Paul Sü's Apology in behalf of the Jesuits. 138

潋一犯合道合容事諸失止待皆釋得者無有同行所眞理人德者使能猜多作過過敬高在僞傳一猥或隨蹇嫌送奸犯惡者潔官自聞體行十人心矣西犯兼問循地司見告科邪家引勸其來科多有環方不矣言坐言或掖化二之記善報士時其者其二或自諸金北行名數民做三官無念十官今陪錢人可另在細地司人表家司宜臣仍之指籍官從體方亦保率同未合所行眾印登年受察保要結不具能隨居關寡官記終教除舉體者端一相其地津罪與三正者有倘訪不者甘償所方嚴之同年印有前有的得依結合在不查輊敎總官司項扶確容今在本依擇阻重之行備給違同務留部官地止士回甘查與犯隱求若議如士焚民如結優察從印登寔他放司民修不此士行如教信時難跡人流教擇官論音民嘉從人文科以則有进之有司富耗鼉獎教眾簿舉遽掩以逐人身以賁斷行如人骨二外信飾違甘果家禮貧絶罰從宋否扇其再難犯結有行相賤盡

134 Paul Sü's Apology in behalf of the Jesuits.

欽

MARCH

聖

體如犯司治

A深疑沐允策言明

雖信之之陳部無與裁盆聽有此在除若非不請議以之擇只查官從其從細疑伺至一過相如久須其府教教作使祭於時此左在自分他有籍之奸其數部歸倘特可明士釋籍前者人徒人嵗臣國以采民道可事或故而果臣所臣臣乞此同諸穡發教犯未有實言有考賜三人諸在簫罪是纖有風懷究施者亦或人後未器聖芥心聞不就行處同學互者除司餐可窺之土詳臣置此論相罪而流疑其說私灼於之法敎覺止全同輩臣情臣悔見部法考法察本教教不心實在無國臣也察更不身之戒能有後背窮家為以賞不惟同人勸大一來日是致衙上罰必人敎自不有亳洞亦以盛門諸誰設徒之行懮神未悲會不治後條是計寡人出因益信底開避保輩伏誰造少並首而則又裡之罪太非惟非言仍不者報其使乃亦戾平敢孰希於與或明去其始龠齋

損圖事坐過官之抗

命天

1850. Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwoh Tú Chi.

君

136

{0 萬歷四十四年七月

之威臣較盡恐父為又臣歷其至不矣獎亦部自之安身一留勝臣許復臣干游敢爲節何惶干亦如而罪說妄侍關恐胃不臣同罰欺加從係臣待後其察哉岡稱之亦事於推詳竊許臣輕修

ART. III. Japan : A Translation of the 12th Chapter of the Hái-kwok

Te ChH,海國圖志or Notices of Foreign Countries, illustrat-

ed with Maps and Engravings. Published at the city of Yang- chau fú in Kiángsú, in the summer of 1847.

[This work now consists of sixty chapters, ten having been added to the Årst edition, which appeared in 1842. The compiler Wei-yuen, a native of Sháu-yáng in-Húnén, and a subordinate officer of the Council, tells us in the preface, that it is based upon Commissioner Lin's Sz'-chau Chi, or Notices of the Islands in the Four Seas, which was translated from the writings of foreigners, or drew its information from them: it divides the whole into eigh- teen parts, which are set forth in classical and somewhat obscure language. The 1st section enjoins the necessity of taking advantage of barbarian power and inventions, to resist the barbarians, and to be on a proper footing with them. This may be said to be the grand object of the book, which then proceeds to give a geographical and historical account of all the nations in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. The closing chapters direct attention to the superiority of barbarians in their method of circulating news, ship-build- ing, and gunnery; and are filled with woodcuts representing things and pro cesses, &c. Amongst barbarians, the English occupy a prominent place.

The translator was induced to undertake a version of the 12th Chapter by a remark in the Chinese Repository of September 1847, where the Hái-kwoh Tú Chi is reviewed, and its authorship ascribed to Lin: "The 12th book on Japan," says the reviewer, “is an original collection, little known to our book-makers.” This is doubtless true; "but it is feared that the amount of useful matter contained in it is scarce sufficient to repay the trouble of cloth- ing it in an English dress. It serves as an instance of the extreme unfitness of a Chinese to accomplish such a task as the compiler of the work pro- posed to himself. He adds no comment or information of his own, but is content with giving extracts from The Chronicles of the Ming Dynasty; The.Art of War; History arranged in Chapters, by Yu Ching-sieh; Notes of particulars of Foreign States, by Chin Lun-tung; Geography of the whole world, by Nán Hwai-chá; Comparative Inquiry concerning the four Bar- barian Races, published under the present dynasty, or by Imperial Authority; Annals of Macao; Universal Geography; and the Postscript of Shun king.

136

Notices of Japan in the Hui-kwoh Tú Chi.

MARCH,

A Notice of Foreign Countries, illustrated with Maps and De- signs. Chapter XII.

The Book of the Southeastern Ocean; in which the insular states omitted in the original work are supplied.

Here follows an abstract of history, regarding the Japanese Islands. Nothing has beeu transcribed from the annalists of the dynasties pre- ceding the Ming, as they have no reference to the maritime defenses. Chronicles of the Ming.

Jih-pun (Japan) was in ancient times the dependent state of Wo; in the period Hánhang⚫ of the Tang dynasty, A. D. 670, its name was changed to Jik-pun (the Day-spring), from its proximity to the rising of the sun in the Eastern Ocean. It is a land surrounded by water; and only in its north-eastern extreu...ity are there high mountains. It contains five ki or principalities,† seven circuits or departmeuts, and three islands, which are subdivided into 115 prefectures, comprising 587 districts: The smaller states [adjoining it] are all subject to its rule: the lesser of these are 100 ♬ in extent, the larger not above 500; the least populous have 1000, the most, 10,000 or 20,000 inhabitants. The sovereignty is hereditary, ‡ and the ministry also hold place by virtue of descent.

Until the time of the Sung dynasty (950—1280), there had been communication under every dynasty between the Ceutral Kingdoin and Japan, which had paid tribute regularly, without any interruption; but after this, although the founder of the Yuen (Kublai khan) sent envoys several times to require it, it did not arrive, and he according- ly gave orders to Fán Wan-hú and others to take a fleet with a hun- dred thousand men, and reduce Japan to subjection; these got as far as Wú-lung shin, where they encountered a gale in which the whole force was lost, and there was then no more intercourse between the two countries, until the close of the Yuen (1366).

At the commencement of the Ming, the Japanese availed themselves of the circumstance of the troops of the Central Kingdom being other- wise engaged, to make frequent piratical descents upon the maritime districts. In the 2d year of Hungwú (1368), an envoy was dispatch- ed with an imperial letter [of greeting], who was withal to inform

•

Hunhang. In the reign of Káutsung, during which the name of the period was changed thirteen times. Christianity is supposed to have been introduced into China by the Nestorians under this monarch, A. D. 654—678.

↑ Kf in classically the domain of the Emperor, 1000 l in extent.-See Book of Odes.

↑ Lit, the sovereign is hereditarily surnamed w. ng, the king.

1850.

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kon Túi Chí,

137

himself of the cause of these incursions. The Japanese showed no respect for the Emperor's commands, but continued their raids as be- fore. Tribute was frequently tendered, but as the proper document never came with it, it was always rejected.

In the 20th year of this monarch (1386), Kú Teh-hing, the Marquis of Kiánghiá,* was directed to proceed to Fuhkien, and Tangho, Duke of Sinkwoh, to Chehkiáng, to put in order the defenses of the coast. The former province was called upon to furnish a hundred vessels, and Kwangtung a double contingent. It fell at this time that Hú Wei- yungt was projecting his rebellion, and he applied to Japan to aid him therein. The king commissioned Jü-yáu, a Budhist priest, to put himself at the head of some four hundred troops, who, he was to give out, were bearers of tribute; and the present he sent was a large mass of wax, in which were concealed arms and gunpowder: but by the time these reached China, Hú Wei-yung was overthrown, and on the affair coming to light, it was determined to break off all intercourse with Japan, and to devote especial attention to the protection of the coast [against its hostility]. Subsequently, when the memoranda of the founder of the dynasty were drawn up, Japan was added to the number of unconquered states, fifteen in all.

At the beginning of the reign Yungloh (1401), tribute was sent, and the proper address with it; and the pirates of Tui-ma and Tai-chí having just then been plundering the inhabitants of the coast, the Em- peror wrote to command the king of Japan to seize them. The latter thereupon sent forth his troops, captured them all, bound fast their leaders, twenty in number, and delivered them up. From this time whenever tribute was transmitted to China, such pirates as had been

* Hau of Kiánghia, i, e. Marquis of Kiánghiá; kung of Sinkwoh, i. e. Duke of Sinkwoh. The five titles of Chinese nobilities, kung, kau, peh, isz' nán, are explained to be indicative of certain qualities in those to whom they were given; kung had regard to the public good; hau, expelled for their virtues waited for better times; pak were bright men of intelligence ; tøz' were capable of training others: and nán of sustaining important and responsible duties. Bridgman's Chrestomathy, page 592. The first three, kung, haw, and pek, exist- ed under the Hit and Shang dynasties, some two thousand years before the Christian sera. In the time of the latter, there were four pek hau over the East, West, North, and South. Wan-wang, for instance, the father of Wo-wáng, who founded the succeeding dynasty of Chau, was pek hau of the west; under the control of each of these were 200 chú hau. The titles isz' and nán do not ap- pear to have been granted till the accession of Wú-wáng; he made a fresh par tition of the Empire, dividing it into 800 small states, B. C. 1100. Kiánghiá was in Hupeh, Sinkwoh in Kiángsa. Under the Ming, the revenues of thece fies reverted in part to the holders of the titles.

+ Hú Wei-yung, an intriguing minister of high rank under the founder of the Ming, was convicted of sedition, overthrown and beheaded about 1379

VOL. XIX. NO. III.

188

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwoh Tú Chi

MARCH,

taken were forwarded with it; and the address to the Emperor, ascom- panying the tribute, ran as follows: “If, on the islands of your Majes- ty's servant there be persons without regular calling, who engage in piracy, it is indeed without the knowledge of your servant, and be prays your indulgence (or that their fault be not laid to his charge)." The pirates however were not exterminated until the 17th year (1418), when Liú-kiáng, the general commanding in Liáutung put them to great rout at Wáng-hái-wo, after which their irruptions were less fre- quent; but neither did envoys come with tribute from Japan. Be- tween the fourth and eighth years of the reign Chingtung (1459–63), the Japanese, with forty sail, made a series of descents upon the depart- ment of Tái-chau and the district of Táiming. To this they were instigated by two men of Hwáng-yen and Lung-yen who had been op- pressed by bond-service,* and had, accordingly, deserted to Japan as far back as the period Hunghí (1424).

The Japanese were naturally cunning: they would always put on board some of the produce of their own country, and at the same time weapons of war; with these they would stand off and on until an oppor- tunity offered, when they would display their arms and make a wild inroad on the coast; should none occur, they would parade their pro- duce, styling it “tribute to the crown." The southeast coast was much afflicted by them. Their envoys too often put people to death, and otherwise transgressed the laws; the object of all of them in coming with tribute was to benefit by trade, and to connect themselves with the more daring and crafty of the inhabitants of the coast: thus they were either bearers of tribute or freebooters, as it suited them.

In the 27th year of Kiátsing (1547), the siunfú† Chú Hwan strictly prohibited this intercourse, and beheaded those who carried it on: he was for this cause very unpopular with a large portion of the inhabi- tants of Chebkiáng and Fuhkien, who having been up to this time the chief patrons of the Japanese in China, now lost the profit of their trade, and as, in several memorials to the Throne, he farther accused the majority, in plain terms, of correspondence with the Japanese, the

* Forced to render the bond-service once exacted from all vaɛsais of the em- pire, or having been over-pressed in the levies. In ancient times the personal service was very distressing, two out of three being called on to serve in time of war before the establishment of a regular army; after which the land appears to have been taxed for the pay and support of troops. The levies were formerly called yáu, the subsidies yuh ; the term yu-yuk in the text applies to the former requisition.—See Meadows on Land Tenure; Trans. of Asiatic So- ciety in China, 1847. Also Chi. Rep. Vol. XVIII, page 569.

A siunfu is now the governor of a province.

1850.

Notice of Japan in the Hái-kwok Tú Chí.

189

population of these provinces detested him so much that the Censor Chau Liáng, a native of Fuhkien, impeached him, and applied to have the office of siunfú changed to thet of siwn-shí, so that his power might be destroyed. His prayer was supported by his party at court, and in the end complied with; Chú Hwán was afterwards stripped of office in consequence, and being implicated in a charge contrived against him of inflicting capital punishment upon his own responsibility, de- stroyed himself. After this there were no other siunfú appointed for four years. The prohibitions regarding foreign intercourse fell once more into desuetude, and disorder multiplied exceedingly.

When the founders of this dynasty, the Ming, settled the establish- ment of Chehkiáng, they made regulations for the trading vessels, to the superintendence of which there was appointed a eunuch, who resided at Ningpe, and, when the merchantmen came in, fixed the price of their cargoes; the control and management of their crews were in the hands of the authorities.

In the time of Shi-tsung (1522-65), eunuchs were dismissed through- out the empire from posts of command, and these commissioners of customs were also abolished. The cunning inhabitants of the coast therefore possessed themselves of the profit of the trade, which con- tinued in the hands of mercantile people, until communication with foreigners was strictly prohibited; it then passed into those of persons of birth or station, who repudiated their debts to the Japanese to a worse degree than the others had done. When they were pressing in their demands for inoney, these men so scared the officials by their alarming language, that the latter would have exterminated the Ja- panese; but as soon as the troops were about to take the field, they

* A censor, as his title implies, charged with a certain circuit of inspection, or representing certain provinces, as far as their surveillancc is concerned. See Morrison's View of China, p. 90 What was the difference between a siun-shí and a siun-fú, does not appear.

防海備覽

1 The Fang Hai Pi-lon shows that he was accused of straining the law, for putting to death some ninety persons as pirates who had been made prisoners, and forced to act as such. This was not until the power of the malcontents and others who had complete command of the seas, had com- pelled government to prohibit positively all maritime intercourse with foreigners. The rovers appear to have been chiefly Fuhkien men: their families and pro- perty on shore were left untouched while they scoured the coast, assuming the titles and state of monarchy. Chú Hwan's memorial repelled the charge brought against him, by showing that with the existing interdict in force, these people alledged to have been captured, had no business to put themselves in the way of the pirates, who could not have got at them had they obeyed the laws; and he insisted upon the guilt of those whom he had beheaded. He fell, however, the victim of an intrigue se the text relates.

140

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwoh Tú Chi.

MARCH,

wheedled them into moving off, telling them, “We do not mean not to pay

you the full amount sometime or other." The Japanese lost the produce of their own country, and being unable to return home, were very indignant. Meanwhile, the leading bad characters (of China) such as Wáng Chih, Sü Hái, Chin Tung and Mayeh, who had always been lying perda amongst them, discontented with the Inner Land, escaped to the islands, and became the chief advisers of the Japanese, whom they induced to make descents upon China, which was accordingly ravaged by large bodies of pirates in separate squad- rons, who wore the dress and counterfeited the flags and signals of Japan. So that the troubles [supposed to be] wrought by the natives of that country daily increased.

The Emperor now decided upon re-appointing a siunfú, and Wang Sü, a Censor; was appointed accordingly in the 7th moon of the 31st year (1551); but the pirates had become so formidable that it was impossible to exterminate them. At the commencement of the dynasty, fortified posts had been erected along the coast at all places of importance, and vessels of war had been stationed at those of which the command had been given to tú-sz't. The siun-shi and tú- sz't had by these means kept them in check at all points, and a long peace had ensued, during which the ships of war became un- serviceable, vacancies occurred in the ranks, and when an alarm was given, fishing-boats had to be taken up to act as cruisers; but as the troops put on board these had not been used to their exercise, and fighting was not the particular vocation of the crews of such vessels, as soon as those of the pirates were known to be coming, they fled on the first report of their approach; and as there were not either any commanders fit to put themselves at the head of the Chinese, wherever they came they did terrible mischief.

In the 3d moon of the 32d year (1552), Wáng Chih and the Japanese made a descent with a large force: their united ships, some hundreds in number, covered the sea as they went. The alarm was given simultaneously both east and west of the Chen river, and north and south of the Yangtsz' kiáng, for several thousand li. They stormed the

* Produce; the word tsz' may mean wealth, money, &c., but a reference to the Fáng Hai Pí Lán quoted above will show that it here signifies the cargo they were to have disposed of for the state, of which they could render no account, and so being unable to return to Japan, quartered themselves on the islands, and took to piracy out of revenge, as well as with a view of making up what they had lost by the dishonesty of the Chinese.

+ Tú-sz', ranking as a major of the British army, or commander of the navy. ; Civilians of rank.

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141

fort of Chang-kwoh, and in the 4th moon, invaded T'ai-tsống chau, stormed the town of Shanghái, sacked Kiáng-yin, and attacked Chápu. In the 8th moon, they plundered the station of Kin-shán, and broke into the districts of Tsungming, Cháng-shuh and Kiáting. In the 1st moon of the 33d year (1553), they moved out of Tai- tsáng upon Súchau, which they pillaged; attacked Sungkiáng, and repassing the river rapidly, made a stand to the north of it in Tung- chau and Trái châu. In the 4th moon, they razed Kiáshen to the ground, stormed the town of Tsungming, ravaged Súchau fú a second time, and made their way into the district town of 'Tsungteh. In the 6th moon, they proceeded by way of Wú-kiáng to Kiá-hing, after pil- laging which they returned to Cheh-lin (the wood of Cheh), where they took up a position, and went to and fro in every direction just as if they were in an uninhabited country. Wáng Sü not being able to do anything, was in a short time removed to Tá-tung (in Shánsí) to be siunfú there; his place being supplied by Lí Tien-chung. By the Em- peror's desire Cháng King, president of the Board of War assumed the general control of military operations, raised troops on all sides, and advanced to exterminate the enemy with his united forces. At this time their haunts were at Chuenshá marsh, and in the wood of Cheh, from which they made forays in all directions.

In the 7th moon of the following year (1554), the pirates seized some [government] vessels, with which they made an irruption into Chápú and Hái-ning. They rased Tsungteh to the ground, and pro- ceeding thence to Tangtsih, ravaged it, with Sin-shí, Hángtang, and Shwánglin; and assaulted the district town of Teh-tsing. In the 5th moon, again uniting themselves with some freshly arrived Japanese, they made a sudden descent upon Kiáhing, but on reaching the stream of Wang-king, they were attacked with success by Cháng King, who beheaded upwards of 1900 of them; the rest escaped to Cheh-lin. The new comers once more laid waste the region about Súchau, their ravages extending to Kiángyin and Wú-sih; and they crossed and landed from the Tai Hú, or Great Lake, without opposition from any

one.

There were on an average three native Japanese in every ten, the remaining seven [were Chinese, who] followed the others. In action they used to drive their prisoners on in front, and their discipline was such that all these fought till they died. The government troops, on the other hand, always weak and cowardly, fled before them in great confusion wherever they came. The Emperor accordingly dispatch- od Cháu Wan-hwa, a vice-president of the Board of Works, to take

142

Nsice of Japan in the Hái-kwah Tú Chi.

MARCH,

the chief command, and to look into the state of the army. He was a covetous man, who promoted the undeserving and left merit unre- warded; so that the troops became more and more disorganized. Cháng King and Li Tienchung were both put in chains, and superseded by Chau Chung and Hú Tsunghien. A month elapsed, and the former ended his career, being relieved by Yang ĺ-shi. The robbers mean-

Í-shí. while extended their power gradually on the north and south of the Yangtz' kiáng, and the east and west of the river Cheh, until there was no place in which traces of them were not to be met with.

Every new Japanese reinforcement fired its own vessels. From Hángchau fi they passed west, and pillaging Shun-ngán, fell suddenly on the district town of Hih in Hwuichau; thence they came to Tsih- ki and Sing-teh, and marched rapidly through Kinghien to Nanling. From this they passed on to Wú-hú, burned Nán-ngán, burst upon the prefecture of Tái-ping, attacked the market-town of Kiángning, and moved directly upon Nanking Dressed in red, with yellow caps, they attempted the great gate Nganteh of that city, and Kiáh-kang, in good order, but [unable to make an impression] they retired quick- ly upon Mʊh-ling-kwán, passed through Lih-shui to Lih-yáng and 1-hing, which they plundered; then, hearing that the government troops were advancing from the Great Lake, they crossed Wú-tsin, and on reaching Wúsih halted at Hwui-shán, after flying in one day and night some 180 k. At Hú-yé, they were surrounded by the troops, and pursued to Yanglin Bridge, where they were eutirely cut to pieces.

In this affair, the robbers were never above 60 or 70 in number, and yet they marched several tens of A, massacred and wounded perhaps 4000 people; and this during some eighty days before they were externiinated. These things came to pass in the 9th moon of the 34th year (1554), and Tsáu Páng-fú, siunfú oi Yingtien reported a victory. Cháu Wan-bwá, envious of his fame, assembled the forces of Chelkiáng and Chillí, and accompanied by Tsung Hien, came with them in person, engaging Tsáu-Pang-fú to cooperate with him in exterminating the Japanese in their haunt at Tau-tsih. They pushed forward simultaneously by different routes, and pitched their camp by the brick bridge of Sungkiáng. The enemy, all tried wen, came on to the assault, and put them to great rout. Cháu Wan-hwa's courage failed him, while that of the banditti increased. In the 10th moon, some Japanese landed in Lohtsing, and made a foray into Hwang-yen, Sien-kii, Funghwa, Yuyau, and Shang-yu. The multi- tude killed or captured by them was incalculable, and though the whole number in Ching-hien, where they were all destroyed, did not amount

1850.

Notice of Japan in the Iúi-kwok Tú Chí. 143

to quite 200, they had managed to find their way a considerable dis- tance into three profectures, ravaging the country for fifty days conse- cutively before they were put down.

At an earlier period, a band of them had spread through Shantung from Jib-cháu to the garrison town of Tung-ngán, after plundering which they had gone on to Hwái ngán, Kien-yi, Muhyáng, and Tau-yaen, until they were stopped at Tsingho by the rains. All that the troops of Sü-chau, and Pei-chau destroyed did not after all amount to more than a few score of men, while the region which had suffered from their outrages was upwards of a thousand & in extent, and such was their ferocity they had massacred above a thousand people. Chau Wan-hwá was aware that ever since his defeat at the Brick bridge, the power of the Japanese had gone on increasing; that those at Cheb-lin, who had moved over to Chau-pú, and joined the others who lay off their old haunt at Chuen-shá, and the High bridge of Kiá-ting, were perfectly independent; and that not a day passed without fresh incursions being made, and outrages committed by them; notwith- standing he reported that piracy was put down, and solicited his recall.

In the 2d moon of the following year (1555), Yáng-í was succeed- ed by Tsung Hien, and Yusn Ngo was made siunfú of Chehkiáng. Tsung Hien prayed the Emperor to send an envoy with written in- structions to the king of Japan to prohibit, and put an end to the piracy of the islanders, and he endeavored to induce the traitorous merchants who had been guilty of foreign intercourse to return to China, by promises of reward and exemption from puuishment. His proposal being-approved by his Majesty, upon the receipt of a reply to that effect, he sent off Tsiáng Chau, and Chin Ko-yuen, graduates of Ningpo, on the above errand. In process of time the latter came back, and represented that at the Wútau (Five Islands), he had fallen in with Wán Chih and Máu Hái-fung, who told him that there had been a revolution in Japan, that its king and his ministers were all dead; that its islands were no longer under one head of govern- ment; and that, to put a stop to piracy, the emperor's manifesto must have general circulation throughout the Archipelago. He farther said that the people at Sa-mo-chau, although they had gone to sea as if for that purpose, had no desire to commit piracy, and were now beg- ging to be allowed to bring tribute and to rade, in which case they were ready to show their zeal by destroying the pirates: Tsi ng Chau had been left to proumlge the Imperial commands throughout the differ- ent islands, and he, Chin Ko-yuen, had been sent back. Upon Tsung Hien's memorial being referred to them, the Board of War rejoin-

144

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwoh Tú Chi

MARCH,

ed: "Wang Chih and the rest are registered subjects of China. When they talked of exerting themselves thus in evidence of their submis- sion, they should have forthwith disbanded their troops: but without saying aught upon this subject, they have simply requested leave to bring tribute, and open a trade, in covert imitation of dependent states. Their craftiness is beyond the reach of speculation, and it is therefore the duty of the Board to direct the governor-general (whose memorial they were considering), to make the power of the state to be feared, to push forward its defenses with energy, and to write to Wáng Chih and the rest, and desire them to prove that they are in earnest by extir- pating the pirates, and destroying their haunts in Chusan. Should perfect tranquillity be restored to the maritime districts, favor and re- compense will of course follow thereon.”

At this time Chehkiáng, on both sides of the river, was harassed by the Japanese. In the district of Tsz'-kí, they burned and massacred with great ferocity, and also in that of Yuyau, though to a less ex- tent. In the west of the province, Cheh-lin, Chápu, Wú-chin, and Tsau-lin, were all haunts of these marauders, of whom, from first to last, upwards of twenty thousand had come. In the 7th_moon, Tsung Hien, who had received the Imperial commands to devise some feasi- ble policy without delay, reported that the pirate chief Máu Hai-fung, after Chin Koyuen's return, had defeated the Japanese once in Chu- san, and again at Lih-piáu ; and had sent some of his band to call upon the several islands in the Emperor's name to unite their troops (or subjects) in the common cause, and to exert themselves in token of their allegiance; for all which service he requested that he might be handsomely rewarded. The Board desired Tsung Hien to do what might seem to him good.

At this time Si Hái, Chin Tung, and Máyeh were beseiging Tung hiáng with their combined forces. Tsung Hien found means to set them against one another, and Sü Hai consequently seized Chin Tung and Máyeh to testify his own submission, and cut off all their fol- lowers at Chápú. Not long after this, the army came upon Sü Hái himself at Liáng-chwáng: he was beheaded, and his band utterly annihilated.

The south of Kiángnán and the west of Ci.shkiáng were now tolerably free from pirates; but in the north of the former province, after overrunning Tán-yáng, and pillaging Kwa-chau, where they burned the grain-junks, the Japanese renewed their inroads in the spring of the following year (1556). They invaded fü-káu and Hái. mun, assaulted the town of Tung-chau, and after plundering Yang-

1850.

Notice of Japan in the Hái-kwoh Tú Chí.

145

chau and Káu-yü came into Páu-ying. They then made their way into the department of Hwái-ngán, and assembled at Miáu-wán (Tem- ple Bay), where after a year had elapsed they were suppressed. Those in the east of Chehkiáng retreated to Chusan, where they were sur- prised at different times by the troops of government.

Tsiáng Chau, who had been left behind at Fung-hau to make known the Emperor's commands to the islands, had dispatched a Budhist priest to Shán-k'au and other islands to declare to them his Majesty's prohibitions against piracy Yuen I-cháng, the military officer com- manding at Shán-k'au, now forwarded certain persons who had been in captivity, with a letter, which, however he sealed with the stamp of the king Yuen f-chin, the protector or civil governor of Fung-hau, sent over Teh-yáng, a Budhist priest, and others, with some of the produce of the island, and a memorial, wherein he returned thanks for his pardon, acknowledged his transgressions, and requested a passport for the deputation in charge of this tribute; under whose escort Tsiáng Chau returned.

Some time before this, Ching Shun-kung, whom Yáng-í had detached to cruise and make observations, having gone into Fung-hau, the lord of that island in like manner sent Tsing-shad, a Budhist priest, on board his vessel [to proceed to China], and return thanks for his pardon, and to state that the piracies from first to last had been caused by the traitorous merchants of China secretly instigating the barbarians of the islands to such acts; of which neither Yuen f-chin nor Yuen Í-cháng had any cognizance. Upon this, Tsung Hien represented the facts in a memorial, in which he showed that Fung-hau and Shink'au, the only islands visited by Tsiáng Chau in the two years that he had been absent on his mission, had presented tribute, but either without the proper stamped document or certificate, or with a document stamped, but without the title of the king therein appearing; both of which things were opposed to the laws of the realm: still as [the governor of Funghau], in sending tribute and returning people who had been captured, had certainly shown a sense of his past errors, and an anxi- ety to be forgiven, it would be but right to dismiss his envoy politely, and he might be told to instruct Yuen 1-cháng and Yuen f-chin to transmit orders to the king of Japan to seize all the leading insurgents there, and all traitorous Chinese; after which permission would be given them to send tribute. This was approved by the Emperor.

In the meantime, Wang Chih had taken up his abode in one of the islands, where he and his comrades Wáng Ngáu, Yeh Sung-mwán, Sié Ho and Wáng Tsing-kí collected a large number of followers, and

VOL. XIX NO. 111.

144

Notice of Japan in the 1ái-kwoh Tú Chi

MARCH.

ed: "Wáng Chih and the rest are registered subjects of China. When they talked of exerting themselves thus in evidence of their submis- sion, they should have forthwith disbanded their troops: but without saying aught upon this subject, they have simply requested leave to bring tribute, and open a trade, in covert imitation of dependent states. Their craftiness is beyond the reach of speculation, and it is therefore the duty of the Board to direct the governor-general (whose memorial they were considering), to make the power of the state to be feared, to push forward its defenses with energy, and to write to Wáng Chih and the rest, and desire them to prove that they are in earnest by extir- pating the pirates, and destroying their haunts in Chusan. Should perfect tranquillity be restored to the maritime districts, favor and re- compense will of course follow thereon."

At this time Chehkiáng, on both sides of the river, was harassed by the Japanese. In the district of Tsz'-kí, they burned and massacred with great ferocity, and also in that of Yuyau, though to a less ex- tent. In the west of the province, Cheh-lin, Chápu, Wú-chin, and Tsau-lin, were all haunts of these marauders, of whom, from first to last, upwards of twenty thousand had come. In the 7th moon, Tsung Hien, who had received the Imperial commands to devise some feasi- ble policy without delay, reported that the pirate chief Máu Hái-fung, after Chin Koyuen's return, had defeated the Japanese once in Chu- san, and again at Lih-piáu; and had sent some of his band to call upon the several islands in the Emperor's name to unite their troo (or subjects) in the common cause, and to exert themselves in toke: of their allegiance; for all which service he requested that he mi be handsomely rewarded. The Board desired Tsung Hien to do v might seem to him good.

equently seized and cut off all th

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146

Notice of Japan in the Hái-kwoh Tú Chí.

MARCH,

persuaded the Japanese pirates to join them that they might employ them as their men of valor. The Emperor went so far as to tempt him with an offer of the hereditary rank of earl, and a thousand pieces of money; but without effect. The government forces at this period were in fair order, and the Japanese, although fierce antagonists, were destroyed in large numbers; so that of the population of a whole is- land not a man would return; and as this was a constant occurrence, the people murmured against Wing Chih, who himself began to be uneasy thereat. Tsung Hien, who was from the same district, and had housed his mother and family at Hángchau, now sent Tsiáng Chau to him with a letter from his relations, and Wang Chih being thus assured that his family had suffered no harm, was somewhat moved. Yuen f-chin and the rest were likewise gratified at the permission given them to trade with China, and they sent their kinsfolk Shen Yau and others. forty in number, in a large vessel which they had built, and with them Wàng Chih and his party who came to offer tri- bute and to trade.

In the 10th moon of the 36th year (1556), these all arrived at Shán- káng, in Chusan, where the authorities supposing them to have come on a piratical expedition, turned out the garrison. Wang Chih how ever dispatched Wáng Ngáu to present himself to Tsung Hien, who immediately dismissed him, and as Wáng Chih had expressed a wish that an officer of rank should be sent to his friends as a hostage, Hiá Ching, & chí-kwui,* was ordered to go to him as a pledge of good faith, which done, Wáng Chih, Tsing Mwán, and Tsingkí presented them- selves to the great satisfaction of Tsung Hien, who received them with the utmost politeness, and desired them to go and pay their respects to Wáng Pun-kú, the Commissioner of Inquiry. He treated them as if they were subordinate officers, at which when informed of it, Wang Ngáu and the rest were so enraged that they cut His Ching to pieces, burned their ship, landed on the island, seized Shán-káng, and reso- lutely defended it for more than a year. New-comers from Japan ar- rived in large numbers, and made frequent descents upon the three districts in the east of Chehkiáng. Those at Shán-kang renioved to Ho-mei, built fresh vessels, and made voyages.. Tsung Hien did not go in pursuit of them.

In the 11th moon, the pirates directed their course southward, and anchored at Wúyü in the department of Tsiuen-chau; they ravaged

A military officer of the rank of colonel or brigadier, under the Ming. The present dynasty has no such title in its army list.

↑ Siun-ngán, a censor sent to make a circuit of inquiry into particular abuses.

1850.

Notice of Japan in the Hái-kwoh Tú Cht.

147

the districts of Tung-ngán, Hwui-ngán, and Nán-ngan, assaulted Fub- ning chau, and after storming Fub-ngán and Ningteh, in the fourth moon of the following year (1557), they blockaded Fuhchau, and did not raise the siege for a month The towns of Fuhtsing and Yung- fub were also attacked and destroyed by them; they spread down as far as Hinghw, and thence made a sudden irruption into Cháng- chau. The scene of their troubles had been entirely shifted into Fuh- kien, and in Cháuchau and Kwángchau (Canton) much alarm was caused by the report.

In the 40th year (1560), the pirates were successively put down to the northeast of the river Cheh and the north of the Yáng-tsz', but Tsung Hien was convicted not long after of some offense, and superseded. In the 11th moon of the following year they leveled the city of Hing: hwá to the ground, putting a large number to the sword, and making many prisoners, with whom they took possession of the garrison town of Pinghái, where they remained without stirring.

Since they first began their incursions into Chehkiáng, they stormed both large and small district and garrison towns, a hundred or more, but never until now the chief city of a department; and their doing so, in this instance, created so serious an alarm, far and near, that the generals Yü Tá-yü, Tsih Kí-kwáng, and Liú Hien, were moved up with all speed. These officers attacked them conjointly, and routed them; and as those who were making raids into other districts were likewise overcome by them, peace was quite restored to Fuhkien.

Kwangtung was after this extensively ravaged by Tsang Yib-pun, Hwáng Cháu-t'ái, and others, all of whom brought with them Japanese allies. In the period Lung-king (1565-71), they stormed the garrison towns of Kieb-sheh and Kiáhtsz'. They attacked Sheh-ching in Hwa- chau, razed to the ground the station of Kinning and the fort of Shinlui ; and the towns of Wichuen, Yáng-kiúng, Máu-ming, Hai fung, Sin-ning, and Hwuilai were all fired, and their inhabitants made prisoners. They then turned [southward] towards Luichau fú, Lien- chau fú, and Kiungchau fű (Háinán I.), which three prefectures also su.fered from their outrages.

In the 2d year of Wánlih (1573), they invaded the departments of Ningpo, Sháu-shing, Tảichau, and Wanchau, in the east of Cheh- kiáng, and destroyed the fort of Tungkú and the station of Shwáng- yü in Kwángtung. In the 3d year (1574), they attacked T'ien-peh (Tín-pák); in the 4th (1575), Tinghái (Chusan); in the 8th (1579), Kiu-shán, in Chebkiáng, and Pang-hú (the Pescadores) and Tung- yung in Fuhkien. In the 10th year (1587), they invaded the depart-

148

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwok Tú Chi.

MARCH,

ment of Wanchau, and made a second descent upon Kwangtung. In the 10th year (1587), they returned upon Chehkiáng; but the pro- vincial government, warned by the disasters of the period Kiátsing (already detailed), had strengthened the sea defenses no little, so that wherever the pirates came they were constantly worsted. Kwangtung meanwhile was invaded by some whom the Tánkiá* pirate, Liáng Pun- háu, had leagued with and brought in. The disorder wrought by them increased to such a pitch that the governor-general Chin Sui as- sembled a force, attacked them, sank upwards of a hundred of their vessels, and beheaded 1600, Liáng Punháu being amongst the nun- ber. The Emperor ordained a thanksgiving, himself sacrificing at the high altars and in the Imperial temples;† he proclaimed a victory throughout the empire, and received the congratulations of his Court.

The government of Japan had been from ancient days monarchical; the minister next in importance and dignity to the sovereign being styled the kwan-pih. At the time of which we are speaking, this post was filled by Kü Sin-cháng of Shán-chir chau. When hunting, he came upon a man who was sleeping under a tree, and who started up in alarm to flee, but being seized and interrogatea, declared his name to be Ping Siú-kih, the slave of a native of Shamo-chau. Robust, active, and ready of speech, his appearance so pleased Kü Siu-cháng that he put him in charge of his horses. He was called the Muh-hia (i. e. Hypodendrius, Under the Tree) man; in course of time he was employed in the public service, and by the aid of his counsels Kü Sin- ching possessed himself of upwards of twenty departments. He was subsequently made governor, or protector, of Sheh-tsin, when the Tsán-mau (counselor) Ah-ki-chí gave offense to Kü Sin-cháng, who

* The Tán-hú, boating race, considered a distinct people, in the 4th century (the time of the Tsin dynasties), had upwards of 50,000 boats. In 1370, these were placed under the charge of an inspector, entitled the Ho-po-sø, and taxed in fish. They are still one of four classes who are not allowed to enter them- selves as candidates for degrees, and the people consider intermarriage with them a mésalliance. About 1730, theywere allowed to live on shore and cultivate land.

•

+ Altars Morrison's Syllame Dict. 5587. At Peking without the South Gate, is an altar to Heaven in a circular brick inclosure of considerable extent: this is the Nan kiáu. Beyond the North gate is another similarly inclosed by a square wall to Earth; this is the Peli-kiau. At the latter the Emperor sacrifices at the summer solstice; at the southern, at the winter solstice, and also on extraordinary occa- hions The temples are chapels dedicated to his ancestors within the precincts sacred to his Majesty they are nine in number.

郊廟 kiớu mi iu. Kiáu is properly waste land outside a city, &c.'

1850.

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwok Tá Chi.

149

accordingly desired Ping Siú-kih to put himself at the head of a force, and call him to account, shortly after which he was himself killed by Ming-chí, another of his subordinates. Ping Siúkih, who bad just attacked and destroyed Ah-kí-chí, as soon as he heard of these re- bellious doings, joined with him his lieutenant and the officers of his battalions, seized the moment of his advantage [over Ahkíchi] to march back his troops, and by the death of Mingchí whom he slew, greatly extended the terror of his name. He now soon set aside the three sons of Kü Sin-cháng, and usurped the title of Kwúnpik, holding in his hands the control of all the troops under the command of that of ficer.

In the 4th year of Wán-lih (1585), he increased his army and subju- gated sixty-six departments, and so awed the states of Lewchew, Luzon, Siam, and the Franks, that he made them all send tribute to him. He changed the sovereign's place of residence from Shán ching, (the Hill- city) to Tá-koh (the Great Pavilion), inclosing within walls a con- siderable space outside the city; and he built a palace there, of which the apartments rose in nine stories one above another, and two he filled with women, and with pearls and precious stones. The discipline of his army was very severe; once advanced it never retired [before a foe]; the disobedient were sure to be beheaded, were they [even as] sons or sons-in-law; the consequence of which was that none whom they marched against could stand before them.

He changed the name of the period to Wán-luh, and in the same year, the first [of the new reckoning] resolved to invade China, and at the same time annihilate the power of Corea and possess him- self of it. To this end he called in and interrogated the remnant of the band of Wáng Chih of former times, and on learning from these that the Chinese feared those of Japan as they did the tiger, his self-confidence increased, and he augmented his land forces yet more, and prepared a fleet. By the advice of his officers, it was resolved that if he moved on the northern capital of China he should employ Coreans as guides, and that for the invasion of the districts of Chehkiáng and Fuhkien, he should make use of Chinese. In his an- xiety to prevent the disclosure of this matter by the Lewchewans, he put a stop to their bringing tribute, but Chin Kiá, a native of Tung- ngán (near Amoy), who traded to Lewchew, [heard of it] and apprehen- sive lest calamity should come upon China, be arranged with Ching- hwai, a high officer of Lewchew that an envoy should be sent to the Emperor with tribute, and a memorial praying that he would invest [the sovereign of Lewchew with royalty]; that he (the envoy) might

150

Notice of Japan in the Hái-kwok Tú Chi.

March,

give the information.* Chin Kiá himself, on his return home, repre- sented the affair to the siunfú Cháu Toán-lú, who addressed the Throne upon the subject. His memorial being sent to the Board of War, that office forwarded a dispatch to the king of Corea, who confined himself to rebutting as an utter fabrication what had been said of the [Corean] guides, and declared that he was uninformed of any designs [on the part of Japan] against himself †

Ping Siú-kih's first step had been to enroll the population of the towns, far and wide, as troops, and he had collected three years' pro- visions for his army, intending to lead it against China in person ; but his son happened to die, and he had brothers to stand by him; on a former occasion too, he had carried off the wife of the lord of Fung- hau, and made a concubine of her, which caused him to fear that this man would do him a mischief in his absense; the towns withal were much incensed [at his system of levies], and wont to say that "the ex- pedition was not to invade China, but was a trap for their own destrue- tion;” and so universal was the disaffection, that he did not venture to march himself, but dispatched his lieutenant Tsing-ching, with a military officer named f-chi, the Budhist priest Yuen, and Su Tsung- yih, with a force and fleet of several hundred sail. They crossed from the island of Tuima, destroyed Kin-shán in Corea, and following up their success, pushed on to Lintsin, to which they came over in the 5th moon, when they plundered K'ái-ching, and attacking Fung-teh and other towns, in separate bodies, leveled them to the ground.

The Coreans, on the rumor of their approach, fled in confusion, and Tsing-ching and the rest pressed sore upon the royal city Lí- sung, king of Corea, abandoned it, flying first to Ping-yáng, and thence to l-chau, from which place he sent couriers incessantly [to China] to give intelligence of his emergency. The Japanese now entered the royal city, captured the king's wife and children, and pursued him as far as Pingyáng, where they gave up the town to pillage, and the women to violation. In the 7th moon, the imperial commands having been issued to the Lieut.-general Tsü Ching-hiun, he went to the rescue, and fought an action with the Japanese without the walls of Ping-ngin, in which he sustained a serious defeat, barely escaping with his own life. In the 8th moon Sung Ying-ch'áng, a vice-presi- dent of the Board of War, was appointed to the chief superintendence of

* Or grant an investiture to the successor of the decessed sovereign.

The text inay mean that he was uninformed, which would be borne out by the sequel; but had this been intended by the author, I think this clause would have preceded the other. Trans

1850.

Notice of Japan in the Hui-kwoh Tú Cht.

151

the campaign, and Lí Yü-sang to the command of the troops, which were to be led on to bring the enemy to account. At the time that these disturbances in Corea began, those in Ninghiá (in Kánsub) were still in continuance.

Sheh Sing, president of the Board of War, unable to devise any other cheme, called upon all who could speak Japanese to come forward to act as spies, and to Shin Wei-king on responding to his call, he gave the nominal rank of a Ya-kih tsiáng-kiun, and placed his services at the disposal of Li Yü-sung, whose forces the following year (1586) gained an important victory at Ping-yáng, by which the four circuits that Corea had lost were all recovered. Following up this advantage Li Yüsung moved rapidly upon Pehtí-kwán, but there he was routed and so drew off his army. It was now proposed to invest [the enemy] with [regal] rank, and to admit tribute [from Japan]. The ministers of China garbled the representation of Shin Wei king, [so as to incline the Emperor] to a pacific policy. These details are recorded in the Chronicles of Corea.

At last Ping Siúkih died, and the Japanese all sailed home, so that Corea [as well as China] had rest from their troubles. The invasion of the nation to the East, (sr. Corea) by the kwampik had lasted full seven years, during which time the soldiers who perished numbered several tens of myriads, and several hundred myriad taels' worth of provisions were expended; and neither China nor Corea had been able all the time to obtain the upper hand. With the death of the kwán- pik, ended the horrors of war. The Japanese withdrew to their island fastnesses, and the south and east had some days of repose. All Ping Siú-kih's issue by his second marriage died.

Towards the close of the Ming dynasty the prohibitions against in- tercourse with Japan were strictly enforced, and the poor people of the villages came to use the word Wo (Japanese) as a term of abuse and even employed it to terrify their infant children into silence.

Extract from the Wù Pí Chí, or Annals of the Art of War.

fThere is said to be an historical work of this title in 300 and odd volumes, containing an account of the Art of War during a long succession of genera. tions. The translator is in possession of a small work published in 1843, which is apparently an abridgment of some larger compilation, and in which the following extract does not appear. It would seem to be from the pen of

■ contemporaneous historian.]

It was the custom of the barbarians of Japan to draw up their troops in the form of a butterfly. When they went into action, the signal was

152

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwoh Tú Chi.

Manch,

given by the flourishing of a fan. One them did this, and the body then rose (or sprang) up brandishing their swords. As they tossed the points of their weapons toward the sky, our soldiers threw their heads beck in astonishment, and the enemy thereupon cut at them below Another of their formatious was a long, snake-like column, in which they advanced waving a hundred-tailed banner, and marci- ing one after the other like fish in a file. The van was composed of their stoutest men, and the rearguard of the like; in the centre, the inave and cowardly were mingled together. They rose every morning B: cockcrowing, and ate their meal squatting on the ground; when this was ended, their chief would take a seat in a high place (or above them); the rest listening to his orders (or in obedience to his commands), brought each one his book, upon opening which it was seen what place was to be foraged on such and such a day, who were to command the parties, and who to serve in the ranks of the companies. These did not consist of more than thirty men, and moved independently each at a distance of one or two li from each other. At the blast of conch, which is their call, the company immediately closed up to support that which it had beard give the signal. Sections of two oc three also skirmished about irregularly, brandishing their swords. To wards evening they returned, and every one gave in whatever booty he may have seized, keeping nothing back. The chief made a partition of the spoi in proportion to the amount contributed by each. When- ever they captured women, they were sure to pass the night in drink- ing and wantonness, until at fast they fell asleep intoxicated. When they had nearly completed the pillage of a place they set it on fire.; the smoke and the fire filled and illumined the skies, and while the population were in a state of alarm at its fierceness, the pirates de- camped. They practiced this ruse upon our people for the especial purpose of diverting them from from lying in wait to attack them When these pirates came upon wine or food amongst the inhabitants, they made them tasto before they ate or drank of themselves, for fear that they should contain poison In their marches, they kept to the thoroughfares and highways, never entering the lanes or byways lest they should fall into ambuscade; neither did they move under the walls of a city lest bricks or stones should be thrown at them by the people thereon. When they marched, it was always in a single file of great length, at a slow pace and in good order; by which means they occupied some miles of ground, and there was no approaching them. They could move rapidly for several tens of days together, and by opening out their bedy into four or five divisions, they would manage

1860.

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwoh Tu Chí.

153

to surround their enemy. When their forces were encamped opposite ours, they used to send one or two men who, by alternately leaping up and crouching down, contrived to exhaust our fire of stones and arrows. In an action with artillery, they waited until their antagonists had fired; then they broke in on them impetuously, and following up their advantage, would drive them to a distance. In the heat of an engage- ment they would suddenly come forth from ambush on all sides, and surround their enemy's flanks, by which manœuvre they forced our army to disperse in great consternation. They constantly resorted to strange stratagems, such as tying sheep together, or driving wo- inen on in front so as to perplex the beholder; the eyes of our people were dazzled by this, and the arms of the Japanese were thus enabled to take effect. They used the double sword exercise; with one sword they made feints above, and struck with the other below, which ren- dered defense difficult. They hid the shafts or but-ends of their halberds and lances, and then all of a sudden they would hurl them forth so that it was impossible to anticipate [the blow]; their bows were long, their arrows large, and as they discharged them close, their shot was deadly. If they lay pardu, they had a marauding expedi- tion in contemplation; if they spread a report abroad (so as to keep people on the alert), they were moving off. Thus they drew up their injured vessels across the stream to make a show of lying by, and straightway they sallied forth and invested Kinshán. At Shingshán they made ladders of bamboo to signify that they were about to storm it, and then they raised the siege When they were going to take to the country, they pressed upon a city; if they had a march to make by land, they would provide themselves with oars. Sometimes they dug holes as pitfalls for their enemy, sometimes they plaited stubble to entangle him as he fled, or they stuck slips of bamboo in the ground to run into the feet of the fugitives. They used, too, to make a decoy of precious stones, cloth, gold, silver, or women, by which they were enabled to inveigle our troops into ambuscades, and they were pleased when these lay in wait for them or pursued them.

· Yów chui 遭追 Yiwan above in yóu hit 激墼

You as yếu

signification of “to invite," but "to lie in wait for.

They gashed the

not in its more ordinary Gonçalves has

fill ✡ Ź esperon-o e matou-o. In the Shing-Mang, "[His disciple] sent

severalpersons to wait for him by the way;" but the Pei Wan Yun-fá, Cap. 17., states that it is a synonym of E in this, as also in three other passages quoted from the Tae Chuen, Hản-akú and Ping-skú, in which it is either linked with kik, or divided simply by an 'rh, the power of which particle to mean uf as

154

Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwoh Tú Chí.

MARCH,

faces of their prisoners of war, and tied their tongues to prevent it being detected by their answers that they were not Japanese ; thus their return home was cut off. They showed great kindness to the people in the vicinity of their resorts, and were thus kept fully informed of the truth and falsehood of every report. They made handsome presents to such artisans as fell into their hands, and they were in consequence easily provided with arms; as they employed our people as spies, it is difficult on our side to ascertain [whence they got their information], and by using them as their guides, they became perfectly familiar with all the paths by which to advance or retreat. For their eating or sleeping they would stay in some place where they could break open the wall, and which was high enough for them to keep a lookout; so that there was no chance of taking them by surprise. Should they be closely beleaguered, they would leave some heads* as a pretense and retire; some of them, wrapping themselves in cloaks of the bamboo leaf and putting on bamboo hats, would play the part of laborers in the fields;t some in flowered silk handkerchiefs and shoes of cloth would swagger through the public places of the cities, thus placing our officials in the dilemma of killing the [wrong] robbers by mistake, or honest men on suspicion.

Although fighting on the water was not at first their forte, they had the ingenuity to fasten empty vessels together, and to spread light screens over them by which [the fire, or assault of] our forces advanc- ing on them was expended; and they would abandon the women, and leave money in the way to check us in the pursuit. The bul warks and spars of their ships were all covered with cloths, quilts, and cushions, which they damped to render them proof against fire. In an action, as soon as they came to close quarters,‡ they boarded with rapidity; [their ouset was] terrible as the thunder, and [those on board] were scattered like the wind.

well as et, is worthy of notice, as well as the transition from hope to expectation of which the Portuguese esperar is likewise capable. From the latter meaning of the word is of course derived that employed in the text.

* Heads, i. e. of prisoners massacred to show that a greater number of Japanese had fallen than was really the osse.

+ Laborers. Tsu nih

Hi Lun, Cap. ix., Section 6 Chỏng-trâ and Kick-nik were two men of virtue and ability, who, disgusted with the misrule of their Eme, retired into the country. They were ploughing on a particular oc- casion when Confucius was passing by, and gave him an uncivil answer, when he sent to inquire about a certain ford. Their rudeness thus becoming historical, their names were formed into the dissyllable in the text, which has come to mean simply to plough, to attend to agricultural pursuits.

+ Œƒú pung ; fú near to, closing upon, and pung the mat awning of a vessel; according to the teachers, pars pro toto (?)

1850.

Notice of Japan in the Hái-kwok Tú Chi.

155

These pirates kidnapped our people to show them the road, and to procure water for them, and as the latter went out in the morning and came home at night, they called the roll of their names. At (or for) every place, a register was kept in which they inserted their names and surnames, and they divided them into classes, according to which they told them off and inspected them.

There were but few native Japanese amongst them; not above some tens, of whom they formed the van. When the pirates returned to the island to which they belonged, they used to give out that they had come home from trading, and they never divulged aught concern- ing their comrades whom our troops had captured or slain, so that their neighbors knew nothing of it, but on the contrary offered them their congratulations.

Another Extract from the Art of War, not published in the first Edition of the Hải koh Tú Chi.

The Japanese do not construct their vessels in the same manner as the Chinese. They require beams of a large size and square, in fitting the seams of which they use no wails, but band them together with iron plates. Neither do they make use of hempen rope or wood oil în closing the crevices, but stop the leaks with sedge grass. Their ships cost much pains and money, and without a large capital it is not easy to build them. The pirates who attacked China were every one of thein poor people from the islands, and what has been said in times past about the hundreds and thousands of ships built by Japan is an idle tradition. Their largest craft may carry three hundred meu; the middle class, one or two hundred ; and the smallest from fifty to eighty. 'They are of a low and narrow build, and find it difficult to hold their own with such large vessels as they fall in with, and they are poorly off when they ground in the mud. For this cause, our vessels from Kwangtung and Fuhkion are much feared by them; and particularly those of the former province, as their sides are perpendicular like a wall. Their ship's bottoms are flat, and can not easily cut the waves. Their canvas sails are set with the mast right in the middle, and not one side of it as in China, and both their masts and sails shift about. and are not made fast like those of the Chinese; hence they can only carry on with a fair breeze, and if they meet with a calm or a contrary wind, they unship the mast and work the long stern scull; they can not handle the oar. Their vessels could not [formerly] cross from Japan in less than a month, and if they now perform the voyage with greater ease it is because of the treachery of certain of the inhabitants of the coast of Fulkien who bought ships in the outer waters, and when they

158

Topography of Húnán.

MARCH,

had added a false bottom to them, brought over the Japanese in them. They had a sharp keel, and were able to beat against the sea; in these they feared neither a head wind nor one on the quarter, and their sail- ing was so much improved, that they could now make the passage in a few days.

(To be continued )

ART. IV. Topography of the province of Húnán; its area, popula- tion, lakes, rivers, mountains, productions, &c., with a list of its departments and districts.

THE southern of the Two Lake provinces is called Húnán

•

and though larger in extent, is less fertile and populous than Húpeh. It lies between lats. 25° and 30° N., and longs. 109° to 114′ E. of Greenwich; and is bounded north by Húpeh; east by Kiángsi ; south by Kwangtung and Kwangsí, from which it is divided by the Nán-ling; and west by Kweichau and Sz'chuen. The arca is estimated at 74,320 square miles, being a little smaller than Kwangtung, and rather larger than Kiángsí. The population was reckoned in 1812 at 18,652,- 507 inhabitants, which gives an average of 251 persons to a square mile; according to these data, Húnán is the eleventh province in res- pect of population, and the seventh in point of size, of the eighteen.

The surface of the country in the northern departments is lével, and many hundreds of square miles are covered with water, or are below the level of the Yangtsz' kiáng; this, while it affords great facilities for irrigation, is also a source of great danger when the banks of the rivers are overflown. The southern part of the province is rough, rising on the frontier to lofty peaks, in whose intervals hardy mout- taineers have long maintained a partial independence of the Chinese authorities. The Chinese population of these regions is mostly found along or near the bottoms of the rivers.

The rivers of Húnán are all of them tributaries of the Yangtsz' kiáng, and most of them are so large as to afford facilities of transpor- tation to the inhabitants of towns lying even in the southern districts. The Great river itself only touches the province in the northeastern corner, where it receives the waters of the Tungting lake, and then flows northeasterly into Húpeh. The largest stream is the Siáng kiáng

, which rises on the northern declivities of the Nán-ling, and as it flows northward, collects the drainage of the eastern half of the province, and empties into Tungting lake at Siang-yin hien

1850.

Topography of Húnán.

157

receiving the Tsz' kiáng as an affluent just before it unites with the lake. Its largest branch is the Kwei shwui, which joins it above Hangchau fú, and just opposite that city the Lái shwui✯✯ flows in, the junction forming a centre for trade from the southern districts. Twenty miles below Hangchau fii, the Mí kiáng ✈ ¡I flows in on the east, and fifty miles further down, the waters of the Lub kiáng. join themselves to the main stream. About fifteen miles above Changsha, the Lien-ki comes in from the west,

and just opposite to it the Linyang kiang

from the east. The Taz' kiáng drains the central districts, but its rapid cur- rent and confined banks afford few facilities to the boatinan or farmer.

The other large river is the Yuen kiáng; it rises in the southwestern part of the province, and receives the contributions of a large number of streams, souie of them from Kweichau, and falls into the Tungting L. at its western end near Cháng-teh fú, after flowing upwards of four hundred miles. The Chuhchau, the Va

zhwui 海水, the Mayáng 麻陽. and Peh ho 北河, are the largest tributaries. In the northern districts, the Li shwui★ drags its sluggish length through the level region of the lake country.

The lakes of Húnán are not as numerous as in the northern pro- vince, but among them is the Tungting hú, the largest lake in China, about 250 miles in circumference, which contains in its circuit several islands, and maintains large fleets of fishermen from its waters; its area is about 300 square miles. The Chinese mention a floating island on this lake, formed of trees and drift, like those oc- curring in the bayous of the Mississippi. The other lakes in Húnán are the Hwang-yih. Peb-nior White Clay L., both in the northeast; the Tsau-tien hú, the Tseh-lit

or Seven

Mile L., and the Má-nior Horse Clay L., are all small sheets of water, connected with the River, Lí. By means of these lakes and rivers, water communication is kept up through all parts of a region exceeding Great Britain in size.

The mountains of Húnán form part of the great chain of the Nán- ling, which defines the southern limits of the basin of the Yangtz'. and though they do not rise to the stupendous peaks seen in Yunnan, they render nearly one half of the province too rough for the plough. The Hang shán is the longest range within the province which bears a single name; the Ki-tien ling, and Kiú- ling two names given to the scuthern ridges.

are

158

Topography of Húnán.

MARCH,

There are sixteen departments in Húnán, subdivided into sixty-

seven districts, whose names are given in the following list.

I. Chángshá fú EF, or the Department of Changsha, contains twelve districts,

viz.. one chau and seven hien.

1)} Chángsha, 2善化 Shenhwá, 3 瀏陽 Liúyáng,

4 湘陰 Siángyin, 5寧鄉 Ninghiáng, 6 益陽 Yihyáng,

7 Ngánhwá, 8 湘潭 Siángtán, 9湘鄉 Siánghiáng, 10 醴陵 Liling, 11 Ya hien,

12 茶陵州 Cháling chau.

II. Yohchau fú, or the Department

of Yohchau, contains four hien districts.

Páling,

3臨湘 Linsiáng,

Hwayung,

Pingkiáng.

III.

Páuking fú, or the Department of Páuking, contains five districts,

viz., one chau and four hien.

1 # KE Sháuyáng,

Sinhwa,

4 新寧 Sinning,

5 城步Chingpa.

3 武岡州 Wákáng chau,

IV. Hangchau fú, or the Department

of Hangchau, comprises seven hien districts.

1 衡陽 Hangyáng, 2 Tsingtsiuen,

3 常寧 Chángning, 4Ngánjin,

5衡山 Hangshéa, 6耒陽 Luiyáng, 7鯽縣 Ying hien.

V. Chángteh fú, or the Department of Changtch, contains four hien districts.

3L Yuenkiáng,

1 武陵 Waling,

2 # Ề THI Lungyáng,

4 桃源 Tanyuen.

1850.

Tupography of Hánan.

VI. Shinchau fúor the Department of Shinchau, coinprises four hien districts.

VII.

Yuenling,

3瀘溪Lúki,

4 辰谿 Shinki.

Supú,

Yuenchau fú, or the Department of Yuenchau, coutains three hien districts.

3 TK PE Máyáng.

1 - IT Chíkiáng,

1 2 3

Kienyáng,

VIII. Yungchau fú, or the Department of Yungchau, contains eight districts,

viz., one chau and seven hien.

Lingling,

Tungngán,

陽 Kiyáng,

4新田Sintien,

5寧遠 Ningyuen,

6 ĐỀ | Táu chau,

7 I Kiánghwá,

DA Yungming.

IX. Yungshun fú, or the Department of Yungshun, comprises four hien districts.

Yungshun,

2桑植 Sángchih,

X. Kienchau ting

159

Lungshán,

l'áutsing.

or the inferior Department

of Kienchau, has no subdivisions.

XI. Funghwáng ting or the inferior Department of Funghwáng, has no subdivisions.

XII. Yung suiting

or the inferior Department

of Yungsui, has no subdivisions.

XIII. Li chau or the inferior Department of Lí,

comprises five hien districts.

1k 10 Ngánhiáng,

Ngánfuh,

2 石門 Shihmun,

Yungting.'

3 慈利 Tsz li,

160

Topography of Húnún.

XIV. Kwciyáng chau

Макси,

or the inferior

Department of Kweiyáng, comprises three hien districts.

1 Linwú,

2嘉禾Kiáto

3 ¡¡ Lánshián.

XV. 靖州 Tsing chau

or the inferior Dopartment of

Tsing, comprises three hien districts.

Hwnitung,

Tungiá 1,

3 綏寧 Suining.

XVI. Chin chrior the inferior Department of Chin, contains five hien districts.

Hingning,

Yunghing,

Kweitung,

4 桂陽 Kweiyáng, 5 宜章 Icháng.

I. The department of Chángská occupies the country south of the Tungting lake, its capital being the residence of the governor, and of other provincial officers; it lies in lat. 28° 12′ N., and long. 112° 47' E., in a inost advantageous position for trade, at the junction of the Siang and Liúyáng rivers. The city is famous for the institution of the festival of the Dragon Boats, in commemoration of the death of Kiuh Yuen (see Vol XI, page 436). It is now held in all parts of the empire. The surface of this department is level, and its fertile soil is irrigated by many streams, which also furnish abundance of fish, eels, mollusks, &c. Mines of cinnabar and talc occur in the hills.

II. The department of Yokchau lies in a more favorable position for trade and agriculture than even Changshá, its capital commanding the oulet from the lake into the Yangtsz', and its districts occupying the eastern shores, between it and Hupeh. Most of the smacks covering the lake resort to Yolchau with their fish, and the external commerce of the whole province passes through it into the Great river; it is called the Gate of Three Rivers, and its possession controls the trade of the whole province.

III. The department of Páuking lies in the southern part, between Hangchau fú on the east, Yungchau fú on the south, Yuenchau on the west, and Changten fú on the Tsz' kiáng, near the junction of the Tsz'yang and Túyü rivers; one of the district towns, Wúkáng chau, is situated on the former of these two streams, and above it is well-known rapid, the passage of which demands great care.

1850.

Topography of Hunan.

161

IV. The department of Hangchau lies east of the preceding, be- tween Chángshá fú on the north and Kweiyáng chau on the south. The surface of the country is rather mountainous, aud covered with forests; the Hang shán extend eighty leagues in a southwest direction towards Pauking; the land is fertile, and the water privileges for irrigation and transportation superior to those in Pauking fu.

V. The department of Changteh lies west of the Tungting lake, and east of Yungshun fú; it is one of the most fertile and level portions of the province. The town is built near the embouchure of the River Yuen. Its orchards are celebrated for a variety of the orange, which ripens after other sorts are out of season, and forms a common article of export.

VI. The department of Shinchau lies west of Páuking and Chángteh, and north of Yuenchau; its chief town is situated at the junction of the Yuen and Shin rivers, where most of the trade of the region centres. The department contains many towns along the rivers, but the inhabi- tants of the mountains, probably descendants of the Mitutsz', are regarded by the lowlanders as no better than savages.

VII. The department of Yuenchau was taken off from the south- western part of the preceding, partly in order to exercise a stronger supervision over the aborigines, and guard the frontier of Keiwchau.

VIII. The department of Yungchau is one of the largest in the province, occupying most of its southern portion; the chief town is pleasantly situated on the River Siáng, not far from the borders of Kwangsi, but most of the population dwells farther south at the extremity of the province. The mountains within its circuit are covered with forests of valuable timber, much of which finds its way to Canton.

IX. The department of Yungshun occupies the northwest corner of the province, and was set off as a prefecture from Chángteh fú: The country is generally level, and its productious similar to those of Chángteh, rice being the principal staple.

X, XI, XII. The three inferior departments of Kienshaw, Fung- hwáng and Yungsui, all lie along the western frontier; they were par- titioned off from Shinchau fú, and each of the towns is the headquarters of a garrison. Fungsui is the northernmost, and Funghwang the south- ern of the three, the latter lying a few leagues north of Yuenchau.

XIII. The inferior department of Li was taken off from the western part of Yohchau, and includes all that part lying north of lake Tung- ting, and west of the Lienhú shwei

or Lily-lake river. It

is one the most fertile parts of the province.

VOL. XIX. NO. Ht.

162

Journal of Occurrences.

MARCH,

XIV. The inferior department of Kweiyáng is a small prefecture in the extreme south of the province, set off from Yungchau along the banks of the River Kwei between it and Chin chau. It contains but few inhabitants.

XV. The inferior department of Tsing was in like manner parti- tioned off from the south of Yuenchau fú in the southwestern corner of the province, along the valley of the Ku hoi, a branch of the River Yuen. The region is very mountainous, and the aborigines

numerous.

XVI. The inferior department of Chin occupies the extreme south- east of the province, and is by no means one of the least of its divisions. The chief town is “a great and populous city," and a thriving trade is carried on with Kwangtung, the mountains here being less elevated than further west, repaying the labors of the husbandman, and afford- ing facilities for travel.

The productions of Húnán are varied, though the revenue by no means corresponds to her resources. Gold, silver, cinnabar, and quick- silver are produced from the mines; mica, armenian stone, marble, and a few other minerals, are also found. A great variety of wild game and waterfowl is taken on the mountains and waters in various parts, which also furnish a few medicinal preparations highly esteemed. Rice, wheat, varnish, cassia, fruits, nuts, and vegetables are raised for the supply of the inhabitants, and measurably for exportation, but the external traffic of Húnán is trifling. Nor do the inhabitants take a high standing among their countrymen in respect of literary acquire- ments or excellence of manufactures.

ART. V. Journal of Occurrences: attack on pirates in Mir's bay, and correspondence relating to it ; edict in reference to a change in newyear's day; death of the emperor of China; position of Kiying ; dedication of the Seamen's Bethel at Whampoa.

Tar suppression of piracy has engaged the attention of the Chinese officers along this coast for many years-we had almost said for ages, and the pirates have played a game of fast and loose with them, just as they were paid or attacked. At last the rulers have called in the assistance of western power and skill to help them, and accepted the offers made by the English authorities to assist in abating the nuisance. The following note from Gov. Bonham to Gov. Sü details the particulars of this novel and commendable breach of old custom.

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

From H. E Mr. Bonham to Sũ, Imperial High Commissioner

Victoria, Hongkong, 8th March, 1850.

169

I beg to acquaint your excellency that, on the 3d instant, Wan the comman- dant of Ti-pang (residing at Cowlung) sent over Fun, a sergeant, with a note to the chief magistrate of this Colony, stating that certain pirates were reported to be lying some distance east of this, but that the monsoon was too strong to allow his own vesseis to move up to the spot with sufficient rapidity ; and, as he much feared that, unless apprehended at once, they might take alarm, and retreat to a hiding-place eleswhere, he requested that a British steamer might be sent to cut them off; and he declared his willingness to reimburse the ex- pense of the fuel which she might consume.

A steamer was thereupon dispatched as he desired. She called at Cowlung for such men and officers as the commandant chose to put on board, and then proceeded to Kat-ù (Kih-ngáu), where she found 13 piratical craft at anchor. She immediately opened fire upon these vessels, the crews of which jumping overboard, were destroyed in large numbers by her musketry. As it becaine dark, her officers took possession of the junks. One of them blew up during the night, eight inore were burned by our people on the following morning, and_the_remaining four were duly restored to their owners, who were pointed out by Fán, the sergeant.

The steamer having accomplished her purpose—happily without sustaining any loss-returned hither with sundry prisoners. These being pirates, and as such the common enemies of mankind, might have been tried in our courts; but as the authorities of your excellency's country had applied to those of this Colony to assist in capturing these men, I have thought it best to deliver them up to be tried and disposed of according to their own laws.

With reference to the coal expended by the steamer on this occasion, I could not in anywise entertain the proposal of the commandant Wan, that he should refund the value of it; such a proceeding would be contrary to the principle of my nation.

But I may here remark, that coal is an article of which we are in constant need, and is brought to this with much trouble and expense, from a great distance ; while at Kilung (Quilon) on Formosa, not very far hence, good coal is procurable. If your excellency's government would recommend the people of Formosa to bring some to Hongkong, our merchants would take some cargoes off their hands; or if they chose to dig it out themselves, some of our ships might be sent for it It is evident that this would be a source of advantage to both parties, and would insure to us the means of giving our assistance to the Chinese government, at any time that its officers might call upon us, as they have now done, to co-operate with them in the suppression of piracy in these seas. This aid, I have several times informed your excellency, and now repeat, we shall at all times be happy to afford.

- China Mail.

Accept the assurances, &c., 8. G. BONHAM. The further details of this cruise are given in the official report of Çon- mander Lockyer.

H. M. Steam-vessel Medea, at Hongkong, 5th March, 1850. Sir.-I have the honor to report to you that on my arrival at Kat-o, at 5h. 15m. yes- terday evening, I found thirteen piratícal junke and four cargo junks at anchor. On the appearance of her Majesty's steam vessel under my command, twelve of_the_piratical vessels awept in-shure, one of the largest remaining at anchor, without offering the slightest resistance. The crews jumped overboard, endeavoring to make for the shore, but upwards of 150 of them were destroyed by our shell and musketry. It soon became so dark, that I was compelled to dispatch the paddle-box boats of this steam vessel, under the command of Mr William Brodie, acting master, with orders to take possession of the junks which had swept in-shore, but finding that he was resisted, procceded to his assistance in the gig, accompanied by the pinnace of H. M. ship Hastings, command- ed by Lieutenant Webber, the Royal Marines under Lieutenant Holland, with the Medea's cutter under the command of Lieutenant Gibbons, and found Mr Brodie closely pressed by a very great number, who made strong endeavors to recapture the junks We soon repulsed these pirates with a considerable loss on their part, and capture of five prisoners; but owing to the darkness, and the very heavy rain which unfortunately came ou, we were unable to follow up cur pursuit of them on shore. I therefore brought the junks to the ship, and this morning destroyed eight, one having during the night

•

164

Journal of Occurrences.

MARCH,

caught fire and blown up, and the remaining four having been given up to their former owners who were pointed out by 'he mandarin.

During my absence, the ship was placed in a position of considerable danger, from the close approach of the burning junk ; but by the able exertions of Lieut. Wood, who was left in charge, she was cleared. Early this morning, I seut the boats under the command of Lieut. Gibbons, with the Royal Marines under Lient. Holland, accompanied by Mr Caldwell, the assistant police magistrate, and the mandarin who came on board from Cowlung, to scour the island, and they succeeded in capturing 15 prisoners. The greater part of the crews who reached the shore, took advantage of the darkness of the night to seize boats and leave the island. Fortunately, from the water being so deep in the small bay in which these pirstical junks were anchored, enabling this steamer to approach within five yards of the shore, we succeeded in destroying a much greater number then we could have hoped for, with little or no damage to the town, one fisherman only having been killed by our shot. Four of these junks were very large, of upwards of 250 tons, mounting ten or more guns of various calibre, and resembling those formerly destroyed on the West coast; the remainder were evidently recent captures, hastily fitted up for piratical purposes. Having completed this service, I am happy to say, without any casualties or loss on our side, and receiving no further_information, I have returned to this port. I think it my duty to express my entire satisfaction with the conduct of the officers, seamen, and marines employed upon this occasion: the precision of their fire, great steadiness, and prompt obedience, tending greatly to the expeditious termination of this successful operation. Commander Wainwright, a supernumerary on board, volunteered his services, and rendered me grent assistance. I can not conclude without also expressing my great obligations to Mr Caldwell for the valuable assistance which he rendered; to his perfect knowledge of the Chinese language, and his acquaint- ance with the habits of these pirates, the success of this enterprise is in a great measure to be attributed. I beg leave to inclose a list of the piratical junks, their description, crews, with the numbers killed, escaped, aud roade prisoners; and have the honor to be, Sir,

Your innat obedient humble servant,

W. N. L. LOCKYER, Commander.

To James W Morgan, Esq., Captain of H. M. Ship Hartings, &c.—Mail.

Among the 13 junks taken were nine from 150 to 180 tons, each carrying about 8 guns and 60 men; the other four were larger; the number of men in all the fleet is reckoned at 900, of whom about 22) were killed, 2) taken prisoners, and 660 escaped.

The Imperial Commissioner in his reply to Gov. Bonham seems inclined to make the best of the dilemma in which he was placed by the zeal of his subordinates, and tenders his thanks for the service done, but is careful not to express any opinion about further co-operation, through the precedent having now been set, it will doubtless be followed.

From 8a, Imperial High Commissioner, to His Excellency Mr. Bonham. Sa, Imperial Commissioner. governor-general of the Two Kwang, &c., in reply --On the 27th of the 1st moon (10th instant), I received your communication informing me that the commandant of Ta-p'ang, being prevented by a foul wind from pursuing the junks of certain pirates, had obtained from your excellency's government a steamer, which proceeded with all speed to the proper place to make prisoners of these persons ; that eight junks were destroyed by her; that one blew up spontaneously, and that four others had been restored to their owners; and the criminals captured, handed over to their own authorities to be dealt with. On the same day I received a note from the admiral corroborating the above in every particular. Evidence so satisfactory of the sincere desire of your excellency's government for a good understanding with my own, has given me the highest gratification. [As regards Formosa], when your excellency has shown your friendship by lending your aid in time of need, could I be without the impulse natural to friends, to supply each other's want out of their own abundance ? But the island pertains to an adjoining province, and as it is not within my jurisdiction, I could not well write officially concerning it. Coal is an article of daily consumption, and as such, procurable at every one of the five ports, where there is of course nothing to prevent your excellency's government buying it whenever it is wanted

The terms in which the commandant proposed to reimburse the expense of the coal to be consumed, were certainly not such as he ought to have employed. Your Excel- lency is doubtless far too liberal to condescend to accept [his offer] still the crew of the steamer should by all means be recompensed for their trouble, and I have accord- ingly addressed a letter to the Admiral to make ready some trifling presents, of which I subjoin a list. I trust that your excellency, on receiving the articles therein specified, will distribute them on my behalf. I mean nothing more than to show hy due polite.

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

165

mess that I am sensible of the obligation conferred upon me. To this end, I reply, availing myself of the opportunity to wish your excellency luxuriant increase of the blessings of spring.

A necessary communication, to which is annexed a list of the trißes to be presented ♪--- 8 oken; 8 sheep : 8 boges of the best tea of 10 catties each; 8 barrels each of sugar candy and of white flour of 30 catties each ;·8 barrels of dried lung-ngin from Kweilin (in Kwangsi) of 20 catties each. 8 barrels of dried lai-chi from Kwailin (in Kwangsi) of 20 catties each ; 8 baskets of dried oranges containing 1000 each.

The above is addressed to his excellency Mr. Bonham H B. M. Plenipotentiary, &c., &c..,&c.

Taukwang, 30th year, 2d moon, 1st day. (14th March, 1850).

-China mail.

True Translation. T. F. WADE, Assistant Chinese Secretary, The Emperor of China has consulted his own superstitious fears and those of his subjects in an unusual manner, by the promulgation of the following Order in Council. It should be headed “The Emperor of China rs. Luna.” The edict was torn down in the streets of Shánghải by the people, who pressed no little discontent at it; no public notice was made in Canton.

“His Majesty's commands have been received. The next year, the 30th of Táukwang, is the 47th of the cycle; on the first day of that year there will be an eclipse, commencing at three o'clock r. M., and ending at 5 o'clock, the ob- scuration will be a little over three tenths. Now, this day is the great one of the sun, when he like a prince rules; and it is also the commencement of mornings when affairs are begun-the chief day of the year. Wherefore, let the 30th day of the 12th month (Feb. 11th) of this year be regarded as new year's day, and let this order be promulgated throughout the empire, every governor-general and governor circulating it and carrying it into effect by issuing a plain edict for general observance. Respect this.

The death of the emperor Täukwáng following in less than a fortnight after the preceding order will be regarded by his subjects as having some connec- tion with it. We have only room at present for the official notice of his death. His majesty was born not far from Sept. 12th, 1781, and was aged 69 years, and 7 months at the time of his death.

Feb. 25th 1850. There were on this day, called into an audience, to a General Council, [Taaitsiuen] the chief controller of the kindred, Wanking (President of the Board of Rites), and other high ministers who wait before the throne, when & Vermilion Edict was communicated: “Let Yihchu, the Imperial fourth son, be set forth as the imperial heir apparent. You princes and high officers, why wait for our words? Acsist and support him with united hearts, and do you all regard whatever pertains to the concerns of the country and the people as of high importance, without sympathy for anght else. A special command."

An Imperial order. We have received from our late imperial Father, his Majesty who has just taken the great journey, our being and support, enjoying a nourishing anxious care as bigh and boundless as heaven. His sacred age had just attained to threescore and ten, and his force was still vigorous, so that it might have been calculated that he would have reached the period of a hundred years, and our days of joy [in each other] thus be prolonged. Last year, after the summer had commenced, he suddenly felt himself indisposed, though his bodily strength had been somewhat impaired, and the important duties con- nected with [the demise of] the Empress Dowager, and his grief and anxiety, aggravated his weakness and disease, so that his vigor and constitution were greatly enfeebled. To-day, at six o'clock a. ., he called in the Chief Control- ler of the Imperial Kindred, the great ministers of the Presence, the members of the General Council, and high officers of the Palace, and taking the vermilion pencil in his hand ordained who should be regarded as the Imperial heir apparent. His sacred instructions were very minute, urging upon them in the most im- pressive manner to regard the interests of the country.

We received this decree in anguish and tears, lamenting it in fear and dread, for we still hoped that by the utmost and constant care of his affectionate person, and a temporary cessation from his burdensome cares, that he would longer

166

Journal of Occurrences.

MARCH.

preserve his vigor and health. How unwished for! We had barely received his last cominanda and regards, when his malady increased in force and violence, eren to the utmost lintit, and he drove the dragon and becaine a guest on high Beating the ground and invoking heaven, I vainly assayed to reach after and

recall him.

I reverently reflect that my august Father ruled the world for thirty years; day and night with caretul diligence he attended to his duties, not allowing himself the least leisure. In all things he reverenced heaven, and imitated his predecessors; and his sedulous attention to the affairs of government, his love for his people, his literary attainments and his military prowess, are not easily described. And in respect to his diffusing happiness and his anxious care lest there should be pestilence or other distress, no sooner had any province met with a slight calamity than he disbursed his treasures, and remitted the taxes, his gracious benevolence being instantly shown. So too, he constantly was lay. ing up the revenue in store for use, and devising means to prevent damage from the [Yellow] river, and planaing so that no living thing should lack for protection.

His boundless humanity drew all within its influence, so that everything that has breath can not fail to express their heartful laments [at his departure]: We, weeping tears of blood and beating our breast, how can We yet refrain our words! But remembering that the position I succeed to is of the greatest responsibility, in order that I may diligently obey the Holy who has gone be- fore, I reverently accept my predecessor's commands. As we consider the duties imposed upon our unworthy self, We are troubled with painful apprehensions, and our fears daily deepen ; yet forbearing grief, and lessening lamentations, we tremblingly mount the throne. We still rely upon the constant loyalty of our civil and military officers of every grade throughout the empire to assist us to rule with glory.

In regard to the regulations for mourning, we have received our Imperial Father's will ordering it to be worn for twenty-seven days according to the old rules [of the Manchús]; but our feelings can not admit of this, and in accor dance with the ancient custom [of China], let mourning be reverently worn for three years; thus in some degree relieving our affectionate regrets.

In regard to the important ceremonies of sacrificing to heaven and earth, and in the hall of ancestors, there evidently should be no diminution in any of the rites on account of mourning How the proper officers shall be ordered, and Ourself proceed to the several places, let the several departinents examine into the former regulations, and deliberate for the purpose of reporting to us; and let officers and people throughout the empire observe the fixed regulations for mourning Let this public command be proclaimed throughout the empire and in other countries for general information. Respect this.

Kiying's position and influence seem to be at present as high as ever, and his appointinent to superintend the funeral rites of the Empress Dowager, in conjunction with the princes of the blood, shows the high station he occupied in his late majesty's confidence. It is to be hoped that in the acts of the new government, his influence may have its due weight, especially in preserving peace with foreign countries. The following notice of his official life since 1848, we extract from the China Mail of the 28th ult.

"Kíying arrived at the capital from Canton in June 1848, and paid his respects to the emperor on the 11th of that month, returning thanks for the doubled-eyed peacock's feather conferred upon him, as stated in the Gazette of the 5th, for the improved tranquillity of the_government he had just quitted, during the time it had been in his charge. Between this date and the 26th August 1849, he had no fewer than forty-nine audiences of his majesty. The Gazette is however evidently at fault, for upon some of the days mentioned, he must have been absent on particular service in Shảnsí and Shántung.

“On the 25th of July 1848, it is stated that he returned thanks for his appoint- ment to the supervision of the affairs of the Board of Rites; on the 5th of August, to that of the Board of War-a decree of this day directing that he should remain in the city as an assistant-minister of the Cabinet. On the 3d

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

167

September, he was made chief commissioner of metropolitan customs; and on the listh, returned thanks for the promotion of his eldest son, Kingsili, who had been given the command, as a general officer, of the Manchus of the plain red banner, and is now in charge of the imperial mausoleum. Kiying was also chosen to hear the cases referred in autumnn, by the Board of Punishmestn, according to annual custom, to the personal decision of the Emperor, who in mo- dern times delegates a certain number of officers to perform this duty in his stead. On the 21st, he was depnted to make a selection from the magistrates of purchased rank, chosen by the Board of Civil Office from a large number of names submitted to them; and on the 25th, from a list of those eligible for em- ployment in Manchuria.

**On the 12th November, having bren specially commissioned to inquire into a charge brought by an inferior general officer against the general-in-chief of the Toumet Mongols at Sui-yuen, beyond the Great Wall, he requested instructions. His return to Peking is announced in the Gazette of the 23d Dec., but in the interim certain audiences are recorded, as also the presentation of a memorial by him on the 17th November, in his capacity of chief commissioner of customs, complaining of the practice of making dépôts of imports without the walls of Peking, to the evasion of the metropolitan duties. On the 9th December, he be- came cabinet minister, and was desired to retain his superintendence of the Board of War. On the 10th, he returned thanks for the acting appointment of General of the Mongols of the bordered yellow banner; and on the 26th, was made treasurer of the Imperial Clan. His memorial regarding the Sui-yuen affair was sent in on the 5th January 1849; the complainant was degraded, and the general accused summoned to Court. On the 19th, Kiying received the title of President of the Imperial Library. On the 22d, permission to ride in a chair within the precincts of the palace was given him by his sovereign.

"He was now associated with Chý Fung-piáu, a vice-president of the Board of Revenue, in a special commission of inquiry into the abuses of the salt depart- ment in Shantung, and substitutes were gazetted to act for him in his different offices; but, after mentioning that on the 18th February he had returned thanks for a recommendation, in which certain high officers appear to be annually in- cluded, the next issue inforins us that he bad requested instructions before pro- ceeding to Chehkiáng to inspect the garrisons of that province. On the 3d March, he addressed the Throne upon financial reform; on the 14th, his memo. rial is referred to the consideration of the Council, who reported upon it on 4th April. He did however go to Shantung, and upon the 8th of March, requested that four officers might be sent tɔ assist him in the prosecution of his inquiries. Upon the 12th March, a decree was published, announcing that the arrear in- curred Ly successive collectors of the sal: gabelle, was declared by him to amount to 73,930 taels; and another, directing the degradation of several ex- collectors accused by him of receiving bribes from the salt monopolists. On the 14th, he reports that 300,000 taels are lying in the provincial treasury, returned as expended, which may be forwarded to Peking: on the 16th, that there is au arrear of 11,900 taels in the taxes of a single department, the prefect of which is therefore degraded ; that the arrears of the districts of the department of Tsi- nán fú amount to 414,700 taels; and he prays that an inquiry be instituted into the financial state of all the other departments of the province. On the 17th, he returned to the capital.

"His departure for Chehkiáng is dated the 2d of April, since which time, ex- cept as having an audience on the 3d, no more is heard of him until the 28th of June; when he was presented with four taels' weight of ginseng. Ki Chí- cháng, who was gazetted as his associate on his tour of military inspection, did proceed to Chehkiảng as high commissioner; and after examining the accounts of the province with the governor, returned to the metropolis a short time ago. Upon the 26th of August, Ngan-hwa, vice-president of the Board of Works, was sent by his majesty to inquire after his health, which had compelled him to apply for a few days' leave of absence. His third son, Kinghien, of the imperial guards, was given, by an act of grace, a button of the fifth grade, and named ex- pectant of high metropolitan office. Upon the 30th November, Kiying reäppears to pay his respects.

168

Journal of Occurrences.

The Seamen's Bethel at Whampoa was dedicated to the public worship of God on the 19th inst., the dedicatory services being attended by about eighty per- sons, among whom we noticed H. E. Mr. Davis, the American Commissioner, Mr. Forbes the American Vice-consul, and many of the_merchants of Canton. The number of ships at Whampoa at the time was very few, and only a portion of them nad European crews, which accounts in a measure for the absence of sailors from the audience. The services were opened by reading the Scriptures, and singing the following hymn composed by Dr. Bowring for the occasion.

Hear, O Thou benignant Father!

Praise for mercies-prayers for grace While with grateful hearts we gather,

Sanctify the gathering place ; Many a thousand leagues divide us

From the lands and homes we love y➡ But Thy Gospel is beside us,

Heaven around, and Thou above. Humbly here an altar building

To Thy glory-may Thy rays Beam upon it, gladdening, gilding,

Ae in Tarael's honor'd daye, When their desert path benighted,

Saw the flaming pillar reared ; So may our dark way be lighted,

By Thy Spirit bless'd and cheered!

In the deep we see Thy wonders,

And before those wonders bew; From the clouds we hear Thy thunders:

Speak, O Lord! in mercy now! When the darkest storm is low'ring,

When the fiercest whirlwinds rage ; O'er them let the Cross be tow'ring,

Brighter still from age to age.

Father! if Thou deign to bless us,

All our labors will be blest, Naught shall daunt us—naught distress us ;

Thou our righteousness—our rest! All must yield where Thou presidest ;

Thou who rulest sea and land; All must follow when Thou guidest; Lord! stretch out Thine helping hand.

The dedicatory prayer was offered by Rev. P. Parker, M. D., and the sermon preached by Rev. Dr. Legge of Hongkong. His discourse was based on Mark vi. 34: “ And Jesus, when he came out, saw much people, and was moved with compassion toward them, because they were as sheep not having a shepherd: and he began to teach them many things." From this text, he deduced the Christian obligation of compassionating the ignorant of our race, and as a con- sequence the need and propriety of providing means and facilities for instruct- ing them. The services were concluded by Řev. Mr. Cleland giving the bene- diction.

The floating Bethel which has now been opened for public worship at Wham- pos is a commodious structure, 120 feet in length, and 34 feet beam, with'a walk four feet wide extending around it. The interior is divided, by a cross passage. way 6 feet wide, into two parts, the chapel and the chaplain's apartments. The former is 50 feet long, and 13 feet high, lighted by six gothic windows on each side, and has accommodations for seating 300 auditors; it is a spacious and elegant room. The other and smaller end of the Bethel is divided by a passage length- wise, and contains six rooms, one of which is a reading-room, soon to be provid- ed with a library and periodicals, a subscription having already been opened for this purpose. The entire expense of the Bethel, including anchors and cable, will not vary far from $6,000, all of which has been collected from foreigners in China, about half of it from the residents, and the remainder from the shipping. The chaplain of the American Seamen's Friend Society, Rev George Loomis, having draw up a plan in relation to the Bethel, began to collect sub- scriptions in December 1848, and a meeting of subscribers was called in Canton May 8th, 1849, at which it was resolved to vest the management of the funds col- lected for the erection of a Bethel in the hands of trustees. P. 8. Forbes Esq., was chosen chairman, and John Dent, G. H. Lamson, Joseph Jardine, R. P. Dana, and T. W. L. Mackean, Esqs., with the Seamen's chaplain, members of the Board of Trustees. W. O. Bokee, Esq. was appointed secretary to the Board, and N. de St. Croix, Esq requested to cooperate with Mr. Loomis in carrying out the details. The keel was laid in August 1849, and the vessel floated out of dock Feb. 7th, 1850. We congratulate the foreign community in Canton on the completion of this praiseworthy undertaking, and in noticing it, we can not close without mentioning the untiring exertions of Mr. Loomis and Capt. St. Croix in daily overseeing the thorough execution of the work, and collecting funds from the community and shipping for its completion.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-APRIL, 1850.-No. 4.

ART. I. Shwok Wan Kidi-tsz', Sù shí Hi-chuen, Sz'-shih kiuen ;

說文解字徐氏繫傳四十卷 or The Etymologicon

[of Hũ Shin] with a Supplementary Commentary by Sũ, in forty sections. BY PHILO.

[To the Editor.-Sir, before troubling you with any more Diversions, allow me to introduce to the notice of your Readers, the ETYMOLOGICON of Hü Shin, the_ablest lexicographer that has ever written on the Chinese lan- gnage. The edition before me, in eight handsome octavos, was printed in 1839 at the Golden Tombs, or Kinling—as the old Southern Capital is called in classic style; it comes recommended by one of the most erudite members of his Imperial Majesty's present Cabinet; and may therefore, I presume, be accepted as one of the best now extant. As a vade-mecum for the nativo student, it is valuable indeed ; and when translated, as it ought to be, it will be a most acceptable addition to our present apparatus for acquir- ing a knowledge of the Chinese language. I send you a short notice of this book arranged in a series of numbers, which will give your readers a general idea of its plan and contents. Your's, &c.—Philo.}

No. 1. Philo's Synopsis of the Work. PERHAPS it may save the reader some trouble,

if by way of preface, The first opens with

I give a summary view of the eight volumes. an Introduction by the principal editor, Chin Lwán, and a recom- mendatory Preface by Kí Tsiuentsíu, the then literary chancellor of Kiángsú, now assistant chief minister of the Cabinet, president of the Board of Revenue, &c. We have next what forms the body of the book, a list of 13,296 characters, of which 1762 are duplicated in either an ancient or altered form, thus giving a total of 14,054 : all these, as they are explained and illustrated, fill up twenty-eight sec- tions, and are arranged under five hundred and forty-one radicals, thus:

VOL. XIX. NO. IV.

170

Number of the

Nmber of the

Kiven

The Shwok IVan, er Etymologicon.

Number of the

Cimg 市

APRIL,

Number of the Wan

or Section.

Sect.

or Radicals.

or Churțicters.

or duplicated characters.

}}

2-227782":"NAM-Z88=2"-22"

274

465

672

326

633

138

300

640

112

3.6

816

7:33

324

703

4:2

6:0

3:25

523

290

380

368

632

211

728

394

468

2:6

311

2/1

8868725520822268589*9

Totals.

13.6

1762

These twenty-eight sections are the work of Hii Shin, and the commentary thereon is by the younger Sü, excepting that on the 25th section, which is by the elder brother; the sounds of the characters, excepting in the 25th section, are given on the authority of Chú Kâu, who was a fellow-cíficer of the younger Sü and of the same rank.

Section 29th contains Hii Shiu's own preface,—a translation of which is given in the sequel; following that preface, and completing the sixth of the eight volumes, we have a complete list of the five hundred and forty-cne radicals, arranged in the same order as they are treated of in the body of the book by Hii Shin.

Section 30th is a short one, consisting of only a memorial written by Hü Chung, the author's son, and presented to the emperor Ngántí with a copy of his father's Etymologicon, for which, as a token of his Majesty's pleasure and approbation, the presenter was honored with a gift of forty pieces of cloth, and a rescript from the throne.

The remainder of the forty sections, (from the 31st to the 40th inclusive) are the work of the younger Sü, “the minister Kiái,” as he there calls himself. These ten sections, together with the 30th, fill the seventh volume, which includes also, at the end, two or three short prefatory notes.

1850.

The Shwok Wan, or Etymologicon.

171

The last volume, the eighth, contains in a supplenientary form, a critical review of the whole preceding forty sections, prepared for the present edition by Ching Peiyuen and others.

No. 2. Biographical and Chronological Notes.

The Etymologicon furnishes some of the best materials extant for a complete history of the Chinese language and literature. In the absence of such a history, it may assist the general reader better to understand the sequel of this article (Nos. 3, 4. and 5), if a sew short notices of the persons named therein be laid before him.

1. Páuhí, or Fuhht. Both these forms are used as the proper name of the first monarch who appears in the annals of the Chinese. His reign commenced, according to their chrono- logy, 2552 e. c. To him they give the honor of inventing the Páh Kwá, or system of Diagrams, from whence has arisen the art of writ- ing as it now exists in this country. He was the first of the wú ti or "five rulers."

2. Shinnung shi✯ Divine Husbandman. This was the immediate successor of Fuhhí; he reigned 140 years, and is said to have used knotted cords to record the acts of his government.

3. Hwángti 黄帝

or the Yellow emperor. This is the third mo- narch to whom the Chinese consider themselves indebted for their "art divine." He reigned 100 years.

4. Tsángkich

It is to this man that the more direct and

immediate invention of writing is usually attributed by Chinese histo- rians. He was Hwangtí's principal minister of state.

5. Siuen wáng E. This sovereign, the eleventh of the Chau dynasty, commenced his reign 827 B. C. He was an illustrious patron of literature and literary men. He flourished nearly three cen- turies prior to the time of Confucius.

6. Sz' chau. Among those men who devoted themselves to literature under Siuen wáng, this man was called the Great His- torian. He is the reputed inventor of the Seal character.

7. Chi Hưáng tí

Translated literally, this title means "the first august emperor," or Augustus the First. At the same time,

he was both the destroyer and the patron of literature and literary

The Great Wall was built by his orders.

men.

8. Li Sz This was the lord lieutenant of Augustus the

李斯 First. It was this man who memorialized his master for an act of uni- formity, and wrote a treatise on the character invented by Ts'ángkieh.

9. Cháu Kau đà . Cotemporary with Lí Sz, under the same

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ruler, this man lived and held high office. Like his cotemporary, the lord lieutenant, he was devoted to learning. He wrote a work called Yuen lih Pien; the precise character of this work I can not as- certain. I suppose it may have been a memoir on the language.

10. Hú Wúking. In addition to the two abovenamed officers, this man is deemed worthy of notice; he was his Majesty's great historian ;" and wrote a philosophical treatise called Pok Hiok

Pien 博學篇

11. Hü Shin Shuhchung

I. The author of the Ety- mologicon bore this name; Hu was the designation of the family; Shin was the name he bore in the family; and Shukchung, the title or name of distinction given to him by his literary friends. The Chinese trace his descent from the ancient emperor named above; the place of his residence was Jünán; the precise time of his birth or of his death I know not. By one writer he is said to have flourished in the latter part of the Eastern Hán dynasty; but in his own writings, he speaks of the Emperor Ngai tí 哀帝, as being then on the throne; if such was the fact, Hii Shin must have been born prior to the Advent, and have died (probably at an advanced age) before the close of the first century. His Preface (No. 6.) will speak for itself 12. Hu Chung. This is the author's son, already referred to, who presented a copy of his father's work to the emperor Ngán tí whose reign commenced A. D. 107. This was after the death of his father; but how long time after is not known.

13. Su Hiven Tingchin 徐鉉鼎臣

14. Su Kiái Tsukin 徐楚金

These are the names

of the two brothers, Sü Hiuen the elder, called also Tingchau; and Sii Kiái the younger, called also Tsúkin. They lived and wrote under the Hau Tang, or After Túng dynasty, in the early part of the tenth century, more than nine hundred years ago. From that time down to the present we hear very little of the Etymologicon, except that some editions of it were printed under the Sung dynasty. These brothers were able scholars, as their writings abundantly testify; the younger held the office of "Keeper of the Secret Archives," and enjoyed the highest literary honors. What he has done for the Etymologicon, his Programme (No. 5.) will sufficiently show.

15. Ki Tsiuntsáu

It is chiefly to this distinguished scholar and statesman of Taukwáng that we are indebted for this beautiful and very valuable edition of Hii Shin's work. His recom- mendatory preface (No. 4,) is dated in the nineteenth year of his

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present Majesty's reign, which corresponds to A. D. 1839. He then held the office of literary chancellor in Kiángsú; he is now member of the Nui Koh or Cabinet, president of the Board of Revenue, &c., &c. The last part of his preface, as it is given in the translation, is a mere brief of the original, a repetition of facts elsewhere stated.

16. Chin Luán. It is only from the two following Nos. 3 and 4, that I have gathered the little that I know of this gentleman. His own Introduction (No. 3.) will best inform the reader concerning the history and character of the man. These two numbers will also give the needful information concerning those gentlemen whose as- sistance Kí Tsiuntsáu and Chin Lwán secured in the preparation of this new edition. Referring the reader to those papers which are hereto subjoined, I will here close my desultory notes.

No. 3. Prefatory Introduction by the Editor Chin Lưán of Kiángkib, dated 1839. In ancient times, the masters of polite literature held in high esteem the six methods of writing; and verily these are the true sources of the sound and meaning of words, the fountain from whence objects derive their names, and numbers their fixed limits. By means of these, the erudite scholar is enabled to understand the diversified transformations of the universe, with the various changes and modifications in the ceremonial, musical, criminal, and ethical codes; and the less learned is made capable of perceiving how the forms and sounds of words are derived, and how their sound and sense mutually affect each other, so that by these means he may comprehend the fine arts and all the various kinds of historical writings in their best style and profoundest signification. Thus great is their advantage to the young student.

scure.

Hü Shuhchung lived near the close of the Eastern Hán dynasty. When he saw how the ancient meaning and use of words had fallen into disrepute, he was grieved that even common discourse had become so corrupt and ob- As an intelligent man he was led to make the most thorough investi- gations; and as the result composed his Etymologicon in fifteen sections. Although I do not know how to understand his phrase túk shin_chi—“ make known the divine will,” yet the various alterations of the characters of the language, and the changes of the sounds, together with the regulations which have come down from the three dynasties, and the sound and meaning of [words used by the] border barbarians, are for the most part complete ; just as it is expressed by his son Hü Chung, “There is nought celestial or terrestrial, demoniacal or divine, of hill or river, herb, tree, bird, beast, creeping reptile, or of the curious and rare productions, of royal decrees or ceremonial insti- tutes, or of men and things in the world; which is not comprised therein."

From the Hán dynasty down to the present time, almost all the literati and men of talents, who have been thoroughly acquainted with classical literature, and have treated of the laws of the written character, have regarded this work as their standard. Yet there have been disorganizers, such, for example,

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as Lá Yúng-ping; so that but for Sú Hiven and his younger brother Sú Kiái, who revised and improved this book, it would have been gradually corrupted and rendered spurious.

Now upon an exainination of the two works, that of the elder brother is found to be the most concise and terse, yet it is sometimes too servile and not free from vulgarisms; that of the younger brother is the most luminous, though many of his expressions are too refined and the style too diffuse. Moreover, the two differ in this, that sometimes where the one is diffuse, the other is concise; or it may be that what is in the one is not in the other; or it may

be that a radical has been changed from one place to another, or that an explana- tion is wholly wanting. All these additions and changes I suspect are the work of later writers, or the errors of the copyists and publishers, so that the two original books we now possess, are not the identical old ones prepared by the two brothers. In laboring on the Etymologicon, though each had his favorite study, yet both occasionally were too concise or too diffuse. The elder brother Hiuen, having completed his book subsequently to the other, quoted many explanations from Kiái's work, and as the latter quoted from the classics, Hiuen sometimes seems to have mistaken these for the comments of Hü Shin. In the department of sounds also, as they are indicated by the two brothers, the younger greatly excels the elder. Accordingly the student ought to have recourse to the work of Kiái, “in order to perceive how the forms and sounds of words are derived, and how their sound and sense mu- tually affect each other, so that by these means he may comprehend the five arts, and all the various kinds of historical writings, in the finest style and pro- foundest signification,” and thus be able to search out and evolve their true origin.

Now it appears that this original work of Kiái has been very much muti- lated; and although numerous quotations from it, in the Tonic Collection of duke Wáng Cháu, can be adduced as evidence (of its genuineuess], yet this Tonic Collection in its turn has also been subjected to additions and emen- dations by Hiung Chung. For example, in his arrangement of the characters by the sounds, sometimes the same character is quoted from both the brothers, and sometimes an explanation from Kiái is twice given, differing by being in one case concise and in the other diffuse. Consequently, when brought forward and compared with Kiái's book, the discrepancies and errors are found to be numerolls.

Last year, the courtier Ki Shun-fú (Kí Tsiuentsáu) of Cháuyáng, a man of very extensive erudition and most thoroughly versed in classical literature, and exceedingly fond of this Etymologicon, was holding the office of literary chancellor in Kiángsú, when he obtained from his friend Kú Tsien-li an exact copy, an edition printed in the time of the Sung dynasty, and also a mutilated copy printed under the same dynasty from blocks in possession of Wáng Sz'-tung. Besides these two, he also procured a copy of Kiái's Tonic edition, printed in the chun character. Having perused these, he directed several literary gentlemen,-Li, Man, Wú, Ching, and biá, to examine the same and point out their errors and defects, and then to prepare a revised

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copy and have it printed at Kiáng-yin. In this his profound regard for learn- ing, in his love for the pure ancient style, in guiding the inexperienced, in supporting the weak, and in encouraging the rising genius so as to give stability and extension to our national literature, the courtier Ki stood pre- eminent.

But since, on examination and comparison, the works of the two brothers have been found to differ in some parts, and sometimes to be deficient or erroneous in their explanations, it has become necessary, in order fully to bring to view their classical merits, that we investigate their profound mean- ings, unfold their combined resources, trace out their ancient derivations, sustain the saine by numerous expressions, arrange all these characters into distinct and separate classes, and add a Supplement.

With the view of securing a new and improved edition, the courtier enter- ed into an arrangement with me, he engaging to have a copy prepared for the press; and, in the prosecution of this design, directed nie to edit the same. Though possessed of small abilities and incompetent to perform such a task, yet I greatly rejoice to see that it has been completed, and to our mutual satisfaction. The work having been nearly printed off, and the courtier him- self having prepared a Preface, has directed me to say a word in like man- ner, setting forth the eud and object of this work.

No. 4. Recommendatory Preface by Ki Taiunisáu, Literary Chancellor of Kiangsu, member of the Imperial Academy, &c. (Now assistant chief minister of the Cabinet.)

Instruction by means of the six methods of forming characters, was commenced by Toáng kieh, and in the Ritual of the Chau dynasty it attained great splendor. The student by the form and sound of the characters sought their meaning, by ascertaining their meaning be was able to comprehend the nature and principle of all things: this was the method universally pursued.

In the times of the Chau dynasty, the reforming influences of literature were most luminous and exceedingly abundant, opening the way for a peace- ful rule during tens of generations. After the destruction of literature by Tain, that the great purpose of this system of instruction by the six methods of writing was rescued from complete oblivion, is owing to the author of the Etymologicon, who diligently sought out and arranged the materials compris- ed in it and transmitted them to succeeding generations. The two brothers, Sü Ting-chin and Sü Taú-kin (elsewhere called Hiuen and Kiái), by their careful elucidations perfected the work of Hü Shin. But of the works of the two brothers, the younger is by far the most lucid.

In the general promotion of literature, and in the glory conferred on literary genius, our dynasty has far exceeded its predecessors. From the form and sound of characters, the scholar is enabled to comprehend their meaning so as to acquire and communicate knowledge.

By almost every family a copy of the Etymologicon is possessed; but by for the greater part have that of the elder Sü. The Supplementary Commen- tary of the younger Sü has been published in large character by Wáng of

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Chih, and in a diamond edition by Má of Shihmun: both these editions were disordered, erroneous, defective and spurious, and the whole body ar- anged so as to render their perusal painful.

Tun Teán (the writer of this preface) having read the notes on the Etymo- logicon by Yin Máu-tăng, and knowing that Kú Tsienli and Wáng Jinft of Wú, had in the possession of their respective families ancient manuscripts which were exceedingly clear and exact, for a long time kept this fact to myself. Máu King Sienluh of Hokien, having a mind solely devoted to the study of Hu's work, thoroughly investigated the commentary [of the young- er Sü], and studied it with great intensity.

In the year 1837, being raised hy imperial appointment, to the literary chancellorship of Kiángsú, I proposed to the aforesaid gentleman of Hokien to accompany me; though at first on account of his age, he was deterred by the length of the journey, yet having in mind the works of Wang and Má and the chance of getting a sight at them, he was pleased to order his car- riage. It was in the ninth month that we arrived at my office and met with the superior of the Ki-yång Institute, Dr. Lá Shinki, and inquired about the Etymologicon. In former days the Doctor had been fellow-student with Kú, and immediately wrote to Kú's grandson Suitsing to borrow the book. Hav- ing obtained it, and on comparing it with the copies of Wáng and Má, it ap- peared that both in the text and notes, a great many characters had becn added to Kú's copy. Thus under the radicals wood and heart, several tens of characters in the seal form of writing, had been added; so of others. Some, wanting in the works of Wång and Má, were found to be complete in Ku's work. Further, upon inquiry, the Doctor was able to ob- tain from Wang Sz'tung a copy printed in the time of the Sung dynasty; this gentleman obligingly presented a part of this copy to me for inspection. It was contained in case fourth, extending from Sect. 32d to the 40th; the rest of the work was wanting. On comparing this with the MS. copied from an edition printed in the Sung dynasty, they were found for the most part nearly to correspond; we thus knew that Kú's copy was a veritable edition of the Sung dynasty. I was delighted at having obtained this copy, and wish- ed to cooperate with my friend, Máu of Hokien. In the meantime, in com- municating with Chin Lwán, the governor of the province, regarding this matter, he was found willing to guaranty the expenses of the publication. I then requested Dr. Lå Shinki to undertake the superintendence of the copying and printing of the work.

As to the original copy of the 25th chapter of the commentary [by the younger Sü] which was wanting, its place was to be supplied by an authen- tic copy of that of Kú.

Further, I requested the Doctor to have whatever had been quoted from the commentary, and was contained in the Tonic Collection, carefully copied and formed into a Supplement, in order to supply defects, and to preserve the smallest fragments. Moreover, the Doctor himself directed his pupils Ching Peiyuen and Hiaking of Kiángyin, and Wú Jukang of Wu-kiêng, to com pare and examine these writings.

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Mau of Hokien, having obtained the perusal of Kú's copy, added his tea- timony, and immediately a copy was made ready with especial carefulness for the engraver. I myself was able to procure from Tsin Lienshuh, the Tonic Collection by the younger Sü, and thus this edition was made com- plete, ready for the press. Copies of the Etymologicon, prepared by Yü Yenchi, Li Jinfű, Wang Pehliau, were published in the time of the Sung dynasty; but all these are now found to be very defective and much mutilated. Dur- ing the Yuen and Ming dynasties, there seem to have been no reprints. The present edition, therefore, being an exact transcript from Kú Tien-li's, will I trust be quite correct and free from errors. Still, should the lovers of antiquity discover such in it, by pointing out the same, they will help the student to a more thorough acquaintance with the work. Thus it will be- come more complete; its high aims more fully secured; and the design of Chin Lwán in publishing this edition realized. And thus too, my own hopes and expectations will be satisfied.

No. 5.-Postgramme by Sũ Kiái. (No date.)

THIS treatise, the Etymologicon, has a remote origin, having existed during nine successive dynasties, a period of seven hundred years. The efforts of our literary professors are now relaxed; our men of learn- ing are abandoning their pursuits; no sages make their appearance; and the divine will is darkened. Therefore, in a Supplementary form, I have given a General Explanation of Hü Shin's entire work extend- ing from Sects. I to xxx.

The radical characters, and those naturally derived from them, have been taken up and explained in consecutive order; and the res- pective classes extended so that all objects under heaven, properly fall- ing into them, have been traced out. Those of remote and obscure origin have not been brought into these series. Seizing, therefore, upon the principal idea of those which could be clearly traced, I have formed the Radical Series, in Sects. xxxi and xxxii.

Written characters are the means by which the sages were enabled to make researches the most profound, and investigations the most minute; by which are drawn the lines of heaven and earth, of the sun and moon; by which the cardinal duties of fidelity, filial piety, humanity, and justice are illustrated, and the rules for the high and the low in the empirical defined, and all the laws and ordinances for the regulation of ceremonies and music prescribed. When able clearly to comprehend all these, the prince can keep in their proper place all the subjects of his wide domain, and bring the whole empire under just control. So the minister of state, when able clearly to com- prehend all these, can properly serve his prince and regulate his sub-

VOL. XIX. NO IV

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ordinates. Written characters sometimes have different meanings; and if all these are brought together, they will be very numerous. From a full tide, gathering a few drops, we should then turn upwards to the fountain head. Selecting some of the most important characters of the language, I have treated of them in a number of Excursuses, in Sects. XXXIII, XIV, and xxxv.

The sense of characters is sometimes subtle and profound; and if not thoroughly comprehended by the student, all his literary efforts will be mere vagaries. A Removal of Vagaries I have attempted in Sect. XXXVI.

Natural endowments are distinctive.

Friends have their associates.

As among flowers and trees, so universally there are distinctions and diversities. Should ten thousand classes of objects be brought together, they would not rob each other of their order. I have made a Collec- tion of Classes in Sect. xxxvii.

As written language has in it what words can not fully express, so it is with single words; and if their explanation be too diffuse, fidelity will be lost; if too concise, perspicuity will be wanting. The natural properties of objects, whether similar or diverse, should be fully deve- loped, and made perfectly clear and distinct. An Erplication of Errata I have prepared in Sect. XXXVIII.

Books having been lost, and leaves torn away, different readings have been introduced; and the emendations and corrections not being clear, these in after times have been left in doubt. A Resolution of Doubts I have given in Sect. xx/X.

In high antiquity Fuhhí, by means of his diagrams, gave the clue. The Yellow Emperor invented writing, and Tsángkieh extended the system. In the middle of the Chau dyasty, the emperor Siuen became its patron, and his minister Sz'chau received the succession and transmitted it to Hü Shin, who gave it the finishing line. Under his care its highest purpose was attained. If committed to improper hands, errors must ensue. Our august Sovereign, in his turn becom- ing its patron, investigated the ancient lore, penetrating into what was dark, and searching out what was obscure; and thus all things were made to appear in their true light. Committing these to me, his minister, I have attempted to perform my task, as described in Sect. XL,

No. 6.-Original Preface by Hi Shin Shuhchung. In ancient times, Páuhí's royal sway extended over all beneath the heavens. Directing his attention upwards, he surveyed the images in the heavens. Then turning downwards, he surveyed the forms on

[

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the earth, carefully observing the figures upon birds and beasts and the things peculiar to the earth,—here, in his own person, selecting what was remarkable; there, what was so in others. In this manner he was able to invent the eight diagrams for a system of changes, and to evolve a scale of magisterial rules.

2. Passing down to the time of the Divine Husbandman, we first find that cords were tied into knots in order to record the acts of the government; and thus its affairs were grouped together. These, being exceedingly numerous, gave rise to forgeries and deceits.

3. It was at this time, that Ts'ángkieh, a minister of the Yellow Emperor, by observing the footsteps of various birds and beasts, ascer- tained that by lines objects could be distinguished one from another. Thus he invented writing for the purpose of forming contracts; and hence every kind of work was carried on in due form, and every or- der and engagement properly defined. The clue that led to this in- vention he obtained by an inspection of the diagram, Inundation, signifying (by interpretation) "proclaimed in the imperial courts," i. e. by means of written characters instruction is proclaimed, and the principles of knowledge are made known in the king's courts; and thus, while conferring emoluments upon their inferiors, the princes will be careful to preserve their own virtues.

4. When Ts'ángkieh invented his system of writing, he did it by drawing the images of various species, and hence he called them wan, figures. Afterwards, by writing form and sound, he augmented theit number, and these new ones he called tsx', or characters, meaning by this term that they became numerous from being recombined and nourished. But when characters came to be etched upon bamboos and the bark of trees, this was called skú, or writing, i. e. giving a likeness of the objects described.

5. During the ages that elapsed under the five Emperors and the three families of kings, the form of the written characters underwent numerous alterations. For example, in the inaugural inscriptions, found upon the tablets erected on the Great Mountain by the seventy- two sovereigns who went thither to record their names, none are precisely alike.

6. According to the Ritual of the Chau dynasty, the sons of the Imperial family, when they reached their eighth year, were placed for education under the care of a tutor, and the instruction commenc- ed with these six classes of written characters.

(a.) Indicatives, such as sháng, hiá, EF above, below: literally, point thing, chi sz', i. e. such characters as these two, sháng

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and hiá, given as examples, the meaning of which we can ascertain by inspection, their import being apparent on examination.

(b.) Imitations, such as jik, yuch, BA, sun, moon: literally image form siáng hing, i. e. such characters as jih and yuck, the two above given as examples, in which an image or likeness of the object signified is delineated, by making the form of the character an exact imitation of the thing.

(c.) Phonetics such as kiáng, ho, I, river, stream: literally, form sound, hing shing, i. e. such compound characters as the two above, kiáng and ho, one part of which is taken to be named, and this is joined to another which gives the new character its sound, (d.) Ideographics, such as wú, sin, martial, faith: literally. united meaning,, huui í, i. e. such compound characters as wú and sin, where two well known characters are joined so as to sug- gest the idea to be given to the new word.

(e.) Reversives, such as káu, láu, explanation

aged, old: literally, turned chuen chú, i. e. such characters as káu, láu, in which, while the upper part remains the same, the lower is reversed or turned.

(f.) Derivatives, such as ling, cháng↑

order, elder : literally,

suppose borrow,kia tsié, i. e. such characters as ling and cháng, which are borrowed to denote things or acts that haɖ previously never been indicated in writing; the character thus borrowed retains its original sound but takes a new meaning.

7. In the reign of the Emperor Siuen of the Chau dynasty, his his- toriographer Sz'chau invented the chuen or seal character, and wrote a work thereon in fifteen chapters; some of these new characters were the same as the ancient, others were different.

8. Subsequently, when Confucius wrote the six classics and Tsú Kiúming compiled the annals called Spring and Autumn, both used the ancient character. Its meaning, therefore, could at that time be understood and explained.

9. At a later period the several princes of the empire, having strengthened their respective governments, refused submission to the imperial sway. Hating the restraints that were laid upon them by the ceremonial and musical codes, they destroyed all these standards; and separating themselves from the supreme government, formed seven independent states, all differing in the modes of laying out their lands, in the construction of their carriages, in the execution of their laws, in the fashion of their robes and caps, in the sounds of their words, in the forms of their speech, and in the shape of their written characters.

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10. When the august Emperor of the Tsin dynasty, known as the First (Tain Chí hwángtí) had united all the states of the empire un- der one general government, his prime minister Lí Sz' addressed a memorial to the throne, requesting an act of uniformity, and that whatever was found not conformed to the standards of the state might be abolished. This minister himself wrote a treatise on the character invented by Ts'ángkieh, Chau Káu, another statesman of high rank, wrote a historical memoir on the language; and his majesty's historio- grapher Hú Wúking, wrote the Great Instructor, a treatise on moral philosophy. These three authors all employed the seal character in- vented by Sz'chau; and being somewhat abbreviated and modified by them, it was called the Lesser, in contradistinction to the former, the Greater seal character.

11. It was at this time that the monarch of Tsin burnt the classics, and annihilated all the ancient codes. He also banished a great many officers and sent forth armed expeditions. As the business of the of ficers in the public service became very multifarious, the official method of writing was introduced, in order to secure greater accuracy and dispatch; and by this means it was that the ancient form, the kú wan, ceased to be used.

12. Of the various forms of writing introduced prior to this date, eight are enumerated as existing under the Tsin dynasty, which are thus designated :-

1. Tá chuen, the Greater Seal character;

2. Siáu chuen, the Lesser Seal character;

3. Kih fú, the Engraved check; 4. Chung shú, the Insect picture; 5. Mú yin, the Stamp signet;

6. Shuh shú, the Portal writing;

7. Li shú, the Official writing.

13. After the rise of the Hán dynasty the running-hand form of writing came into vogue (sometimes called the tsáu shú

Grass character).

14. According to the code of laws called wei, instituted by the Hán dynasty, young students on arriving at the age of seventeen years, were to be instructed and examined in nine thousand of those charac- ters that had been invented by Sz'chau. Then if accepted they were considered eligible to the lower offices of state. Furthermore they were to be examined in the abovementioned eight forms of writing, and then reported by the magistrate to the literary chancellor, who,

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after still farther instructing and examining them, selected the most intelligent and recommended them for the higher offices of state, while those who had not duly prepared themselves, or had not come properly recommended, were reported accordingly and dismissed from the pub- lic service. Though this code, the wei, still exists, yet that system of instruction and examination having now ceased for a considerable period, no one is able to state how they were conducted.

15. In the time of the Emperor Hiáu-siuen, his majesty issued a proclamation inviting all those who could read the character of Tsáng- kieh to report themselves; of these Cháng Chwáng was found to be the greatest proficient, and he was accordingly promoted. Three others,-Tú Nieh, governor of Liang-chau, Yuen Lí, a resident of Pei, and Tsin Kin, high literary chancellor, were all found able to explain the same character.

16. In the time of the Emperor Hiáuping, his majesty commanded Yuen Li, and more than a hundred others of the literati, to lecture on philology in the palace-hall called Weiyáng, and also appointed him to be the principal of the primary schools.

17. Yáng Hung, a courtier of the imperial palace, having brought together a variety of philological writings, arranged the same into a book, which he called the Instructor. All these, from those of Tsáng- kieh downwards, formed fourteen chapters, containing 5340 cha- racters. In this book was contained nearly all the characters found in the writings then extant.

18. Subsequently Sin, known as the Defunct, having usurped the Imperial authority, commanded his high minister Chin Fung, and others, to review and examine the lists of written characters-con- ceiving it to be his prerogative to change and modify it at pleasure. These men, in performing their task fixed upon the following six classes of written characters.

✰

(a.) The ancient form, kú wan, such as that employed in the books found in the walls of the house where Confucins lived.

(b.) The antique characters, 4, ki tsz', or such as were

found to be different from the ancient or kú wan.

(c.) The seal character, chuen shú, i. e. the lesser, pre- pared by Ching Miáu of Kiátú by order of Augustus the First, of the Tsin dynasty.

(d) The left hand character, tso skú, i. e. the official writing employed under the Tsin dynasty.

(e.) The close seal,,miú chuen, i. e. such as was used

seals and signets.

upon

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(f.) The bird and insect characters niáu chung shú, or such as were used upon flags and envelopes.

19. When Kung, the prince of the ancient kingdom of Lú, pulled down the house where Confucius used to live, he found concealed in its walls, the Code of Ceremonies, the History of the Sháng dynas- ty, the Spring and Autumn Annals, and the Treatise on Filial Duty; moreover, there are extant two books, a copy of the Spring and Autumn Annals, and a copy of Tso's commentary thereon, which were pre- sented to the Imperial court by Cháng Tsang the prince of Pehping; also pots and vases which at various times, and in different states of the empire have been discovered on the hills and in the rivers, having insciptions upon them; now all these books, vases, etc, are found to contain the ancient character, kú wan, that had been employed under former dynasties; and they are all essentially the same. By means of these various writings and inscriptions, we are enabled clearly to as- certain and describe what were the forms employed in remote antiqui- ty, and hitherto but imperfectly understood.

20. But [notwithstanding the evidence furnished us in possessing these written monuments, if any one now presumes to labor upon them], the people will ridicule and reproach him, as being too fond of the marvelous, and dissatisfied with what is plain; and yet they them- selves will change the characters in current use and form new ones hard to be understood, fancying that by altering them in this irregular manner they will gain distinction in after ages. Even scholars who by a descrip- tion of separate characters would explain to us the meaning of the clas- sics, rashly declare that the official form, invented under Tsin, was the work of Tsing kieh! As these characters have been transmitted from father to son, how, say they, could they have been changed and altered? Yet they doggedly affirm, for example, that the character long († cháng) is a compound formed of a horse's head and man; that the cha- racter man (▲ jin) grasping the numeral ten († shih) makes tou (斗) or ten bushel measure; and that the character for insects chung) is formed by turning its parts inwards towards the center. Proceeding in this manner, even the imperial jurists, when explaining the laws will, by employing only one single character give sentence in a criminal case! In the phrase, to-harass people in-order-to-get money, (ho jin shau tsien) the fisrt character to-harass, is taken alone (the others being dropped) to form a complete sentence ! Examples of this kind are very numerous, and they are all different from the ancient form employed by Confucius, nor do they accord with those invented by Sz'-chau. Vulgat literati and pettifoggers, too fond

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of what they themselves have heaped together, and misled by mere hearsay, do not comprehend either those who are thoroughly versed. in the science of language, or the common rules by which written characters are formed; considering the old methods as odd, and having a partiality for rude forms of speech, they consider their own acquisi- tions as secret and profound mysteries, and themselves as having pe- netrated into the most subtle and refined conceptic of the sages. Meeting, for example, in the works of Tsángkieh with a section about "The youthful hen's receiving commands," they thence declare that said section must have been written by an ancient emperor, though in it are contained rules for those who wish to become divine and im- mortal! Thus conspicuous are their errors. What foolishness! what perversity!

21. In the ancient History it is said, “ I wish to see and under- stand the written forms of the ancients;" meaning that we ought to conform to and cultivate the old forms of written characters, and should not box and drill! Confucius has said, “I would fain obtain the lost forms of the historians! But now, alas, they are irrecoverably gone." Because men will adhere to their own private views, and find fault with what they do not know, and will not be at the trouble of learning from others, all distinction between what is right and what is wrong is naught, while their own subtle explanations and specious phraseology excite doubt and suspicion in the minds of every student.

20. Now such ought not to be the case, because written language is the source from whence we derive all our classical and scientific learning, and the origin of our royal institutions. It is the means by which the men of former generations have handed down their stores of learning to their successors, and by which men of after ages must gain their knowledge of the ancients. Hence the saying, "When correct premises are laid down, then true doctrines will be developed." Now we know that nothing in the world has a higher origin or purpose than written language, and nothing ought to be more carefully preserved from confusion and corruption.

23. On preparing the present arrangement of the seal characters, it has been my endeavor to have the whole work accurately correspond to the ancient forms invented by Sz'chau. With reference both to the separate characters, and their respective explanations, I have ex- tensively investigated the writings of learned men of every order from the highest to the lowest, and have made such a selection of characters as seemed most trustworthy, and sustained by the best authority; and their explanations have been adopted only after the most thorough

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investigations. In doing all this, it has been my purpose duly to arrange all the classes of words, to remove the errors into which others have fallen, to give the learner a thorough knowledge of his subject, and to make known the divine will. By arranging the characters under their appropriate radicals, confusion and disorder are prevented. Thus all things without exception, are subjected to our view. When characters have seemed obscure, they have been elucidated by quota- tions; and in doing this the works used have been the Book of Changes by Mang; History by Kung; the Odes by Máu, the Ritual by the officers of Chau; the Spring and Autumn Annals by Tsó; and likewise the Conversations and the Treatise on Filial Duties; all in the ancient form of writing. When any characters occurred which I could not understand, these have been left blank.

ART. II. Thoughts on the term proper to be employed in translating Elohim and Theos into Chinese. By a Missionary. In a Letter to the Editor.

In common with many others, my mind has been not a little exer- cised in the perplexing inquiry, as to the term proper to be employed in the Chinese language as an appellative for God, or the Deity of the Bible. It is confessedly an inquiry of vast importance, but also not free from many difficulties; as is manifest from the great amount of talent, labor and investigation it has called into exercise. My cherish- ed hope and prayer have been, that contending parties would be led to see and feel as one man on the subject. This object has not yet been attained; and it is with the prayerful desire of furthering so de- sirable a result, and not simply to enter the list of controversialists, that I now take up my pen. I have read the greater part of what has been written on this subject with some degree of attention; and am compelled to confess that the arguments on neither side have been conclusive to my own mind; while from these papers mainly, I have been furnished with materials, which have enabled me to form an opinion, based, as I think on sound logical deductions, which will appear in the sequel.

and sis

Of the terms which have been proposed to render into Chinese, only two are prominent; shin and ti, the latter to be accompanied with some qualifying adjunct, and these are pro- bably the only native oues at all defensible. Before proceeding

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to the examination of these terms, however, it will be well to ascer- tain what are the requisites in any term employed as an appellative for the Divine Being. I apprehend that such term should be one used by common consent, generally, and xal' soxv, for Deity or for a Di- vine Being or Beings, by the people to whose language the term be- longs. This is of the very highest importance. If the term be not so used, it can not become a proper one to translate pr♬by and Osós. There should be a suitableness also, so that the term should convey of itself and by application the idea of power, dignity, greatness, and grandeur. Again, it should be a generic term for Deity, if the people into whose language the translation is made, are polytheists, and have a general name for Deity. Such is □, for the Aramean nations had become polytheists; such also is so, for the Greeks had whole families of Divine beings.

The first of these requisites is indispensable; the other two are very important, and should exist, if the genius of the language and the theology of the people afford them. Now, in which of the two pro- posed terms do we find these requisites, or the nearest approach to them; and hence the closest correspondence to be and Gros? Are they found in shinor in ti? In this investigation, dic- tionaries by foreigners and their opinions, manifestly can be of no weight unless clearly verified by native usage and authority. Thus premising, I shall assign some reasons for giving a preference to ti with an adjunct, as either sháng tor t'ienti, as the fittest term to render God in the Chinese; and then show why I can not acquiesce in the position of those who have advocated the employment of shin.

I propose to try ti by the abovenamed requisites. 1. Is ti used by the Chinese for Deity by way of eminence; and as the distinguishing appellation for that being, or those beings who are regarded divine? In the sacred books of the Chinese, we find at least one Being re- cognized of whom is predicated what belongs only to God, and who, especially in moral character and attributes, resembles far more the true God, than does any one of the so of the Greeks. He is a Being to whom no beginning is attributed; a Being of perfect moral recti- tude, and is represented as rewarding the upright and punishing the wicked; a Being too of universal sovereignty and providence. The distinguishing title by which this Being, and all other entities supposed to resemble him, are known among the Chinese is shángti This too is a title used by way of eminence to distinguish Deity, long before the Chinese were led by their pride, either to assume or apply

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it to mortal man. This was likewise at a time, when it is clear from their ancient works, the Chinese possessed a purer theology and more correct notions of the divine Being and character than they now do.

2. Ti as used by the Chinese, is a term which carries with it, not the idea of a simple personal name, but of power, dignity and autho- rity. It is seldom or never applied otherwise than to designate ob- jects of real or supposed greatness, natural, moral or official, or some or all of these attributes combined. Hence, when the founder or follow- ers of the system of Rationalism wished to give dignity and promi- nence to their system and the new objects of worship introduced by them, they applied this term by way of usurpation to some of those objects. This is the origin of the famous Yuh-hwáng shángti E 上帝, and also of Hiuen-tien shángti 玄天上帝, both of

whom are now objects of worship. By some the first of these two Ti has been erroneously confounded with the shángti of the sa- cred books. The origin and history of Yuhhwáng shángtí is mentioned in Vol. X., page 305 of the Repository; and notices of the other are given in Vol. XVIII. page 102.

Closely allied to the above characteristics, but in my view adding force to the suitableness of using tito designate Deity, is the fact, that it is the term used by the Chinese to convey the idea of god- like, just as they use shin for anything spirit-like. Hence it is, that those objects of religious worship, which most resemble the one great T. of ancient record and veneration are designated by the same term; hence, too, he, who according to the prevalent and venerated philosophy is the one great Te's visible representation in tien hiá F F, or this world, and is regarded as having been by this One Great one so appointed, is also designated tí, or has assumed this as his peculiar title, Whatever may be our opinion as to the inappropriateness of such ap- plication, according to Chinese philosophy there is propriety in giving to their Emperor the title of t'ien tsz'

: : not of shin, because he has rather too much of gross material belonging to him, but of tí a ruler of dignity and authority, and by the great autocrat so ap- pointed. True, we may feel there is much arrogance, if not some- thing more heinous in such an application. The same application was also true of deos, for Strabo uses, § 6. xaigap. Let the Emperor of China once feel and heartily acknowledge the power of divine truth, and such use of ti will be disallowed.

and of ti

Is a term to be rejected because it has been abused in its applica- tion? Then the translators of the LXX, and the writers of the

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New Testament should have rejected es. On the same principle may we with as much reason reject our holy religion, because it has been made the occasion and instrument of tyranny, oppression and shedding of blood,—abused to the worst of purposes. If be a

❝ fit, although abused and misapplied term, shall we not rather rein- state it in its once preeminent position, and through it reveal the true character of the One and the Supreme as Chinese records of early ages speak of One, whom there will probably be no great error in recogniz- ing as the God of Abraham, and of whom the patriarch found the fear and worship even in the land of Canaan; as also one who is recorded to have been the priest of this Most High God. May not Yáu and Shun and the people of their times, who may probably as early and even earlier than Abraham and Melchisedec, have possessed know- ledge of the true God, such as Abraham found in Canaan, derived too from the same source?

3. But is ti used as a generic term for Deity by the Chinese? Is it an appellative for a class of beings regarded divine, and not the name merely of an individual? If the Chinese in their theological opinions have conceived of such a class, tí is the only distinguishing title for such a family. There is no other term generic and used xa? sğoxu for Deity. So that searching after such a term, if it be not found here is like a search for the philosopher's stone—for what does not exist, Then, if such generic term be absolutely indispensable in order to translate the Holy Bible, the revising committee at Shánghái may as well give up their work. Whence this necessity? Is it so, that the Author of the Sacred Scriptures has so constructed them, that a people must of necessity be polytheists, and have a family of Gods, and a generic name for that family, before there is a possibility of trans- lating the sacred oracles into their language? If people never had the idea of the existence of more than one Divine being, though they are gross idolaters, by offering religious worship to ten thousand of crea- tures, possibly not paying any worship at all to that one being regarded divine; how could the language of such a people afford a term at once generic and xa?' sox for God? Is not such a case quite supposable? Such indeed seems to have been the religious position of the North American Indians. They venerated, but did not worship the one Great Spirit, which in their language would become the term for God by way of eminence while they avowedly did offer religious worship to innumerable evil spirits. But as they acknowledge only one Great Spirit there consequently could be in their language no generic term for God, as of a class of beings regarded divine, and yet translations of

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the Bible into their languages have been made. Does not the existence of such generic term depend, not on the nature of the case, but on the theogenical and mythological views of a people? We know from re- vealed truth, there can be no such term. There can be only one God, one supreme Being, and consequently there can be no term expressive of a class of such beings. But mankind have not always been thus correct in their theology, and hence such terms have arisen. The Greeks had several families of gods, divine beings begetting divine beings, and hence the generic term of soí. The use of por as a generic it is now impossible to trace; probably it arose much in the same way, as its cognate among the Greeks. If the Chinese, like the Greeks, have a family of divine beings, that family is assuredly com- posed of the highest in rank, the most powerful and venerated beings acknowledged by them. The common term by which this class is dis- tinguished (leaving the question whether they be or be not esteemed divine), is tt, just as tien shin is the generic appellation for one, pú sáh

for a third, anc kwei for another class of objects of worship, so also is ti the term for distinguishing the highest, most venerated, most dignified and powerful class. In its use and applications by the Chinese, it is near- er to those of soi than any other term to be found in their language. This fact will become more clearly developed in the discussion of shin as claimed to be the best term to be employed to express Deity. I now proceed to consider the grounds, on which shin has been advocated as the only proper term, in the Chinese language to express Deity appellatively. This term, the author of the "Essay on the pro- per rendering of the words Elohim and Osos into the Chinese lan- guage," given in pp. 17,57 of Vol. XVII, says must be used "malgré all objections." Let us therefore, ascertain the strong foundation on which this “must be used” rests, by reference to the Essay, and to the writings of others, who advocate the same views. On page 20, he says, “in order to combat polytheism,” we must use the name of the whole class worshiped as Gods by the Chinese." Again, page 23 "We must, therefore, take for Jehovah the name of" the whole class [of Gods] and affirm that it properly belongs to Him alone; that there is no other being in the universe entitled to this name.

Again, page 20, a definition of the generic name for God, is given,-"The name of the highest genus or Class of Beings, to whom the Chinese offer religious worship."

These first principles of the Essay appear well, and had the argu- ment, purporting to be built upon them (the language in which they

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are couched being understood in one sense,) possessed a perfect accord- ance with these principles, its Author might with much reason have declared, in his conclusion, as to the term he advocates, "We must use [it] malgré all objections." That "one sense" referred to above is, that in the first quotation,—the words "worshiped as gods," must mean that they are so worshiped because they are esteemed to be divine Beings. But in the mind of the author; judging from his Argu. ment, they seem to signify, such worship is offered as belongs to Gods or dinine Beings. If therefore, "worshiped as Gods" means wor- shiped because they are esteemed divine Beings, we make no objection to the proposition. This clearly then consitutes polytheism. But if the latter idea be the true one in the mind of the author and other advocates for shin, viz., that “worshiped as Gods" signifies worshiped as divine Beings only should be worshiped, we cannot acquiesce in the position. This is not polytheism, but idolatry.

The

Again, in relation to the generic name for God, if, by name for the highest genus or class of Beings," &c., be intended the name by which that genus or class is distinguished from every other genus or class of beings, then it is just what we need. But if in the first phrase," worshiped as Gods"-by gods, is to be understood simply, beings to whom religious worship is offered, which should be offered to the true God only, and by "The name of the highest genus, &c.," be signified a name predicated of, though not peculiar to such high class, while with equal propriety, it is applicable to many other classes of beings, then we cannot but feel that there is a radical defect in the very foundation of the Argument in this essay. This argument is labored, ingenious and plausible, and especially calculat- ed to bewilder those not acquainted with the Chinese language, and unaware of the very diversified uses and applications of shin. It is conducted too much, as if the author believed that shin had no such application even in its concrete use. True, occasionally we get a glimpse of the fact of its extensive range, though the prominent view given is, that it only embraces so much as the definition for a generic name naturally implies, and so is the distinguishing name for the highest class. But whether the writer intended to hold up shin in the restricted sense as simply an appellative for the highest genus or class of objects worshiped, or in its wider range, as a generic name for all objects of worship from the lowest to the highest in rank, it is not easy to decide. But other writers on the subject argue the adoption of shin expressly and explicitly on account of this extensive applica- tion. In the China Mail there is a well written article, on the present

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question, quoted below,* in which it is stated that the object of enquiry is to find a term in the Chinese language analagous in its use to the word God in English, or to the Deus of the Latins, the fos of the Greeks, or the of the Hebrews; and it is then remarked, "These several terms have in the language to which they belong, a general application to whatsoever may be an object of religious worship, without regard to the character of that object." Again, “The ôɛos of the Greeks represented a multitude of objects of worship, each of which had its respective proper name; while all collectively were designated by this common term." The writer then announces his opinion that shin is such analogous term; and hence embracing, what is attributed top and Beof, "Whatsoever may be an object of religious worship without regard to the character of that object."

To the Editor of the “ China Mail.”

"Thoughts upon the manner of expressing the word for GOD in the Chinese language: by John Bowring, LLD.”

Sir.-The above is the heading of an article in the November number of the Chinese Re- pository, which I read with interest. The learned writer has there expressed much that is inge- nious and important on points connected with the question, but in my opinion has not met the question itself. The inquiry is not, if I apprehend it, about the proper name of the Supre.ne Being, who has called bimself Jekovak, nor is it how that name shall be expressed in the Chinese language, but the search is for an appellative term for God. It is supposed that Jekovek, the proper name of the Deity, will be transferred to the Chinese language, on the same principle that Jerus, the proper name of our Savior, or Moses, the proper name of the Jewish lawgiver, will be conveyed to that language, viz: by expressing as nearly as may be the sound of the naine in Chinese characters, without regard to their siguification. This being done, there will still be wanting an expression for the generic or general term God. The Christian believes in but ous God, still there are many that are called gods, and it is supposed that every language bas an appellative term similar in its use to the word God in English by which this order of beings is desiguated. The object of inquiry appears to be, to find in the Chinese language a term analagous in its use to the word God in English, or to the Deus of the Romans, the Theos of the Greeks, or the Eloak of the Hebrews. These several terma bave in the language to which they belong, a general application to whatever may be an object of religious worship, without regard to the character of that object. In English, we speak of the true God aud of false gods: the Romans had a Jupiter, a Népture, a Venus, and others, but all were clussed under the general term Deus. The Eloak of the Hebrews was alike applied to the true God and the idols of the surrounding heathen, and the Theos of the Greeks represented a multitude of objects of worship, each of which had its respective proper name; while all, collectively, were designated by this common term. The Chinces also worship a multitude of objects, each under its distinctive name, but have some appellative term to designate them as a class, and which is common to them all. This common termi I think is Skin. This may be seen written in a large character and pasted up in the boats, the shops, and dwellings of the Chinese, and is made the symbol, or general representative, of all the objects they worship. Before this written character is kept the altar and smoking in- cense, and to it worship is performed on the first and fifteenth of every moon; and special offer- ings are made at the same shrine on the birthday of every god in their Calendar. If they worship the spirits of departed ancestors, they are called Shin'; if_they_worship the latent principle of nature, it is called Skim, if they worship Ma-tsoo po, Pik-te-ye, or Shang-ti all are called Skin, and should they worship Jupiter, Juggernaut. Jehovah, or Jah, they all would be called Shin. The Chinese speak of Tien-skin (heavenly gods,) Tu ti skin (local gods,) Skan-shin (gods of the hills,) Ho-skin (gods of the river.) &c. They have presiding deities over the elements, the seasons, and the various professions of men, each with a distinctive name; but all are called Shin or gods, as we speak of Confucius, Shak-pours, or Socrates, under the appellative term men. If it be objected to skin that the Chiness apply it to their idols, and consequently it should not be applied to the Supreme Beiug, the same objection with equal propriety might be made to the use of our word God, which is applied to idols, to men, and to Satan himself, who is called "the god of this world." The same objection might also be urged against the Greek word Theos, a term used to designate the false and fabulous deities of the heathen; still the Divine Author and first teachers of Christianity applied the term to the Supreme Being. The Savior of mankind, when he came to give his religion to the world, did not form a new symbol, nor iutroduce a foreign word for God, but selected one from the language of the people he came to teach,—s term fami- liar to them, and one which they applied to the objects of idol worship. Though this term, by a people iguorant of the living and true God, was applied to senseless blocks of wood and stone, still the Author of Christianity uscs this very term in giving to them a knowledge of the Almighty,

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Another writer (whose manuscript is in my possession) states as the important ground, why he favors shin as analogous to the Hebrew and Greek terms for God, is That the Chinese do use shin to de- signate their objects of worship, and that it is with them a common and not a specific name.” He further remarks, “Infinite Wisdom in the Son of God directed him differently [than to select the name of any individual Deity]. He selected and employed for the true God, the common name employed by the heathen to designate the objects of their worship." Further in Vol. XVIII, page 100 of the Repository, we have a pithy article by "A Lover of Plain Common Sense," who founds all his remarks on this same idea, that the objects worshiped by any people are necessarily the Gods of that people, and that a name in their language generic for such objects of worship, must be the term we need to translate and sog, and on page 608, are given the views of a writer on the same side, where this same idea again appears in a strong light ; and shángtí is declared not to be the generic name for "the beings or idols" worshiped by the Chinese, but is applied “to a few only of the multitude of false deities adored by this people."

I have been thus particular in presenting these quotations and re- ferences, to show that there is no misapprehension of the position as- sumed, in order, undesignedly, to foist shin into the lofty station

of a term to reveal our Jehovah God. The position assumed is clearly

Here we have the divine sanction and the highest authority for applying the word as sa appella- tive to the Supreme Being, which was used by the heathen to designate an unknown God or their fabulous deities. If it were proper to introduce a new word for God, in teaching Christianity to the heathen, it doubtless would have been adopted by the Savior and his Apostles ; but if Jesus Christ and his inspired disciples, la giving Chritianity to an idolatrous people, employed the term for the Most High by which they designated their idols, why need we use a new word or a foreign symbol in teaching Christianity to the Chinese? Surely they have gods enough to have some common term to designate them, had they can scarcely be more ignorant of the true God than were the ancient Greek and Romans,

Should it be urged against the use of Shix for God that it is used in other senses, such as tring skin, animal spirits, &c., the same objection may be urged against the application of Thess to God, for this term is also found in composition having another signification. It euters into the com- position of proper names such as Theophilus and Theodosius, and a variety of common words, such as theogony, theopathy, theomancy, and the like, still no objection is made to the use of These to designate the true God, because the term is found in composition with another sense. In the Chinese Thesaurus, from which extracts have been made by a distinguished Chinese scholar illustrative of the use of Shin, the primary meaning given to it is Spirit i. a. Skin is a spirit. This much resembles the defiuition of Deity given in the Sacred Scriptures" God is a Spirit." The example given by the same Chinese author to illustrate his definition of Shin, is—“ The inscrutableness of the superior and inferior principles in nature is called Skin" i. 6.

God.

In commenting on the use of Skin by Confucius, Oku-fu-taz' says that, “Kwei is the soul of the inferior principle of usture, and Shin is the soul of the superior principle. But if we speak of the two united together, we say, when extended, they become Shin, god, when contracted or reverted, they become Rwei, demon." The sage adds a quotation from the Odos, which says-- "The approach of the skin (gods) can not be comprehended, with what reverence therefore should we conduct ourselves !””

Should those engaged in translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese language, transfor the proper name Jekovak, or adopt the suggestion of the learned linguist who proposes the abbreviated form Jak, and represent this by the symbol, or should they employ the Chinese term Tien (Heaven) or Tien chu (Heaven's Lord) or Shang ti (High Ruder) they would still want an appellative term by which to translate Theos or God, and which 1 think is correctly tendered by the torm Shim.

Truly yours, SCIOLUS.

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this: That objects to which religious worship is offered by any peo- ple, are of necessity the Gods of that people. Hence the conclusion, that an appellative by which those objects are known must be in their language the generic term for Deity, and thus the proper one to trans- late the Hebrew and Greek terms.

•

Here we have two different ideas, idolatry and polytheism, sadly con- founded. Yet, in our search after a fit word to translate the original terms in the Scriptures for God, it is important that they should be kept distinct. Probably no one will deny that shin is a common term applied by the Chinese to all their objects of religious worship, even in the fullest sense contended for; but most unluckily for the validity of the argument, it is not even thus limited. There are myriads of shin regarded of too insignificant a character to be honored with worship even by the grossly idolatrous Chinese. But is shin ever used by the Chinese in any of their standard works, is it in common use, or has it been applied xal' sgoxèv to any object or being, real or imagi- nary, ancient or modern, to express Deity or God? This point in the discussion is an inquiry of the first importance. Yet no instance has been produced, and probably can not be, where shin is so used. In the meaning of shin there is not necessarily the least idea of God whatever, any more than we have an idea of Deity in the English words spiritual, mysterious, invisible, inscrutable, and their cognate

names.

It may be contended (see page 25) that shin used in a concrete sense means, or is to be translated, God or Gods. Do native dictionaries au- thorize this meaning? Ask an intelligent Chinese not acquainted with what may be your object and predilections, why the objects of Chinese worship are called shin, and he will tell you because they are spiritual, invisible, inscrutable, or something analogous, but never will one tell you, because they are partakers of the divine nature.

All these may belong to deity as qualities, or as being expressive of the divine method of existence or operation, but constitute no part of the essential attri- butes of the divine Being. The Chinese employ shin in no such distinguishing sense. The quotations made from Chinese works in the Essay clearly show this, for almost every one in which shin is used, may be, and according to Chinese usage should be, rendered not God or Gods, but spirit or spiritual, mystery or mysterious, intelli- gence or intelligent, &c.,-a noun or adjective, singular or plural, as the case may be.

The question now arises, not whether shin is applied to a being or beings supposed to be divine, but whether considering its meaning,

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use, and application, it is a term adapted to translate the Osos of the New Testament? sog, as we will have occasion to notice, appears primarily, anciently, and from common use, to mean, not a spiritual and mysterious being, or something invisible and inscrutable, &c., but by way of eminence, Deity or Divine essence; & ☺eos of classical use would be the God of eminence. So ósos of the New Testament use means the God therein revealed. The idea, that the translators of the LXX., or the writers of the New Testament, employed sos be- cause it was such a generic term as the advocates of shin claim it to be, is contrary to reason and common sense. Such an idea assumes as a fact, the still more absurd idea lying back of it, that those who first used esos for Deity were originally and never anything else than polytheists. The reasonable and common sense grounds for the Septuagint and New Testament use of dog are, that those translators and sacred writers found sog to be the term, in the Greek language, used for Deity from earliest antiquity, when those who employed it, were still monotheists. It was the term for God xal' sğoxùv; and presently it will be shown, that the Greeks never did use sos in the unlimited sense of shin, but generally by way of eminence for God or Gods.

Although the sacred writers found sog most sadly abused and misapplied by the after mythology of the people, they still used it, and restored it to its original and specific application.

The idea is advanced above that the Greeks were originally mo- notheists; and it will be seen from parts of my argument that I enter- tain the same idea of the Chinese. I have been surprised to learn, that by some this is regarded as a strange hypothesis without foun- dation. The opposite idea, that the Chinese not only have not now, but never had any knowledge of the true God, is the strange hypothe- sis, which should be most clearly established, before it is received and made a ground of argument. Christian philosophy, observation and history, all unite in testifying that the tendency of man, without divine revelation, has in religion ever been, to remove farther and farther from the truth. Such is the teaching of Paul in the first of Romans. As he came from his Maker's hand was man a polytheist ?—Did man issue from the old world, wrecked by the flood, into the new, a polytheist? Although mankind soon afterwards corrupted themselves, yet do not reason and common sense, does not history inspired and profane, and does not tradition, combine in giving testimony that distinct traces of some knowledge of the true God did continue to exist long after the flood? Reason and common sense testify that it is very improbable that mankind in the course of two or three gene-

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rations (and those were long generations) would entirely lose that knowledge of the true God possessed by their ancestors. It has already been noticed that Abraham found a priest of the Most High God, even among the notoriously wicked Canaanites, and a God-fear- ing Philistine in Abimelech. Now turn to Chinese history, and what do we find? Is there not one Being, and but one, revealed in their sacred books, to whom attributes are predicated, and works are ascribed such as belong only to the true God? Let it be added too, that that knowledge of this one Being appears to have been more clearly possessed, and to have exerted a far greater and controling influ- ence about the time that the patriarch Abraham lived, than it does now, or has done for centuries. It is not mere assumption that the Chinese once were monotheists, whatever they now may be; neither is it so, that the Greeks were. As the Greeks had a term sog to dia- tinguish that one Being, so have the Chinese, which is not shin but Shángti.*

But the advocates of shin assume it to be an indisputable fact that Beos was the generic term, or common name to designate their objects of worship, and that the author of the Sacred Scriptures sanctioned and employed this term because it was such a generic term, embracing all objects of worship. If however it should appear that the Greek use of dɛog was not thus extensive in its application, and was not used as an appellative for all their objects of worship, then we are necessarily compelled to seek some other reason, than the one assigned above, on account of which the sacred writers employed it to designate the true God. The fact is that ɛog was not used by the Greeks as a com- mon name for their objects of worship, but only for the highest class of those objects of worship; viz. that class which in their mythology were esteemed divine; 8sos is the term used for that class xa?' sğoxèv, and for that only. Hence it is the distinguishing title of those objects of worship, which were believed to be Deities by origin, nature, and necessarily. It was not applied to other objects of worship, of which the Greeks had myriads. But shin is not thus limited to the highest class of beings in the Chinese mythology. The whole scope of reason- ing adopted by those who advocate shin, indicates that they do not regard the term thus limited, and hence they have claimed for bɛc, a more extensive application than Greek classical usage sanctions.

* See on this subject and the origin of idolatry, a work entitled, “Arts, Scien- ces, and Antiquities of Greece and Rome," Vol. II., under the word “Genius."

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But had the Greeks no term of such general range, a common name, by which they designated their objects of worship, embracing the high- est in rank and including the lowest? They certainly had, and if such a term as has been argued, was necessary to the Sacred Scriptures in their composition, and so also in their translation, then I am com- pelled with reverence to say the sacred writers have mistaken the term they needed. The advocates of shin claim for os, what the Greeks predicated only of Saiw. This, and not Osos, is that common name which the heathen employed to designate their objects of wor- ship." On this point consult " Liddell and Scott's Greek and Eng- lish Dictionary," founded on the German of Passow, and which scho- lars of the present day regard as of standard authority. First, the word Osos ¿ (Lat. Deus). General signification, God. In philosophical Jan- guage, the Deity, Divine Essence; like lo esióv. General signification, v. Homer, Od. 9, 144, com. with Il. 13, 730. Also for a particular God, v. Od. 9, 142. rog is also used for éɛα, bɛaiva, a goddess; also by Homer." Also in the comparative swlspes, more divine. esos by later writers (vid. Strabo,) has one other application, viz. like ti, as the title of emperors, thus we have • &. xaιgap.

Here there is no allusion to all objects of worship, but only to that class esteemed divine, and the word is used emphatically for Deity, and the Divine Essence. Secondly, the word, "Aaiwv dh. 1st, A God or

Δαίμων Goddess, used like sig and téa. While Homer employs it occasionally for some particular God, he more commonly employs it as a general name for god, as the Latin numen. 2d. According to Hesiod, as a designation of those tutelary spirits and souls of men so constantly and universally worshiped by the Greeks and Romans, and in Latin called lares, lemures and genii. See also Theogenes and Plato.”

Thus, according to Homer, and we will scarcely feel the need of better authority, when Aaíμwv only is employed, it signifies God, Deity, while at the same time, it is the generic and comprehensive term used by the Greeks for all objects of worship from the highest in rank to the lowest, whether of divine or human origin. But when daípoves and soi are found in juxtaposition, then the former signifies those spiritual entities of supposed inferior rank, while dɛof retains its high signifi- cation, and indicates that class only who are esteemed divine beings. Thus, from the definition of sog as well as from its application, we learn that it is the distinguishing name for that class of beings, who as to origin, nature and attributes were esteemed to be divine. But because of certain accidents, common alike to this class of highest rank, and also to those of inferior rank, daiμovee is employed as a com-

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mon name embracing them all. But while daípoveg is thus a term used to embrace all the θεοι, θεοι is never used to include the δαίμονες. Ο

Is not the Chinese use of tí and shin the precise counterpart of these two words? Shin is used to include the tí, but tí is never used so as to embrace the shin. Hence, I ask, if the writers of the New Testa ment sanctioned the use of dog for the true God, because it was the appellative of all objects of worship, did they not mistake the proper term. Why did they not employ Sawv? The simple and common sense reason doubtless is, that δαίμων did not mean God και' εξοχήν, but only spiritual intelligences, high or low, who were objects of wor- ship; while they employed dɛos, because it was so used, to distinguish those beings who were esteemed to be divine. It was used by way of emiuence for Deity. But where do we find such resemblance be- tween shin and Osos, that the one should become the synonym of the other? Shin does not mean God xa?' sğoxv, nor has it ever been so employed by natives. The objects of Chinese worship are called skin, just as myriads of other objects are called shin, because they are supposed to be spiritual or inscrutable by nature or operation.

But may it not be, that the Chinese do really regard their various objects of worship to be divine beings, and so have nevertheless used shin very much in the sense of sos? This is an important point, and should have been clearly established by most positive evidence, as the first link in an argument in favor of shin as the term needed. If the objects worshiped by a people are not believed by that people to be Gods, then the term expressive of the class of such objects of worship, can not be a term corresponding to sog, and a suitable one through which to reveal Deity. Do the Chinese therefore worship any one shin or any class of shin, because by themselves believed to be divine? That people quite as enlightened as the Chinese may and do offer wor- ship, which we believe should be offered only to the Deity, to beings which the worshipers themselves do not believe to be divine, the practice of the whole Papal and Greek churches proves. Such is the worship of saints and angels. It has previously been observed, that a case is perfectly supposable, that a people may be gross idolaters, and yet have no being in their estimation divine among all their objects of worship. This too, not because their theology recognizes no such being, but because in their ignorance of the real character of the Deity, they have placed such a being at an immeasurable distance beyond the

* Consult also, Kitto's Encyclopedia of Biblical Literature, under Demon; also under God, for the proper idea of 3. See also Roman Antiquities under Genii; Arts, Sciences and Antiquities of Greece and Rome under Demon.

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approach of ordinary mortals; and have thought him to be so trans- cendently great, glorious and powerful, &c., as to receive no homage, regard no petitions, and take no cognizance of any of mankind, ex- cept through the appointed medium of vicegerents and mediators. Thus a people might worship myriads of objects, not one of whom would be regarded as divine or a God. Such seems to be the real position of the Chinese, and there is a doubt whether the emperor himself be an exception. It is therefore asking too much, to assume as a fact, that the objects worshiped by the Chinese are their Gods, especially too, when intelligent Chinese themselves most positively deny that they are so esteemed. They represent their shin to be the servants and agents of a great Supreme One, by whose authority they are appointed and act, to whom they are amenable, and at whose tribunal they must annually appear. Hence the annual ceremony of sending off all the shin on the 24th day of the 12th month. It is of small moment how we regard their shin, but in this search it is important to ascertain how they regard them.

What then are the objects of Chinese worship, according to their own estimation? The Chinese have two great classes of objects to which religious worship is offered. These may be distinguished by foreign and native. The former class belongs to Budhism. This system was introduced into China nearly eighteen centuries ago. It has brought in a multitude of objects of worship. There is, however, very little pure Budhism in China. The system has been modified to suit the tastes and customs of the people adopting it, and engrafted on a religious trunk indigenous to China. Yet one would scarcely turn to this mutilated and borrowed system to seek for the term after which we are searching, especially when it is borne in mind, that the system is regarded heterodox, and is one object against which the Im- perial author of " the Sacred Edict" issues his bull. Budhism and its books are of no authority, and will never be appealed to by the intelligent. Still it may be inquired, if among Budhistical objects of worship, there be not a God, some Divine being or beings, regarded essentially and naturally so? Whatever may be the opinion of Budhists in the land of Budha, Chinese Budhists have no such idea. All objects of worship are regarded as holding a relation to the ori- ginal Chinese Supreme One. There is a multitude of the canonized, and some who by a kind of apotheosis or absorption, have become amal- gamated with the Deity, and are worshiped as patterns for imitation, and to secure their assistance in obtaining what they have attained-- viz. absorption in the felicitous west. These objects of worship are rather imported tutelary saints than imported Gods.

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The native Shin are more important to our inquiry. What are they? The most numerous class of shin, and regarded with the greatest dread are kwei, some spiritual part of man, ghosts or manes of the dead, and generically called shin kwei Are they regard- ed divine? Another class is the

shin chú, ancestral tablets, and the most venerated objects of all Chinese idolatry. Among this class of objects of worship, is there, in the mind of the worshipers, the idea of there being any divine Being? By worshiping their ances- tral dead, the Chinese carry out their professed principles of filial piety to idolatry, but not to polytheism.

神主

These objects of worship are all confessedly of human origin, men and women canonized, or the ghosts of the dead, whose malignant influences are feared. Of all these too, it is worthy of remark, that the Chinese established religious ritual sanctions only the worship of the shin chú, or ancestral worship. The common people are prohibited by the same ritual from worshiping the two following classes: 1. The shin of the fields and particular localities, who have been appointed to their government by a higher power, and to which power they are amenable. They are regarded as exercising only a limited and delegated authority. Certain officers of govern- ment are required to worship them. The generic term for this class, corresponding very nearly to the genii of the Romans is shié tsih 社稷 2. A class of shin of supposed higher rank, who are design- nated according to the branch of the family to which they belong. If they belong to the visible world, they are called ti k'i; if to the invisible, they are called t'ien shin Intelligent Chinese

jþ who have such a knowledge of the Bible, as to be qualified to form an opinion, state that this class of shin occupy in the Chinese mind, much the same place assigned to angels in the sacred Scriptures. They are the beings commissioned and sent forth by the Supreme Ruler. No idea of divinity seems to be attached to them.

Of worshiped worthies and heroes there is an immense and still increasing catalogue.

There is another class of shin peculiar to the Rationalists, which probably had no existence in Chinese mythology before the time of Liutsz'. Several of these are called Shangti but with an individual title to distinguish them from the Shangts of the sacred books. There is the Yuh-hwang Shángti £÷

very generally worshiped, and the Hiuen-t'ien Shángtí, ₺ FĽ There are other ti which are acknowledged by the state reli-

198

Term for Elohim and Theos.

approach of ordinary mortals; and have thought him to cendently great, glorious and powerful, &c., as to receive regard no petitions, and take no cognizance of any of cept through the appointed medium of vicegerents a Thus a people might worship myriads of objects, no! would be regarded as divine or a God.

Such seem

position of the Chinese, and there is a doubt wheth himself be an exception. It is therefore asking too as a fact, that the objects worshiped by the Chines especially too, when intelligent Chinese themselv deny that they are so esteemed. They represent servants and agents of a great Supreme One, by }\ are appointed and act, to whom they are am tribunal they must annually appear. Hence of sending off all the shin on the 24th day of th of small moment how we regard their shin, important to ascertain how they regard them.

What then are the objects of Chinese wor own estimation? The Chinese have two which religious worship is offered. Thes foreign and native. The former class | system was introduced into China nearly has brought in a multitude of objects of w very little

Budhisin in China. " pure suit the tastes and customs of the peop a religious trunk indigenous to Chini to this mutilated and borrowed sys which we are searching, especially system is regarded heterodox, and perial author of "the Sacred Edi- its books are of no authority, a intelligent. Still it may be ing worship, there be not a God, essentially and naturally s Budhists in the land of Bud

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ed that there are appear to cluster the first verse of ese. "In the be-

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開闢天地,“ the

gular form, no article, so available in other lan- neral propositions; while a plural, and embraces the The common and beautifully jod," "your," or "our God," c., can not be transluted intel- it be to have Chinese scholars hovah your God," as I, Jehovah shin for God in the soul-agonizing what idea does it convey? The sub- attempted by a brother missionary in Wishing to ascertain how the use I would strike my teacher, I requested the 22d Psalm, and substitute shin for hen called upon to give the sense in the ng and loud roar of laughter, exclaiming, ver do! If you substitute shin here, it will rring to God, but to one's own spirit. The it, My spirit, why are you leaving me? An d who was present, also joined in the laughter, ne passage with shin instead of shángtí presented of a person sensible of the approach of insanity, his departing senses; My senses, My senses, why me!

This remark he made of his own accord. him to give his opinion."

toposed in the Essay (page 72) to obviate this acknow. does not untie, but simply cuts the knot. Does the in," &c., mean simply the God who protected him, or

VIX. NO. IY.

•

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Term for Elohim and Theos.

APRIL,

gion, viz. the imperial canonized ti. The worship of these ranks with that paid to imperial ancestors, and is performed by the Emperor. But of all the ti only one is presented in a light which leaves the im- pression on the mind that he is regarded as a God, a divine, powerful, and glorious Being. Where is there evidence that this one Being is ever worshiped at all by any class of Chinese? All below the Emperor are by the ritual prohibited from worshiping him. The Middle Kingdom tells us this prohibition is sanctioned by the penalty of death. All shin are regarded as deriving their authority from this great ti, as being subject to him, and accountable to him, not as inferior gods to a greater God, but as servants and ministers to their sovereign and

lord. Does the Emperor himself worship this one 上帝 Shángti? The religious province of the Emperor is to sacrifice to t'ien F and ti M. Who or what are these? We do find this one Shángti occasionally styled l'ien F, but never t'ien ti. Moreover, we do not find any provision made for the worship of the highest class of shin above noticed, the t'ien shin

and ti k'i

? unless that worship is to be performed by the Emperor. The highest officers of government are required and allowed to worship only a class of inferior grade. In the Essay (page 31), it is said, no beings called ti are mentioned with the shin for the worship of whom national rites are established. The author conjectures the reason to be, because Shangti is included among the t'in shin. Arguing from the genius of the Chinese institutions, the more reasonable con- jecture is, that no Shángti is worshiped. As the Emperor himself can not be approached except through his high ministers, so he himself can not approach the Supreme of all, except through the medium of his ministers, the highest family of shin or spiritual beings, i. e. through t'iena contraction for t'ien shin, angels belonging to heaven, and ti a contraction for ti k'i angels belong- ing to, or whose province relates to earth.

'There are some difficulties connected with the use of shin as an appellative for Deity, which should be considered. The specific use of shin as a designation of their objects of worship in the minds of the Chinese renders it necessarily of the plural number. It will always convey, when specifically used, the idea of plurality, unless expressly, definitely and very, carefully guarded. The genius of the Chinese language is such as to render this, it may be feared, in frequent in- stances impossible. Again, shin is the only word in the Chinese lau- guage which properly signifies spirit and spiritual, as opposed to matter and material. Use it definitely and distinctively for God, and how is

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spirit to be translated in the Bible! For instance, without shin, or a word of its precise meaning, how is it possible to translate (not paraphrase) I Cor. ii. 10, to the end of the chapter, and many other similar passages?

་།

Another difficulty is to render many passages of Scripture intelligi- ble if shin be employed for God. Though it is admitted that there are difficulties in the application of tí, yet they certainly appear to cluster insurmountably around shin. The translation of the first verse of Genesis would present a perfect enigma to a Chinese. “In the be- ginning, shin created," &c., is an astounding annunciation. The great mass of the Chinese, and all readers know that the host of their shin had no existence at the k'ái peh t'ien ti, “the opening of heaven and earth." We have no singular form, no article, nor other apparatus in the Chinese language, so available in other lan- guages to define and limit, when stating general propositions; while shin used in the concrete is necessarily a plural, and embraces the whole family so designated. Moreover, the common and beautifully expressive phrases of Scripture, as " my God," "your," or "our God,"

the God of Abraham,”

‚""of Israel," &c., can not be transluted intel- ligibly by shin. How pitiable would it be to have Chinese scholars commenting on the phrase, "I'am Jehovah your God," as I, Jehovahı am your soul, spirit, or ghost. Use shin for God in the soul-agonizing cry of our Savior on the cross, and what idea does it convey? The sub- stitution of shin for shángti was attempted by a brother missionary in this passage. He writes as follows: “Wishing to ascertain how the use of Shin in the place of Shángti would strike my teacher, I requested him to read the 1st verse of the 22d Psalm, and substitute shin for shangtí. He did so; and when called upon to give the sense in the colloquial, he burst into a long and loud roar of laughter, exclaiming, 'It will never do! it will never do! If you substitute shin here, it will not be understood as referring to God, but to one's own spirit. The verse will mean, My spirit, My spirit, why are you leaving me? An intelligent Chinese friend who was present, also joined in the laughter, and remarked, 'That the passage with shin instead of shángti presented to his mind the idea of a person sensible of the approach of insanity, and lamenting over his departing senses; My senses, My senses, why are you forsaking me? This remark he made of his own accord. I did not call upon him to give his opinion.”

The method proposed in the Essay (page 72) to obviate this acknow- ledged difficulty does not untie, but simply cuts the knot. Does the "God of Abraham," &c, mean simply “the God who protected him, or

VOL. XIX. NO. IV.

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Term for Elohim and Theos.

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the God whom he worshiped?" What we now want, is a translation of the sacred Scriptures. Of paraphrases we have enough for present use.

Two or three of the principal objections urged against shángtí and l'ien tiit may be of use here also to notice. It is said to be too limited a term, both in meaning and application to translate the ori- ginal terms in the Bible for God. One writer goes into a minute in- vestigation of the lexicographical meaning of ti sháng and t'ien, to ascertain whether divine attributes may be found revealed by either alone, or by any combination of them. Such is not the question at issue. We wish the Chinese application of tí with one of these terms as a prefix. This is the true use. And every Chinese scholar can not but know, that if there be a term in the Chinese lan- guage used by way of eminence for Deity it is this, and only this term. And if, as I think has been shown, that a term to be analogous to Oso5 must be the distinguishing term for Deity, this must be the term, “mal- gré all objections." Change the form of the objection a little, and it will apply with overwhelming force to shin. It is too unlimited in mean- ing and application to be used for God. So unlimited, indeed, that in 256 instances selected and quoted in the "Imperial Thesaurus" ex- pressly to illustrate the meaning of shin, not one of them necessarily means a divine being.

But are the words composing the term proposed to be used really so limited and defective in meaning? Is it not quite as comprehensive as eres? This, it is supposed means "the Ordainer," and Shángtí "the Supreme Ruler," or T'ienti, “The Heavenly Ruler." The two ideas surely are not so very far removed from each other. We are not seeking after a term which will itself express the attributes and cha- racter of God, for such a term has never existed in any language. Those attributes and that character must be learned, as we have learn- ed them, not from the words God and ✪sog, but from God's book and works.

The limited application of shángti or t'ienti has been felt to be a more serious objection to its adoption. Shall we conclude that be- cause the Chinese have never sunk so low in polytheism as the Greeks had, therefore the Chinese term for Deity xaï' sğoxǹv is too limited to translate the Greek term? This is the true position of the case. Can we yield our judgment to such a conclusion, and lament over the Chi- nese for being in theory so nearly monotheistical as they seem to be. Still on account of an unclassical use of dɛ05 in some instances in the sacred Scriptures, and the unbending character of the Chinese lan- guage, there is no doubt a real difficulty as to how dɛoí should be trans-

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lated where the word is used for objects of worship in general. Neither shangtí, t'ientí, nor tí alone, will cover the ground. But have not the Chinese a term of definite application which will just cover the ground of roi thus used? This term I think to be shin ming, which is not so unlimited as shin, and if I mistake not, is a more dignified expression. Is there any sufficient reason, to cause an in- variable adherence to the same term, to translate esos and ☺sói, with- out any regard to the local meaning and application? For the want of such a term in the Greek language as skin ming seems to be in the Chinese, the sacred writers were compelled to make an unphi- losophical use of rol. The suggestion I therefore would make is, that when the idea of the sacred Scriptures is polytheism (as is the case in the First Commandment), the term used to translate God should be in- variably employed: but when soí is employed in an extensive sense em- bracing all idols, and so idolatry is the mental idea, then skin ming should be introduced.

But is there not danger that the Chinese will confound the true God with their own idols, if we use ti? What if another Kánghi should arise and refuse baptism," always excusing himself by saying he wor- shiped the same God with the Christians." What answer could be given? The Greeks in hearing Paul preach of God by the name of ¿ Asos, could have raised the same difficulty. And the manner in which Paul managed when placed in circumstances somewhat similar, will be safe and easy to the missionary; that is, turn to the excuser himself, and say, The God “ whom therefore ye ignorantly worship, him declare I unto you."

Experience is better then theory, and the former must be followed when the two clash. Dr. Morrison's theory was that skin must be used for God. His experience, especially in his late years, seems to have been that shin was not adequate to express God, and he resorted to various combinations of Chinese characters to reveal the true God, and even used shángti. This is a fact worthy of serious reflection.

Let me beg that so important a question may be investigated, rather than speculated on; on its decision mainly hangs the issue, whether the Chinese shall soon have the sacred Scriptures or not.

The more we investigate Chinese authorities, and compare them with standard works on the Greek mythology, the more will we be constrained, it appears to me, to something like the following conclusions:--

1. That ti of the Chinese, and sos of the Greeks, as used by natives, are very nearly synonimous. Both designate xa7' so that class of beings by each respective people esteemed highest in rank among their

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Term for Elohim and Thros.

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objects of worship: and also that these terms can properly be predicat- ed only of such class

2. That there is a no less remarkable analogy in the use of skin and day. As saman may be predicated of all the droí, so skin may be predicated of all the ti; but as doí is never predicated of časoves; so also, ti is never predicated of skin. There is also remarkable analogy of meaning between the two terms. Both convey the idea of spirituality and intelligence generally of a character and order more than human. Again, the demonology of the Greeks embraced good and bad spirits, though generally good, from the souls of men, manes, lares, penates, genii, and upwards; and objects of worship from the lowest to the highest rank: so also the Chinese doctrines of skin include all from the lowest to the highest beings which are objects of worship, and many which are not objects of wor- ship, not only benignant but also malignant spirits. The doctrine and practice of the Chinese concerning their shin is a remarkable acting over again of the demonolatry of Greece. It is a system of demono- Jatry and nothing else.

3. The term borrowed from the Greek language to designate the God of the Bible, was not selected by the translators of the Septua- gint, nor employed by the Savior and his Apostles, because it was the common name by which the heathen designated their objects of worship. Classical writers in Greek it appears did not so use bɛOS. There is scarcely a doubt that ɛg was thus selected and employed just because it was the only term used for Deity xa?' ɛğoxiv. It was found to be the distinguishing term used to designate the highest in rank of all spiritual beings; but which were not however called Ofs because they were spiritual beings.

4. That as tí has been misapplied, because of supposed resemblance in dignity and office, to a mortal ruler, so also ɛog in like manner was applied as a title of the emperors.

5. That it is extremely doubtful, whether any being worshiped by the Chinese, is by them regarded as a divine being At most there is but one, the Shangtí of antiquity, and he worshiped only by the em- peror. Consequently, a general term by which the objects to whom the Chinese offer religious worship are designated, can not be a generic term for Deity. Again, the Chinese mythology, in which there is only one Being at all recognized as being divine, does not contain, and can not furnish a proper generic term for Deity. Not having an idea of such a class of beings, the Chinese language assuredly will not afford a generic terin for it,

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6. That skin is never employed for God by way of eminence ; never so employed as to distinguish any being or class of beings, from any other being or beings as God or Gods. Consequently if a xal' sġoxǹv term be necessary to translate Oɛog, shin can not be that term. It is the only term in the Chinese language which generically means spirit and spiritual. The falseness of the position that such a term is ade- quate to translate @ros, and becoine the distinguishing name of the divine Being, will be manifest by these two syllogisms :——

1st. God is a spirit. The soul of man is a spirit. Therefore the soul of man is God.

2d. God is a shin. But shin is a spirit. Therefore` shin a spirit is God, and an adequate term to translate a term which means God. This reasoning is no more absurd in one case than the other.

Such are the views which I have been constrained to embrace. The "Essay" with all its labored argument, fastened the conviction on my mind that shin could not be the term we needed; other advocates of the same views only have deepened that conviction. "An Inquiry into the proper mode of rendering the word God," &c., advocating tí, nearly produced a similar conviction concerning this term. The position of a missionary thus situated was not very agreeable, his great business being to make God known, and yet destitute of a name through which to reveal him. The result of investigations occasioned chiefly from such a state of mind, I have here spread out. Hoping these views may prove of some use in the investigation, they have been given though with reluctance. If they be wrong I would rejoice exceedingly to see my error. If they be correct, may the Author of the Bible by his Holy Spirit so guide each of us that we may see and yield to the truth; and thus prevent any from standing in the way of the universal spread of the sacred oracles among this multitudinous nation of dark- minded idolaters.

[Note. We have taken the liberty of inserting the entire communication from the China Mail referred to by our Correspondent, on page 192, for which we trust he will not be displeased. The general argument of the paper we commend to the consideration of those interested in the discussion, and will, with the permission of the writer, here only refer to two or three points in it which are not clear to our own mind. On page 198, the writer speaks of the shin being “servants and agents of a great Supreme One," and being all sent off on the 24th day of the 12th month to appear at his tribunal. “We have made such inquiry in respect to this statement as we have had opportu- nity, both from “intelligent" natives and from books, and can find no author- ity for it. In the Siú Shin Kt, it is stated to be done by the Tsau shin, or god of the Furnace, who ascends on that day to the presence of Yuh-hwáng Shangti, to report upon the conduct of the household during the year; and every one says he is the only shin who does it. We should be glad to have

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the matter fully illustrated by a reference to books, for if such be the case, the attributes of Shangti are different from what we had supposed.

The distinction made between idolatry and polytheism on page 199, and the remark that a people may “worship myriads of objects, not one of whoin would be regarded as divine or a God,” is we think calculated to confuse the minds of those who employ these words in their usual English acceptation. Webster defines idol to be “an image consecrated as an object of worship, a pagan deity," polytheism is the doctrine of a plurality of gods;" divine is, among other meanings, defined as "pertaining to a heathen deity or false gods," and god and deity are explained as synonyms. The reference to the usage of Papal and Greek churches on page 197, compared with the descrip- tion on page 200 of one ti, that “ he is regarded as a God, a powerful and glor- ious Being," conveys the idea that the writer looks upon the Shangt of the classics as the true God, and the shin as deified or canonized saints. If such be the just inference, does not this term then become the proper name for God, and not the appellative, as proposed at the commencement of the article? The whole argument seems to us a little confuse I from the restricted signific- ation imposed upon some of the terms employed.-Ed C. R}

ART. III. Japan : A Translation of the 12th Chapter of the Hải-kwok

Tu 海國圖誌

Tú Chi, or Notices of Foreign Countries, illustrat- ed with Maps and Engravings. Published at the city of Yong- chau fú in Kiangsú, in the summer of 1847.-(Continued from page 156.)

The Lui Kau of Ya Chingsick, published in the year kweitsz' (1713?).

[I have been unable to find anything about this author, or his work. He is probably a writer of the present dynasty, but the year kweilsz' may be 1713, 1773, or 1833. It is most natural to suppose that these extracts are all arranged in the chronological order of the works to which they belong, and as that from which the next to this is taken appeared in 1730, we may perhaps not err in taking the first of the three, which will put it in the 52d year of Kinghi]

In the reign Wán-lih (1571-1619), the Japanese seized Formosa, and towards the close of the same period the red-haired men of Hol- land from the Western ocean, attempted to take possession of Hiáng- shán, but not being able, they made an attempt on the Pánghú (Pes- cadores) which was equally unsuccessful, and so they went south- ward and seized the Moluccas and Batavia. They seduced the Batavians into using opium, which swelled them out so that they could not move, and they were accordingly reduced to vassalage by the Dutch. A short time after, these collected a force of picked men, with which they attacked the town of Hiángshin, but being defeated in fight, they sailed east for the Pescadores, whence they sent persons to bribe the siunfú of Fuhkien with large sums, quoting the case of the Italians, [who had been allowed] to reside long before in Hiingshán, in favor of their being put in possession of the Pescadores as they

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had requested. The siunfi, however, deputed messengers to speak them fair (or to put thein off with fair words), so they made an offer to the Japanese in Formosa to pay them annually 30,000 deer-skins for a place of trade on that island. As the Japanese residing in For- mosa happened to have recently embraced Christianity, they con- sented forthwith; the Dutch raised the walls of Chihkán, the moderu market-town of Án-ping, there to dwell, and once having gotten their territory were constantly picking quarrels with them. The Japanese, on the other hand, who from the time they became imbued with their doctrines had never been victorious, went eastward (to Japan), with all belonging to them, and so excited were they against the Christian religion that they put to death all their own people who practiced it, and at the same time, restrained the inhabitants of Lewchew from fol- lowing it.

The Dutch having now obtained possession of Formosa set up Kweiyih,t and went no more to the eastward t

Ching Chílung,|| a native of Fuhkien, who had married a woman of Japan, lived at Formosa with his family, and when the Japanese went last from that island, he equipped and manned a fleet, and became a privateer. In the 2d year of Shunchí of the Tá Tsing dynasty (1645), he sent a memorial from Án-ping to tender his submission. His son, Ching Kihshwáng escaped to sea, and in the latter years of the same reign attacked Formosa at the head of a fleet of several hun- dred sail; the Dutch, overpowered by numbers, withdrew to Batavia where they remained abiding their time. Such of the Formosans as still adhered to the Christian religion, and were called "the sect of the doctrine," Ching Kihshwang utterly annihilated. At the com- mencement of the reign of K ́ánghí, he submitted, and the emperor pro- posed abandoning Formosa; but this was stoutly opposed by Shí-láng, who said that to abandon it would be to make the Dutch a present of it? It ended by its being divided into major and minor districts, and the fame [of the opposing statesman] has reached the present time.

* Most likely Fort Zealandia, a little to the north of the chief city of Thi-wan. Kweiyih, in the dialect of Fuhkien Kwei-it, probably means Coyet, the governor with whom the Fuhkien authorities corresponded upon the subject of putting down Koshinga.

The East. The text does not sufficiently explain whether the east of the is- land of Formosa is meant, or the island of Japan; a construction quite compatible with the writer's probable ignorance of the relative position of the two countries. | Ching Chilung, father of Ching Kihshwang, known as Koshinga, or, as the Portuguese write it, Koxinga. The father died in prison at Peking. The Dutch after 30 years' tenure were expelled in 1662, and the island of Formosa finally passed into the hands of the Chinese government in 1653. (See Chinese Repository, Vol. II. page 415.)

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Chin Lunkiung. Collection of Particulars of Foreign States." Corea (says this work) lies to the northeast of the world. To the south of it, separated from it by a single sea, is the island of Tui-ma, a possession of Japan, which with a fair wind may be reached from the former place in one night. To the southward of Tuima, from E. to E. N. E. of the compass,‡ stretches a chain of seventy-two islands all in a state of vassalage to Japan. The only one which has commercial intercourse with China is Chángkí, and this produces millet and other grain, but in so small a quantity as barely suffices for the consump tion of its own population. Such of them as trade are therefore members of a public establishment; a general estimate of their profits is made at the close of the year, and these are equally divided amongst the whole population according to the number of persons in a family.

The residence of the sovereign is nearly a month's journey by land north-east from Cháng-kí, the name of the place is Mí-yá-kuh (Miako), which being interpreted, means the Capital city. He wears the Chi- nese headdress and habiliments. The nation are in the habit of using the Chinese character, reading it with Japanese sounds. The power of appointing persons to office and removing them from it, and the adininistration of all public business is vested in a generalissimo; the monarch (regnant) interferes in nothing, and has only to spend his income and receive his tribute (or revenue) $

Although in passing between Púto and Chángkí, the course is due east and west, the currents are perverse, and the danger from winds and waves so great as to have given rise to the popular saying:—

Jih-pun háu ho ¦ ★★ Goodly are the wares of Japan,

島難

táu

Wút áu nún kwo But the Wu tau are hard to pass.

* Hải-kwỏh Wan-kien Luh. Record of Things seen and heard in Foreign States, by Chin Lunkiung. It appeared in 1730. The author, when young, accompanied his father, who appears to have been a naval officer on several ex- peditions, and at a later period himself held important coast commands.

The world, t'ien tí, heaven and earth, which may also mean the empire of China.

The compass, arranged according to the eight diagrams of the Book of Changes.

| Chinese Repository, Vol. IX. p. 305. "The Mikado is the acknowledged emperor, absolute alike in spiritual and temporal affairs; the Sivgoun is a military chief, professedly the vicegerent or lieutenant of the emperor."

§ Tribute or revenue. This word is used for the tribute tendered by de- pendent states, and also for the quota of their produce levied on particular districts, exclusive of any regular taxes. In an edict upon the death of the empress dowager (Jan. 23), the emperor Taukwáng desires that none be presented for the space of one year. Kwangtung sends gifts of oranges, li-chis, fans of the flag leaf, scents of several kinds, and grass-cloth.

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The generalissimo has only an occasional audience of him. In the contests that have occurred on the change of a dynasty, the struggle has never been for the hierarchy, but for the post of generalissimo. It is related in the Japanese histories, that since the foundation of the state to the present time, the former has continued in the same family; that once upon a time, when a generalissimo usurped the monarchy, the hills and seas yielded not their produce, the five species of grain came not up, the order of nature was disturbed; but that on his returning to his post as minister, everything reverted to its ancient course.

Since that time no one has had the evil ambi-

tion to aspire to the throne.

The families of the ministry inherit their offices and salaries in per- petuity, and as under the Hán dynasty in China, the officers are styled* Ts'z-shi Tsien-shih. Their incomes are large enough to keep them from corruption, and it is therefore seldom that they break the laws; thus for instance, they give the kiái kwán (officers of the streets) annually elected, who are the same as our hiáng páu (head-boroughs), 50 kin a year.† They have all much leisure, and but little business to transact. Persons conversant with literature and arts are great people, are treated with extreme courtesy, and exempted from scutage. The habits of the people are particularly cleanly; the streets are constantly scrubbed and washed; the husband and wife do not eat off the same dish ;‡ and the servants throw away the leavings of their superiors.

The wealthy walk and sit upon cotton rugs, the poor upon grass mats, and the number of persons in a house is estimated by that of the carpets and floor-cloths in it.||

The collar worn by both men and women is broad, the sleeves full, and the dress so long as to brush the ground; these are figured with flowered patterns, or dyed in various colors. For trowsers, they use a roll of silk wrapped around their legs; and their feet are clad in short socks and shoes down at the heel. The men stick dag- gers in their girdles, cut their beards, and shave (or pluck) the crown

* In the first part of the 100th chapter of the Pei Wan Yun-fú, under the word shik, a stone, a quotation is given from a work treating of the Hán, as follows : "Wu-tí (6th of the Western Hán) appointed Tsz'-shí to the charge of certain divi- sions of the empire: Ch'ing-tí changed this title to Muh (a shepherd), his rank (i.e. the salary attached to it) being 200 shih, viz. of grain.”

+ Kingold; there is no means of ascertaining what sum or value is meant. ↑ Do not use the same broth spoon.

This expression is explained to be equivalent to our counting heads, the Chinese, mouths; &c.

VOL. XIX. NO, IV.

:17

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of their heads. They let the hair grow on their temples and around to the back of their heads, in a strip above an inch wide, tying up a handful of it behind, and trimming it as it grows. The women do not rouge themselves, but lay on a white cosmetic; neither do they wear fresh flowers, or flowers cut out of colored silk, hair-pins or ear-rings, but they put tortoise-shell in their hair, which is dark and like the clouds for thickness. They burn the nán-muh and chin- hiing as perfumes. The top-knots of the females are gathered up before and behind. They leave no rim to the finger nails, simply because they are afraid of its taking up the dirt. The eyebrows, eyes, and complexions of both sexes are such as no foreigner can form an idea of. All have a double surname ; those with a single one being descended from the youths and maidens betrothed to each other by Süi-fuh. The place in which he dwelt is called the home of Sü, and his grave is at the foot of the mountain Hiung-chí.

The Japanese are of the Budhist persuasion, and esteem in partic- ular the bonzes of China. They adore their ancestors, and keep the graves and chapels of the dead constantly clean. They hold life so cheap that when any one is detected in a breach of the law, he goes off to the wilds or the hills, and commits suicide by ripping up his belly; he implicates no one else. Their code is very severe. They do not wrangle or fight, and when they speak it is in a subdued tone. They clap their hands when they want to summon their attendants, and these reply by an ejaculation of assent. They do not buy or sell human beings, but when the hireling's term of service is completed, he returns to his home.

There are two dependencies under the government of Japan; to the north, the island of Tuima, bordering upon Corea, which sends tribute to Tuima as the latter does to Japan; and to the south Sa-tung- ma, which is close to Lewchew, and pays tribute to Satungma, as that island does to Japan. The chiefs of both these islands are subject to the authority of Japan.

Its climate and seasons correspond with those of Shantung, Kiángsú, and Chehkiáng. The heights of Chángkí (Nagasakí?) in Japan and Puto in China, lie east and west of each other. The voyage by sea is forty watches (80 hours) long; from Amoy to Chángkí, seventy-two. With a north wind you go in by the Wú-táu (Five Islands) Channel;

* So-fuh was sent by the first monarch of the Tsin dynasty (about 200 B.C.) in search of a plant growing, as a spirit told him, in the east, which gave immortality to those who ate it. He took 500 youths and maidens with him, and never returned.

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when the wind is southerly, by that of Tien-t'áng. Tuima lies abreast of Tang-chau; Satungma, of Wan-chau and Tai-ehau. The produce of the land consists of gold, silver, and copper, lacquer-ware, crockery, and letter-paper, colored, or stamped with flowers and plants. The sea yields amber, haliotis, beche-de-mêr, and fine sea-weeds. The mountains of Satungma are lofty and precipitous; the streams deep and their waters cold, hence the cutlery [tempered in them] "is very sharp. Horses are also among its productions. Its inhabitants are robust. The pirates of the period Kitsing (see page 139) were from Satungma.

When Japan first sent trading vessels to Yungkiá, eighteen Japanese fishermen were driven by the winds to China, and induced by certain bad characters to commit acts of disorder. The latter trimmed their beards and shaved their heads [in Japanese fashion], mixed up in their speech the local dialect of some distant place, and thus confederated, they robbed and plundered. Their gang was called the Wo nú, Japanese slaves, but when they were at length taken, there were but these eighteen men of Japan amongst them. The vessels of that country were thereupon prohibited from trading to China, but per- mission was given to ours (the Chinese) to go to Japan, and up to the present time no ship from it has ventured hither.

+ Although in passing between Púto and Chángkí, the course is due east and west, the currents are perverse, and the danger from winds and waves so great as to have given rise to the popular saying :-

Jih-pun háu hoGoodly are the wares of Japan,

Wu câu năm ko đi Ế T in But the Wa tấu are hard to

pass.

A ship sailing from Amoy to Chingkí, with a southerly wind, sights the head of Ki-lung (Quilon) on Formosa; to the north of which she finds the Mi-káng and Hiáng-sin seas; she next makes the Tá-shán and Ticntang mountains on Sa-tung-ma, and then steers a straight course [or due north]. In one of the seas aforesaid, the surface of the water is as if it were covered with rice-husks (mí-káng), and the bub- bles of the other are like mushrooms (hiáng-sin); hence their names.

Lewchew lies to the south of Sa-tung-ma, in an E.S.E. direction. The voyage to it is computed to be 68 watches. It is the same as the

It is not certain what all the places here mentioned are called on foreign maps. Tuima is undoubtedly Tsu-sima, an island lying northeast of Quelpaert I. in the Straits of Cores. The Wa-táu are the Gotto Is. off Nagasaki, or Cháng- kí,-

‚—a name having the same meaning," Long Cape," in both the Chinese and Japanese languages. Satungma is either Tanega sima or Yakuno sima, lying off Satzuma, and regarded as dependencies of that principality.

This sentence is inserted by mistake at the foot of page 208, but is repeated here in its proper connection.

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Notice of Japan in the Hui-kooh Tủ Chí.

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state of Chungshán. Its natives use the written character of China. They are a weakly race, and their country is poor; its produce con- sists of copper utensils, paper, mother-of-pearl, and tortoise-shell, but they have no trade.

To the east of Japan and Lewchew, the current sets entirely in an easterly direction, and the sea is consequently called Wi-l, the Back- door.⭑

Nún-kwái-jin's Geography of the Whole World.t

Japan is a large island, 3200 li in length, and not above 600 broad. It comprises at present sixty-six departments, each of them under the rule of a chief, or prince. Its inhabitants give the preference to manly power: although there is a supreme sovereign, all authority remains with a powerful minister. The people are much addicted to war, and but little to letters. The country produces gold, iron, and fine lacquer- ware. The monarch abdicates in favor of his son when the latter has passed his thirtieth year. The natives do not attach much value to precious stones, but chiefly prize gold, silver, and old porcelain.

Hưáng-tsing Tung-káu Sz’-4-mun; or Book of the Four Barbarian Races, in the General Synopsis published under the reigning dynasty.

In ancient times Japan was known as the dependent state of Wo. In the period Hien-hang of the T'áng dynasty, its name was changed to Jih-pun. It is stated by some one that Jih-pun was a minor state, the name of which was assumed by that of Wo, when the latter in- cluded it in its integrity. It is situated in the Eastern ocean; its northern and eastern extremities are traversed by high mountains. The land rises to the east and falls to the west, in form like a dragon-fly; the Tsing-ting kwoh, or Dragon-fly country, was also an ancient name of the island. It comprises five principal divisions, seven circuits, and three islands, containing 115 departments, subdivided into 587 in- ferior districts, which are all mountainous and indented with bays;‡ the largest not exceeding in size a Chinese village.

A figure not remarkable for its delicacy, taken from the sewer of a house, or the like exit, where refuse is poured out without the possibility of returning. The Pei Wan Yun fú gives the following passage from Chwáng-taz' (B.C. 250) "Of the waters of the world, the largest is the ocean; a myriad streams are poured into it incessantly, yet it never fills; the wf-la drains it in- cessantly, yet it is never empty.' Wi-la, says the glossary, also quoted, is the name of a stream to the east of the ocean. The geographical position of China offers some explanation of the impression.

↑ Nan-hwai-jin was a European; his work was compiled under this dynasty.

Kini i shroui ya

Such is the rendering insisted on by one teacher: others seem to think thất it merely means a mountainous coast line.

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Dependent upon it are some tens of states. It has a hierarch, whose succession has continued from the creation to the present time, without a change; he takes no part in politics, and has no control over the army; nor has he aught to do, save to enjoy his royal revenue from generation to generation. The wáng (executive sovereigns) who ad- minister the state, and command the forces, have not been always the same, but have risen or fallen with the fortunes of the time, according to the degree of their influence. There is an officer entitled the kwán peh, whose functions are the same as those of the Chinese ching-siáng,* who has also changed with each succeeding dynasty. He has the special charge of the civil government, and of the forces. The four clans of Ping, Yuen, Táng, and Kiuh, the most powerful families in Japan, have each in turn usurped the executive sovereignty. There is no historical authority for the order of the succession of the princes, and the appointments of the ministers, save the Wú-tsí King,† a work in 52 chapters by the Japanese bonze, Tiáu-jen, which embraces a period of 87 years, viz., from the 5th of Chí-ching, the mikado of An- teh, to the third of Wanyung of Kwei-shán-yuen. This is minute in details, but treats briefly of important matters. In the extracts made by Li Yenkung from the Annals of Japan, the customs of the country are given with tolerable precision, but the chronology is confused in its order.

The sovereign's surname is traditionally Wang (the king); his resi- dence is at a place called Mí-yá-kuh (Miako), which being interpreted means the capital," to the northeast of Chángkí, from which the journey to it by land occupies nearly a month. It is farther from Liáutung than from Fuhkien and Chehkiáng.

The Chronicles (of the Ming) tell us that to go by water from Tái- fáng to the country of Wo, you must keep along Corea, steer south and east, traverse three seas, and after coasting along seven countries, and sailing 12,000 lí, you will reach Japan. In another place they say, that to the district of Loh-lang as well as to Tái-fáng the distance is 12,000 li, to the east of Hwui-kí, and not far from Tán-'rh. By Japan they mean its capital, the circuitousness of the route to which accounts for the language of the Chronicles; for, as far as Japan is concerned,

• Ching-siáng, e. g. the tá high-sz' of the present dynasty. +Wü-tet King,

My Handmaid's Mirror. The name is said

to be chosen as indicative of the intention of the writer to confine himself to matters relating to home alone, without digressing to foreign subjects. The word rendered · handmaid ' is properly concubine, or wife of the second degree.

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the island of Tuima which forms part of it is only separated by a single sea from Corea, and is to be reached in one night with a fair breeze.*

In the reign of Lísung, king of Corea, many years ago, the kwánpeh of Japan made war upon him for seven years without intermission, and eight circuits were several times nearly lost. Siuce the annexation of Corea to China, under the present dynasty, the Japanese have been awed into a state of submissive tranquillity.

In the 4th year of the period Tsungteh (1647),† the king of the Ja- panese islands commanded Ping-chi-lien and Tang-chi-shing to write a letter to Corea, worded as follows: "During the past year the great prince has been ill; he has in consequence not attended to the admi- nistration of his government for some time. In the spring of this year he recovered. The productions of your honorable country required as necessaries by the ministers (or vassals) of the great monarch are very many; those of late received from it, but few. The trade with China permitted under the T'áng dynasty having been moreover cut off, the great monarch has no means of meeting the requisitions of his ministers, and he therefore expects your honorable nation to make good every one of the articles which have not been supplied since the the year yih-hái (1624) up to the present date, that there be no misunderstanding between our two nations. The governor of Shamo chau has resolved upon peace with Lewchew, the governor of Fí-tsien chau with the southern barbarians; and the annual receipts from both these people are considerable. The sovereign of Japan has re- solved upon peace with your honorable nation, but what must he think of the trifles he receives from you as compared with what is sent by the other two?" The king of Corea transmitted this letter to the Emperor, observing that the intentions of the Japanese were not to be seen through, and that it would be as well to direct the officers in charge of the coast to cause steps to be taken for its defense; to the

*The above is a very free translation of the passage, which is somewhat perplexing to a foreign geographer, inasmuch as Hwui-kí is in Chehkiáng, and Tan-'rh which is to be approached on the voyage to Miako, in Hai-nán 1. The sense may be assumed to be that of the paraphrase, as in a statistical work upon the chief divisions of Hái-nán, a teacher declares that it is laid down that Tán`rh is only a single sea's distance from Japan; that on a clear day the houses of the latter place are visible from it, and that in a still night the cocks may be heard to crow and the dogs to bark! The error arises from a vague conception of the southing to be made from Corea to weather the Japanese group, and is hardly so wonderful in a people who have little inducement to improvement as a maritime power, as some of the mistakes made by Portuguese and Spanish voyagers much about the time the Annals of the Ming were compiled.

This is the period of the father of the first monarch of the present dynasty, which usurped the throne of the Ming in 1614.

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prevention of mischief. Japan was, at this time on the lookout for a pretext to make war on Corea, and the fact that the latter was never- theless unharmed by her troops, is to be entirely ascribed to the ter- ror inspired by the Majesty of Heaven.

In the 2d moon of the 7th year (1650), a son was born to the sove- reign of Japan, who thereupon held a festival in propitiation of good fortune, and demanded a subsidy from Corea of the utensils necessary for the sacrifices. In the 3d moon of the 8th year (1651), Japan sent again to Corea to require that in all letters, the son born should be spoken of in the same terms as the monarch himself; and some blank white paper with his official stamp upon it was exacted of the king of Corea. Permission was given to Tsung,* at_his_request, to send an envoy to Japan with congratulations, who might take the opportunity of observing the state of affairs there.

From the time of Shunchí (1644), there has been commercial inter- course with the Japanese, but they bring no tribute; the trade too is in Chinese vessels only, which went to Japan, none of her ships coming to China. The commerce with China is carried on at Chángkí, where the dealers trade in the various descriptions of goods there collected together; and there are besides this, 71 islands to the east and south of Tuima, all Japanese territory. The country abounds in copper, which has supplied the mintage of the present dynasty. In addition to the Yunnan quota, there used to be annually purchased a fixed amount of 4,430,000 catties odd, for the provinces of Ngánhwui, Kiáng- sí, Kiángsú, and Chehkiáng. Government dealers were appointed, and the number of ships fixed at sixteen, all of which trade outwards in the manufactured and raw silks, cotton, sugar, and drugs of the In- ner Land. The monopolists in charge of the copper were obliged to take a certificate of the Japanese, under which their purchases might be examined and passed. For the fractional quantities, in excess of the above, which amounted to some one or two hundred chests, a small- er certificate was taken. After being two or three years in force, these regulations fell into desuetude (or they were no longer of avail).

The inhabitants of Sheh-moishi and Joh-tso-poh-to boast of their merchants, some of whom amass fortunes of a million [taels.] In the single island of Hotsiuen they observe the Chinese fashion of striking a bell to summon people to meals when the table is laid. The people of the hamlet of Yingko in Samo are acquainted with the rules of

Tsung is most probably the king of Corea, but from the abruptness with which the character is thrust into the text, I incline to consider it a misprint for soine particle.

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politeness, and attach importance to a transgression of laws. The unshaven bonzes of Iki, who have 3800 monasteries, are the only people whose character is somewhat violent and sanguinary.

The whole of the districts, major and minor, are under the three military chieftainships of Shán-k'au, Funghau, and Chuhyun, the three chiefs of which fight with and plunder each other. Of the three, Funghau is the most powerful division, but all are subject to the general control of the sovereign who resides at Shán-ching. A large proportion of those who made piratical incursions during the time of the Ming, were inhabitants of Samo, Fíhau and Chángmun. Their ravages are all to be ascribed to the intrigues of traitorous Chinese, who tempted the Japanese brought together by the trading vessels.

The personal appearance of the inhabitants of Japan is fine. Its climate and seasons correspond with those of Kiángsú and Chehkiáng, and it produces every sort of pottery, as well as lacquer-ware and gilt figured paper. The handsomest horses come from Samo, the ground of which yields copper. Numbers of cutlers frequent the place, and the weapons made by them are extremely sharp, and are therefore commonly worn by Japanese in their belts. Amber, beche- de-mer and haliotis are the produce of the seas.

The northernmost of the dependencies of Japan is Tui-ma, which is not far from Corea; the southernmost is Samo in the vicinity of Lewchew. Tuima is exactly in the same parallel with Wan-chau and Tai-chau. The high points of Chángkí and Púto are east and west of each other. From this side to that, the voyage is 40 watches long. From Amoy to Chángkí, with a northerly wind; you enter by the Wú- táu (Five Islands); with a southerly wind by Tientáng, the voyage being 72 watches.

The division of a night and a day into ten watches was invented by seafaring men on account of the impracticability of measuring their track by li. They accordingly note the li by the number of watches.

Extract from the Ngau-mun Lioh, or Records of Macao.

The prohibitions of the Japanese government against the doctrines of the Lord of Heaven are very severe. In the stones of the Batavian quay is engraved a crucifix, and at the entrance of the street, on either side of the way, are soldiers standing with drawn swords. Persons trading with the country are obliged to enter [the city] by the way of the crucifix (i. e. treading upon it); if they turn back, or to the right or left, they are immediately decapitated. There is also an image of

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Notice of Japan in the Hai-kwoh Tú Chi.

217

side of the way, are soldiers standing with drawn swords. Persons trading with the country are obliged to enter [the city] by the way of the crucifix (i. e. treading upon it); if they turn back, or to the right or left, they are immediately decapitated. There is also an image of Jesus (Yé-sú) fashioned of stone, fixed in the threshold of the gate of the city, that it may be trampled upon. The barbarian ships of the Portuguese (or westerns) consequently do not venture to this country to trade.

Extract from the Wán Kwok Tí-lí Tsiuen-tú Tsih, or Synopsis of Universal Geography, illustrated with maps.

[This extract was not in the earlier edition, nor is it certain when the au- thor wrote. The writer of the work from which the last portion of the chap- ter is selected lived in the reign Kánghi.]

Japan (says the above) consists of three hilly islands, whereof the largest is Chungshán. In this too, is the royal residence. Its shores are indented with bays, into which run numerous streams, and there are ports of trade all along them. The country within is full of moun- tains, which produce silver and copper; but the soil is not fertile, the natives are not used to eat meat, and do not keep pigs or poultry; agriculture is their only occupation (as farmers): they put up sheds on the hills to work the mines and are very expert in the excavation of ways and passages.

The Japanese are not the same as the men of Hán, and there is also a difference in their personal appearance and their oral language; and although they are beholden to China for their written character, and study the ceremonial forms of the Chinese, their ideas do not corres- pond with those of the latter.

They are short of stature, their eyes are deep set, and their noses fiat. They shave the head only in front, allowing the hair to grow long behind, and binding it up in a short queue, which they lay on the top of the head. Their garb is a long robe, they never put on trowsers, and wear slipshod sandals on their feet. They eat nothing but rice, vegetables, fish, and tortoises, but they swallow a large quantity of wine, even to a drunken excess; and are greatly addicted to women ; the whole country being filled with courtesans.

All classes, whether rich or poor, inherit the station of their fathers from generation to generation. Those on whom hereditary principa- lities are bestowed, carry a sword and dagger, and govern each one his own territory; but they are obliged either to reside at the Capital, or to send a son or grandson thither as a hostage. From the sovereign to the plebeian, all are amenable to established law. The sovereign

VOL. XIX. NO. IV.

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can not incur expense or travel about amusing himself at his pleasure ; ministers of rank are charged with his superintendence, so that he himself lives like a prisoner in his palace. The cabinet ministers are not either masters of themselves, but are also restricted by the code, which has fixed provisions for the movements of the grandees, and for their sleeping and diet. It is only the lower orders that are permitted to act as they like in these respects, but if they break the law, the penalties are extremely severe, and no mercy whatever is shown to them. The feeling of the people [towards the government] is consc- quently one of fear, and not of reverence or affection.

From ancient times to the present, the state has always been under the rule of two monarchs. The actual monarch of former days now wields a spiritual authority, and he passes his life in his hall like a priest, differing in no respect from a wooden idol; the secondary so- vereign holds in his hands all power over the troops, and all adminis- trative authority. The literati and people amount to 20,000,000, and are excellent as scholars, agriculturists, mechanics, and merchants. The greater portion of all three islands is so rocky, that if they were not diligent in sowing the ground, the people would die of famine. Their artisans make lacker-ware boxes and fine silks, such as are rarely to be obtained in China ; their merchants make tours to traffick all along the coast of their own country.

In the time of the Ming, the Japanese had extensive commercial relations, but they went to war with the Pú-táu (Portuguese) on ac- count of a misunderstanding with them caused by dissension respect- ing the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven, and with the assistance of the Dutch obtained the mastery. Hereupon they extirpated the sect [of Christians], and went all lengths in expelling foreigners from their country. The whole population thenceforward became Budhists.

Ships from Holland, however, and from Chá-pú in the dominions of the Tá-tsing dynasty, are permitted to trade at Chángkiáh, but they are under strict regulations, and no intercourse is allowed to them with the natives of the interior. The city where the military sovereign resides is called Kiánghú, IF (Yedo). The population is in- mense, and its number beyond computation ; but the houses have been, unfortunately, so often destroyed by conflagrations or earthquakes that

* Chin I actual, as distinct from the tsz secondary monarch. Chin is shown in both Morrison and Medhurst to have a meaning akin to spiritual; and

the sect of Tan in particular use ▲ chin jin to signify a person divested

of mortality.

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Notice of Japan in the Hái-kwoh Tú Ckí.

219

the whole place is a heap of ruins. The spiritual sovereign lives in the metropolis (Miako). This is a region of temples and monasteries; priests of Budha and Táu are densely congregated in retired spots. There are not a few seaports, the most considerable being that of Tá-chí.

Shun-kiảng Chui-pak. The Postscript of Shun-hiáng.

[The word hiáng, a village, is printed king, an official title, in both the earlier and later editions of the Hải-kwoh Tú Chỉ. Shun is an edible water- plant, said to grow only at one place in Kiángsú, thence named Shun-hiáng. The work entitled Shun-hiáng Chui-peh is by Tunghán of Hwáting in Kiangsú, who is believed to have flourished in the reign Kienlung (1735– 95). The whole of it is contained in the cotemporaneous miscellany known as the Shwoh-ling, reference to which shows that the following extract ia imperfectly quoted.]

At the time that the Regent, Prince Lú was at sea, his minister, Yuentsin, dispatched an envoy to Japan with presents of Budhistic works, in the hopes of obtaining some troops from that country.—A bonze named Chán-wei, who had come thence was accordingly sent on board the same ship [as the envoy]. Yuentsint arrived at Japan, and the joy of the people when informed of the books from Tibet was excessive, but as soon as they heard the name of Chán-wei, they were greatly astonished, and exclaimed, "If this bonze be come back, let him die immediately." As they would not receive the imperial letters, the books were taken home again. The reason assigned for the con- duct of the Japanese is that Chán-wei had been converted there to Christianity, and had escaped home from the persecution.

In former times the Portuguese enticed the people of this country to become Christians, communicated to them their secret doctrines, and debauched great numbers of their women. Once they had be- come Christians, there was no change for them; alive or dead.

The

* When the last monarch of the Ming hung himself, 1643, Chú, one of the imperial family, who had been made a prince of the highest order with the title LG, fled before the Tartar invaders to Fuhkien, and was slain in the 7th or 8th year of Shunchí (1650–1).

+ This sentence is not in the text of Tunghán as given in the Shwoh Ling. The original story is much longer, and makes mention of two ships, one of which made a fair passage : but the other, which carried the ritual of Budha and the priest, encountered a terrific storm, wherein there appeared two huge red marine monsters and with them all the fish in the sea, in such numbers as to impede the

way

of the ressel. After being driven far out of her course, however, she too made the land.

The teachers consider this passage to signify that a convert to Christianity was of necessity enlisted as a Christian for ever, whether living or dead.

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chiefs of the Portuguese pursued their crafty policy with unrestrained license, until having excited the people to assemble for seditious pur- poses, the government sent out a large force, and utterly exterminated them. They then spared no pains to cut off all communication with the Portuguese (or the Western world). They have a likeness of the Lord of Heaven engraved on a brass plate, which is laid in a tho- roughfare so that all people of all nations whatsoever who go there, are obliged to trample upon it as they pass. And if any one is found to be bringing in his baggage a single article that is Portuguese, or a Portuguese book or picture, every one on board his ship is beheaded. See the abridged account of Cháng Linpih who was sent as envoy to Japan.

ART. IV. Topography of Shensi; its boundaries, area, rivers,

divisions, cities, population, productions, &c.

THE province of Shensi i. e. West of the Pass, is in one respect the most interesting of the eighteen, from its being the ori- ginal seat of the Chinese, the land where the blackhaired race first established itself, and from whence it has spread over the Inner Land. In the days of Kienlung, Shensí included the present province of Kánsuh, but it is now bounded on the west by that province; north by the desert region of the Ortous Mongols, from which the Great Wall divides it; east by Shánsí, from which the Yellow river divides it, and Honán; southeast by Húpeh; and south by Sz'chuen. It extends from lats. 32° to 39° N., and from longs. 106° to 411° E., of an ir- regular shape, but approaching a rectangle. The area has been roughly estimated at 67,400 square miles, which is nearly the same as Kwangtung, and the population in 1812 was 10,207,256, or 153 per- sons to a square mile; these data make Shensí the tenth in point of size, and the fifteenth in respect of population, of the eighteen provinces.

The surface of the country is rugged, and between the rivers Wei and Hán in the south, some of the peaks in the range of the Tsin ling rise even to the snow limit. North of the Wei, the coun- try declines to the eastward, and a lower elevation is seen in all the departments along the Yellow river. A spur of the Alashan or Holan Mts. appears in the northwest in Yenngán fú, called Múyun hug, and all the northern portion of Shensí is generally too rough

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Topography of Shenst.

221

for extensive agricultural pursuits, though so far as is known, not for habitations. In the south, the Tai-peh shán ★Ĥ or Great White Mt., Chung-nán shán or South-Limit Mt., Tai-hwá shán

and Sháu-hwa, or Great and Little Flower Mts., and

Sháng shán 商山 are the most noted peaks of the Tsin-ling. In

the extreme southwest of the province is Po-chung shán Grave Mt., a noted eminence; and north of the Wei, in the depart- ment of Fungtsiáng, are Lung shán, Wú shán B, and Kí shán

, all of them well known in the history of the region.

The rivers of Shensí, north of the Tsin ling, are all tributaries of the Yellow river; those on the south flow into the Yangtsz'. The Wei ho, and its principal branch the King, are noted for their clear and turbid waters, which run in parallel lines like those of the Missouri and Mississippi, long after their junction. These two streams have their source in Kánsuh, and flow east and southeasterly till their junction near Singán fú, from whence a short channel car- ries their waters into the Yellow river; the two have many tributaries, but none of much note or size. The Lob ho joins the Yellow river just above the R. Wei; this stream rises in the north- west, near the Great Wall, and receives in its course through the province the drainings of the western districts. Proceeding north, above the R. Loh, the Choh-kin hof, the Wu-ting ho and the Kiuh-yé ho 屈野 are the largest tributaries of the Yellow river; the two latter have their sources in Mongolia. South of the Tsin-ling, the Hán ho drains all the country, while the Kiá- ling kiáng, a large branch of the Yangtsz', forms the southwestern boundary of the province. Most of the rivers of Shensí are too rapid for safe navigation, and this is particularly true of the Yellow river, whose waters rush down from the table-land of Mongolia with a force which almost defies all the skill of the Chinese boatmen to oppose them.

The province of Shensf is divided into twelve departments, and eighty-five districts, as given in the following list.

I. Singán fú, or the Department

of Singán, contains eighteen districts,

viz., two ting, one chau, and fifteen hien.

1 咸寧 Hanning,

2長安 Chángngán,

3藍田Lántien,

Hiáu-í ting,

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5鄠縣 Hioh hien,

Hányáng,

6煞

6盩厔 Chauchih,

Kingyáng,

7寧陝廳 Ningshen ting, 14 醴泉 Litsiuen,

8臨潼 Lintung,

15三原 Sányuen,

9 高陵Kauling,

16 || || Yáu chau,

10 渭南 Weinán,

Tungkwán,

11 Fúping,

18 Hingping.

II. Tungchau fú, or the Department of Tungchau, contains ten districts,

viz., one chau, one ting, and eight hien.

1大荔Táli,

Hohyáng,

2華州 Hwa chau,

7韓城 Hánching,

3 華陰 Hwayin,

8白水 Pehshwui,

10蒲城 Púching.

4潼關廳 Tungkwán ting, 9朝邑Cháuyih,

5Chingching,

III. Fungtsiáng fú, or the Department

of Fungtsiáng, contains eight districts,

viz., one chau and seven hien.

1鳳翔 Fungtsiáng,

2岐山 Kishán,

3扶風 Fúfung,

4郿縣 Mei hien,

Páukí, 6麟游Linyú,

Kienyáng,

Lung chau.

IV. Húnchung fú, or the Department

of Hánchung, contains eleven districts,

viz., two ting, one chau, and eight hien.

1南鄒 Nánching,

2 Vỹ | Síhiáng,

7褒城 Páuching,

8 j U Mien hien,

* 3定遠廳 Tingyuen ting, 9陽 Lohyáng,

4 寧羗州 Ningkiáng chau, 10鳳縣 Fung hien,

Chingkú,

Yáng ting,

11 Liúpá ting.

Ngánkáng,

2平利 Pingli.

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Topography of Shensi.

V. Hingngán fú, or the Department of Hingngán, contains seven districts,

viz., one ting, and six hien.

5Hányin ting, 6白河 Pehho,

223

3 Tsz'yáng:

7洵陽 Sunyáng.

4石泉 Shihtsiuen,

VI. Yenngán fú, or the Department

of Yenngán, contains ten hien districts.

1膚施 Fúshí,

6安塞Ngánseh,

|| l'chuen,

Fáungán,

3 甘泉Kántsiuen,

8靖邊 Tsingpien,

4 E Yenchuen.

9定邊 Tingpien,

10 HE | Yencháng.

5Ngánting,

VII. Yülin fú, or the Department of Yülin, contains five districts,

viz., one chau and four hien.

1榆林 Yulin,

2 p* ) Kia chau

3 hd in Hwáiyuen.

VIII. Sháng chau

山陽 Shányáng,

4.神木 Shinmuh,

5府谷 Fakuh.

or the inferior

Department of Sháng, contains four hien districts.

3鎭安 Chinngán,

2Shángnán,

4 Lohuán.

IX. Kien chau, or the inferior

Department of Kien, contains two hien districts.

1武功 Wákung,

2永壽 Yungshau.

X. Pin chau, or the inferior

Department of Pin, contains three hien districts.

Shunhwá,

3 kit Chángwú.

Sánshwui,

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Topography of Shensi.

APRIL,

XI. Fú chau, or the inferior Department of Fú, contains three hien districts.

|| Lohchuen,

Chungpú,

3宜君Ikiun.

XII. Suiteh chau, or the inferior Department of Suiteh, contains three hien districts.

3米脂 Michi.

I 清澗 Tsingkien, 2吳堡 Wúpáu,

I. The department of Si-ngán, next to Shuntien fú or Peking, con- tains the largest number of districts of any department in the provinces, and it once comprised thirty-three, half of which have been parti- tioned off, but its population is not the second; it lies along the south- side of the R. Wei, and was once more densely peopled than at pre- sent. The captial lies in lat. 34° 16′ N., near the junction of the King and Wei rivers, and was the metropolis of China during the Tsin, Hán, and Táng dynasties, and the briefer ones which inter- vened, a period of more than a thousand years; it was then called Cháng-ngán, the name by which the district is now known. In the times of Confucius, the capital of the empire, Cháng-ngán, lay north- west of the present locality; it received the name of Sí-ngán in the days of the Ming. The Nestorians found this place the seat of greater power than any other in Asia, and the celebrated empress Wú-tsih-tien here swayed her scepter over more than half the conti- nent. It was known then by them as Khoubdan or Khmumdan, under which name it is mentioned by Theophylact of Simocatta, in A. D. 582, when the house of Sui occupied the throne. There is every probability that this region was one of the localities where the progenitors of the sons of Hán first settled after their migrations through Central Asia. The region is still highly cultivated, and after Peking, Singán fú is the largest city in the northern provinces, the residence of the governor-general of Shensí and Kánsuh, and the center of the trade of the northwestern provinces. Some remains of the palaces of former monarchs are still pointed out, but they only serve to show how trifling were the attempts of the emperors of those days to perpetuate their name and glory by rearing magnificent and durable buildings. One of the most interesting relics of antiquity ever found here is the inscription recording the preaching of the Nestorians. (See Chi. Rep, Vol. XIV.)

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225

II. The department of Tungchau comprises the eastern part of the province at the junction of the rivers Wei and Loh with the Yellow river, and was set off from the preceding in consequence of its extent; the position of the chief town renders it an important place. In the district of Tungkwán, is the celebrated pass of that name, where the R. Wei forces its way through a gorge in the mountains as it joins the Yellow river, the heights on the south being a spur from the Tsin- ling, and on the north from the hills at the sharp bend of the Yellow river. Both this and Singán fú rank among the most populous and fertile districts in China.

III. The department of Fungtsiáng lies on the confines of Kán- suh, northwest of Sí-ngán; the chief town is situated on the Yung- shwui, a branch of the R. Wei, and the whole department is fertile and populous in a high degree. Falcons are trained for the chase by the inhabitants, and the hills afford a large variety of game.

IV. The department of Hánchung lies in the southwestern corner of the province, along the headwaters of the Hin, and is one of the most mountainous regions of Shensí. The chief town is situated at the junction of the Páu-shwui with the Hán kiáng, and most of the towns are found along one or other of these rivers. One of the most remarkable features of the region is the great national road from Peking to Chingtú fú in Sz'chuen, which runs from Sí-ngán across the Tsin-ling into the valley of the R. Han. It has been carried over high mountains, whose sides have been scarped down to afford a pathway, and across gorges of terrific height by bridges of sufficient strength to afford passage to large carriages or trains. It has been opened many centuries, and by those who have traveled it is pro- nounced not inferior to the road over the Simplon, though the eleva- tion is not so great. These mountains furnish musk, wax, honey, cinnabar, and peltry; game is abundant, and the bears' paws obtained by the hunters are considered by Chinese epicures a great luxury.

V. The department of Hing-ngán lies east of the preceding, and south of Síngán, occupying the southeast of the province; like Hán- chung, it is very rugged, but the bottom lands are fertile, and afford sustenance to a large and hardy population. The mountains through- out the whole extent of the valley of the R. Hán are famous in the civil wars of China for the resort they afforded to chieftains and rob- bers, and this department in particular, was the scene of many fights in the declining days of the Chau dynasty, the capital being the chief town of the Tsin state; it was also the residence of an emperor of the Han dynasty.

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VI. The department of Yen-ngán comprises the largest area of any of the departments, reaching quite across the province; it lies south of the Great Wall, and north of Tungchau fú. The chief town lies on the bank of the Liú hú, or Willow Lake, a small sheet of water not far from the Choh-kin river, a tributary of the Yellow river. This extensive region is thinly peopled, the surface of the country quite mountainous, and its productions—peltry and furs of various kinds, cinnabar, marble, petroleum, game show that the inhabitants look to other means than agriculture for a livelihood. That part of the pre- fecture along the Great Wall is partly inhabited by Mongols.

VII. The department of Yülin, or Elm Forest, occupies the ex- treme northeast of the province; the chief town was formerly a mili- tary post, but the increase of population caused it to be erected into a separate prefecture. The Great Wall and the Yellow river form its limits on the west and east; it is not as rough as Yen-ngán fú, and the greater accessibility to most of its towns by means of the Wúting and the Yellow rivers, and the roads across the north of Shánsí, has attracted a denser population. These is no impediment put in the way of the Mongols beyond the Great Wall settling down in the towns, and they are found in many places.

VIII. The inferior department of Sháng is a small region in the southeastern part of Shensí, set off from Singán ú, and comprising the valley of the Tán hoor Carnation river, a confluent of the R. Hán, and several smaller stre.ns.

IX. The inferior department of Kien lies between Singán and Fungtsiáng fú; its chief town is situated on the Hán-kuh ho

, and its two district towns are also found in the same valley. X. The inferior department of Pin lies north of the preceding, on the R. King, near the confines of Kánsuh, and like that was set off from the prefecture of Singán. The chief towns of both these departments are ancient towns, having been numbered among the numerous vil- lages around the metropolis in the days of Confucius, and like most of the cities of Shensí, having received many names, and undergone many changes during the intervening centuries.

XI. The inferior department of Fú is situated between Singin and Yenngán fú, in the valley of the R. Loh; it formerly belonged to the latter, and resembles it in its productions and inhabitants.

XII. The inferior department of Suitch also belonged once to Yenngán fú; it lies along the banks of the Wúting and Yellow rivers, one of its towns being close to the latter. Very little is known con- cerning the productions of the land, or civilization of the inhabitants.

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Men and Things in Skúngkái.

227

in this part of the province. The advantages for communication with other parts of the empire afforded by the magnificent river which rolls along its borders are unknown to them, and must be until the mighty power of steam is brought into action.

The inhabitants of Shensí are regarded as among the best formed, the bravest, and the strongest of the sons of Hán; they are reputed to make the best soldiers, and for commercial activity they are not inferior to any, many of their bankers finding their way even to Canton and Amoy. The trade across the Desert to flí is much of it in their hands, and passes down the King and Wei rivers through Sí- ngán fú into the Great Plain; a thousand years ago it centred there. The grains raised in Shensí are wheat, millet, barley, and a little rice; clouds of locust sometimes destroy the crops, the distressed peo- ple then devouring the locusts. Medicines of various sorts, rhubarb, honey, silver, quicksilver, copper, gems, salt, coal, cabinet woods, hides, carpets, horses, mules, and camels, are among the productions of the land, the mines, and the shop. In literary pursuits, the people of Shensí do not equal those in the eastern provinces, though many distinguished persons have arisen in it. The climate is cold and sub- ject to many changes, the temperature of London and Cairo being ex- perienced in the same locality.

ART. V. Men and Things in Shanghái; famine; violent begging; contributions solicited; distribution of food; asylum for outcast children; oppression and assault; postmaster generals; pawnbrok- ers røbbed; pirate-catchers. Letter to the Editor from SPECTATOR. SIR: Famine is still abroad in the land ; multitudes of the people are distress- ed, and in some places, if reports be true, large numbers are dying for want of food. In the district of Shanghái, there are said to be 200,000 now suf- fering from famine; and in a small district to the east of this, no more than 60 li by 36, the whole population, say 120,000, are beggars,—unable, from any resources of their own, to gain an adequate sustenance. Equal or great distress prevails in districts northward from us, along the banks of the great rivers. I have endeavored, but in vain, to get some statistics in order to show the extent of the famine and the amount of suffering. The all absorbing question, with the authorities, is How to keep the people quiel ? And they are making vigorous efforts to secure this end. The late repeated deaths in the imperial house, doubtless add to the intensity of solicitude at the present mo-

ment.

"Beggars becoming violent, so as to create disorder and cause insurrection, is one of the first and chief things to be guarded against." If no more than five persons band together at any house or shop, and insist on their requests,

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and take away any property or goods, be it but the smallest quantity, such an act is designated violent begging." Butch conduct is like to that of lawless vagrants and vagabonds, very injurious to the inhabitants of the country ; and those who indulge in it must be dealt with in the most summary manner. So they are, both by the magistracy and by the sovereign people. I have seen instances of horrible cruelty enough to make one's blood run cold.

To relieve the distressed people, the provincial government has taken rigor- ous measures, soliciting contributions on the one hand, and on the other be- coming the almoners of the poor. Contributions are solicited on a scale so extensive that every one, who has but a few cash, can add to the general stock. In the first place, the governor of the province, according to old cus- tom, has put forth a proclamation, calling upon the rich gentry to come for- ward with their great contributions, promising them, that if they do this, he will solicit the emperor to bestow on them sacred grace," to make them dance for joy! Then again, in the second place, the magistrates reiterate the proclamations of their superiors, and “take the lead in making contributions.” And then in the third place, benevolent gentry, moved by what has been said and done, take up the matter, open subscription lists, and collect cash and grain. In some instances these contributions are taken up in shares, each of not more one fifteenth of a Spanish dollar, say 100 copper cash current in Shanghai. The foreigners have joined in these contributions; two lists of subscribers at least are on foot, and they have been numerously and gene- rously signed. Thus I have described to you one part of the system—the collection of charities.

The distribution of food, no easy matter, has been conducted very syste- matically. People are not starving here because there is not sustenance enough in the land, but because it is not distributed-which, whereas multi- tudes have not the means to purchase, must be done gratuitously.

The Asylum for outcast children, at Wángkiá Mátau (in the local dialect called Wongki modu), shall be here noticed, as I have alrendy had good op- portunities, by personal inspection for becoming acquainted with the nature and extent of its operations. The plan is not new, similar provision having often been made in former years of famine; and it is established only tem- porarily for three lunar months to meet (existing) exigencies,-to give relief to a portion of the suffering caused by the inundations of last spring and summer. The number on the list is two thousand, all that the apartinents now opened can accommodate. An extension of the buildings is contemplated, and when these are secured, either by renting or building, the number of children will be increased.

In the proclamation pasted up at the main entrance, the establishment is called Ki-hái Kuh, Outcast-children's Asylum. It is situated on the south side of and just above, Wangkiá málau E. or the landing place of the Wang family. The site seems never to have been built upon previously to 1848, and was, up to that time, like all other unoccupied ground about the city, covered with rubbish, or made the unseemly receptacle of coffins. About two years ago, an attempt was made to secure the site for some one of the foreign consulates, I think it was the Danish; to provent that purpose being carried into effect, the landlord, a member of the Chin family, crected thereon several lines of buildings, one of the principal of which is now the asylum. It consists of fifty low apartments, the whole suite extend- ing over an area, it may be of three or four English acres. These apartments vary in extent from fifteen to thirty feet square, have brick or pannel walis, are without windows or ceilings above, and beneath are flagged with square tile; taking them all in all, they afford as good and comfortable accommoda- tions as are enjoyed by any of the middling classes in Shanghai. It has been said that the site is regarded as an unlucky one, because it was once covered

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with naked coffins; very likely it may be so regarded, since the owner has not been able until now to secure tenants, or but very partial occupancy for all these new and well finished apartments.

The asylum was opened on the 5th ult, by direction of the chief ma- gistrate, and at the request of several native gentlemen. As already stated, the complement, 2000, has been made up. This great family consists whol- ly of those who are above the age of three and under that of ten years; and are portioned off twenty in each apartment, and a directress, an aged matron assigned to each company. Most of the apartments, I ought to have remarked before, have a loft, raised some eight or ten feet above the ground; on that the children sleep, while they have their food and their sport on the tiles below.

When an outcast child was found, if able to speak and answer ques- tions, its age, name and surname, &c., were all noted; those found to be under three years were sent to the Yuhying láng, or foundling-hospital, and those above the age of ten were rejected. The term outcast is to be un- derstood here in a restricted sense, and not in its common acceptation, as denoting one cast out in order that it shall die, but rather with the expec- tation that it may be befriended and its life prolonged. There are aban- doned persons in all parts of China, equally infamous and cruel, who cast out their offspring to the intent that they may not live; the number of these, it is generally thought, is not great; but in the present instance, and in all similar cases, where want of sustenance is the propelling cause, the little sufferers are sent out to seek a living, and with the most con- fident expectation that they will be fed, and perhaps clothed also, as is done in this asylum.

I will now only add that the entire regulation of the establishment is apparently most admirable, the food, clothing, medicine, etc., are all the best the city affords. Each child is labeled, and a register is kept of the whereabouts it came, so that at the expiration of the three months, the family may be orderly disbanded. About seven hundred of the group are girls.

Oppression and assault are much more frequent, and much more fatal in their results, among the Chinese, than the barbarians are wont to fancy. The Peking Gazette is often but a poor index of what actually occurs; and popular runior, like the echo among the hills, sometimes marvelously ex- aggerates. Horrible tales are told of what are the results of the last year's famine. In a town, situated somewhere westward from this, it was said the people, oppressed by the magistrate, rose and took his life; then came the mandarins in great force, and leveled to the ground the houses of the malcontents; and so great was the terror that, over a space of three hun- dred miles, not one man, woman or child was to be seen! All had fled in consternation; and the whole town was left one indiscriminate heap of ruins. This case has been reported officially to the Emperor, and published in the Gazette, but as quite a trivial affair, where only two or three persons were slightly wounded, and little or no damage sustained. After the best investi- gation it is in my power to make, through intelligent Chinese, the facts appear to be simply these. In the district under the magistrate of Küyung, not far from Nanking, the famine has been very sore; the rich are few, and the poor many. The landholders were utterly unable to pay their taxes accord- ing to law; the magistrate oppressed and drove them on to desperation. To crown all, he went with the military to pull down one of the ancestral temples, intending by this means to intimidate and compel the gentry to complete, or secure, the payment of taxes. At this the people rose en masse, and the magistrate was pelted, his sedan broken, his cap and button knock- ed off, and he himself compelled to knock head and sue for his life. In this way he was allowed to escape. The leader of the military and

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Men and Things in Shanghái.

APRIL,

■ dozen of his men sustained slight wounds, but no life was lost. Thus baffled, the magistrate of Küyung reported to his superior, the prefect of Kalengning fù, who on the following day sent forth and seized two of the poor pomwanita, who, when examined by the prefect, told the truth regarding the extent of their distress and their inability to pay the taxes, &c. The profset thereupon read them a lecture, and forthwith reported to his supe- riors, the governor-general and governor at Nanking; and finally, these high cofficers, after mendin & communications back, warning both the magistrates and the people, raporto I the case by memorial to the emperor. Thus ends the tragedy, as have ended thousands of others, in mere words. However, it is In this way, principally, that the popular voice is made to reach the throne.

Vor populi, vor Dei:

wn the pagan monarchs of China say, i min wei tien “the people are com Heaven,” and so they have no other alternative, but to listen and to rolex, whish the elninor of the people has become loud as the noise of thunder.

Puatumuster generala exist in each of the governments of the Chinese em- pro- Thosen provincial governments extend sometimes to only a single pro- vinen, and sometimes to two or three. For each of these governments there la a disfimod department for the conveyance of government dispatches; and fo such of these departments there are two officers called ti táng, ons stationed at the Capital and one at the seat of the provincial government; this ons in called King tong the other Sang tang, or

làng HH, mutropolitan postinster and provincial postmaster; the former is, I believe, in comuction with and under the control of the Board of War; the latter is stationed near, and is subject to the orders of the provincial authorities. Thus, for the government of the Liáng Kưáng, one will have his headquar- tris in the city of Canton and the other in Peking; so for three provinces constituting the government of Liang Kling, one is posted at Nánking and the other in Peking. Between these extremes, in each case, a distinct line of posts is formed with all the necessary appendages of houses, horses, &c. &c.,—all supported by the government solely for its advantage, and not for the people.

By this system, some fourteen or fifteen days are ordinari- ly required for imperial edicts to reach Shanghai from the capital; the ediet announcing the demise of the late emperor and the succession of the new monarch, issued on the 14th of the 1st moon, Feb. 25th, did not reach this city till the 1st of the 2d moon, March 14th. What a contrast this to the modern rate of dispatch on the other side of the globe!

These postmaster-generals, like most of the other public servants of the emperor, hold their office for a term of three years; but there seems to be this peculiarity in regard to their appointment: they are selected from the second and third ranks of military graduates, kūjin and tsinsz'; when the term of holding office is about to terminate, the provincial authorities issue A proclamation, inviting such of those military graduates, who are by law eligible to the office of li-tàng, to present themselves for examination at the cil court, where, out of the whole number of candidates, two are to le melected, one for Peking and one for the provincial capital. Two pro- clauations of this kind have recently been issued by the magistrate of Nhunghat, one dated in the 12th moon of the last year, the other on the 9th day of the 1st moon of this year. In this second, it is stated that no can- didates having appeared at the provincial court, this is issued to hasten forward those who wish to secure this office. The necessity of having to be thus urged would seem to indicate that the postmaster-generalship is not very lucrative, or at least not one much sought for by the military gra- duntes. Perhaps the responsibilities connected with it, render the office an ubject not much coveted.

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Pawnbrokers robbed at Kiáting. These establishments, which exist in alinost all parts of the_empire, seem everywhere to be special favorites among the banditti.

They are usually very rich, and not always well guarded. At Shanghái they are the largest structures in the city; some of them look like old castles, having walle on all sides rising thirty or forty feet. One of this sort in the city of Kiáting, situated half a day's journey north of Shanghái, was entered on the night of the 12th of Jan- uary, and property to the amount of several thousand dollars carried off. A reward of $500 has been offered for the apprehension of the robbers; but as yet neither the articles carried off, nor the robbers have been found.

Too pirate catchers, as they are called, have been put in commission here, and sent out to crnise on the coast of this province. These are two large boats, so my informant says, manned by Chinese from Canton; to stimu- late their exertions, they are to be rewarded, in addition to their regular pay, with a 100,000 copper cash for each pirate, and all the booty they may chance to take.

Yours, &c.

Shanghái, March 25th, 1850.

SPECTATOR.

ART. VI. Journal of Occurrences: 'Edict of succession of H. M. Hienfung; honors given his brothers; religious intelligence, ar- rival of the Bishop of Victoria.

THE edict of succession has been published in Canton on yellow paper in both Manchu and Chinese, the text of each surrounded with dragons. The new monarch takes the style Hien-fung, which may be rendered Great Abundance, or Complete Prosperity, for his reign; this title though not strictly the personal name of the monarch, has by use come to be so regarded among foreigners; and the words Kienlung, Kánghí, Táukwang, &c., will always con- tinue to be regarded as the naines of those monarchs. The present year is still to be reckoned, as the 30th of Taukwang, the ist of Hienfung not commencing untill Feb 1st, 1851. The new incumbent is in his 19th year, having been born in August, 1831. The announcement of his having ascended the throne is here copied from the China Mail.

The Hi chau

The Hi cháu

or Auspicious Proclamation.

Proclamation of the Sovereign upon his succeeding to the Empire by the ordinance of Heaven. Our Great and Pure (Ta-Tsing) Dyonaty has continued the subject of Heaven's most parental affection. Its mighty foundation was laid in ancient times by our great progenitors Tai-tsu and Tai-trung the whole of China was brought under the single rule of the first of the Imperial line: our other ancestors, the Sainted, the Immortal, the Exalted, and the Humane, each like his pre- decessor excelled in virtue, and shed an influence of renovation (upon men], increasing the glory of the Empire and blending its parts harmoniously together; and our late Father now departed, during the thirty years that he has held the reins of government, has sat late in his robes, and has saten when the moon was past, diligently aiming at perfection of rule. From his own distinguish- ed merit, and the conduct of his statesmen, the Court commanded respect. The richness of his bounty extended to all parts of his domiaions, insomuch that thero was tranquillity within and beyond their frontiers, and the black-haired flock were beholden to it for their happiness

'Thus might it have been hoped that his illustrious years would be greatly prolonged, and that blessinge would be continued to him for evermore; but on the afternoon of the 14th of the lat moon, having appointed us his heir-appareut, he sped upwards on the Dragon to be a guest on high, and the (charge of the) spiritual vessel devolved on our insignificent persoU.

When we called to mind our own insufficiency, profound was our leur that we should not be equal to the task, until we bethought us of the counsels bequeathed by the Holy onra, and of the trust imposed on us by. His Majesty, our late father; and as the Throne comantted to us could not long remain unfilled, we put constraint spon the grief we so sincerely fcel, and reve-

232

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rently obey the word that is passed. Upon the 26th of the 1st moon we shall therefore solemnly announce our accession to Heaven, to Earth, to our Ancestors, to the Spirits celestial and ter- estrial and to the gods of land and the grain. Let the ensuing year be the first of Ilten-FUNG.

We look upward, hoping to continue what was admirable in our predecessors, and clasp our breast with feelings of awe and earnest solicitude. And whereas at the time of promulging our Inaugural proclamation, our bounty should extend to all our kindred, all things that it is fitting we should do are stated in order below.

[Here follows twenty-three clauses, each containing the different objects and mode of exhibiting imperial favor. See Vol. X. page 90. It then concludes as follows:]

This great bounty have we extended to our dominions upon succeeding to the Throne. Oh! then, do ye Princes and ministers, civil and military, ald us in the service we have undertaken, that we may add stability to the mighty line the succession of which has devolved upon us. Let each one give evidence of his fidelity, siding us by his counsels [to the attainment of) perfection; that boundless blessings may be manifested to this realm for a thousand million of year.

Let this be published throughout the Empire, that all may be informed thereof.

His position in the late emperor's family, and his elevation of his brothers, both living and dead, are seen in the following extracts also from the Mail. "Whereas upon the demise of our eldest brother many years ago, his Inte majesty, deeply moved, gave him by act of grace the additional title of Tolo Beile. We have now succeeded to the government of the empire, and as, when we bear in mind that the deceased drew the same breath as Ourself, our heart is more sad, we command that the rank of a Kiun-wáng be conferred upon him. Let the Controller of the Imperial Clan consult with the Board of Rites and the Controller of the Household, and when they shall have decided which are the proper forms to be observed, present to us their report there- upon. Respect this!

"Let our younger brothers, Yih-s0, be a Tsin-wang, with the style of Kung; Yih-táh, a Kiun-wang, with the style of Shun; Yih-hoh, a Kiun-wang, with the style of Chung; Yih-hwui, a Kiun-wang, with the style of Fú. As soon as they shall have put off their hundred days' mourning, let them wear the cap with the tuft of red cloth, and let their court dresses and robes of office be made of the deep yellow. Respect this !"'

"Whereas we yesterday (or recently) conferred by retrospect the title of Kiun-wang upon our eldest brother deceased, inasmuch as our second and third elder brothers, who died many years ago, were also both our brothers, we feel towards them as brothers of the same bosom; and as we recall them to our thoughts, we are indeed profoundly sorrowful.

"Let our second and third brothers both be honored with the title Kiun- wang, and let the Controller of the Imperial Clan deliberate with the Board of Rites and the Controller of the Imperial Household, and report to us what forms they are of opinion it is proper to observe. Respct this!"

Religious intelligence. The Rt.-Rev. George Smith, D. D., Bishop of Victoria, and Mrs. Smith, arrived at Hongkong in the Sir George Pollock, March 29th, accompanied by Rev. Edward T. R. Moncrief, and entered upon the duties of his station. Since his arrival, Rev. V. J. Stanton, the colonial chaplain, has embarked for England in the P. and O. Str. Braganza, on the 24th inst, with his family, on account of ill health; Mr. Moncrief takes his station during his absence. The Rev. F. P. Gough came out in the Sir G. Pollock to join the mission of the Church Missionary Society at Ningpo, and the Rev. William Welton and Mr. Jackson from the same Society to commence a new mission at Fuhchau. Mr. Welton is a physician, and intends to commence a missionary hospital at Fuhchau, like those now in operation at Canton and Shanghai-The Rev. W. A. P. Martin and Rev. S N. Martin with their wives, sent out by the Board of Missions of the Presbyterian Church, and Rev. Justus Doolittle and wife from the American Board at Boston, arrived in the Lantao on the 10th inst.; the two former are destined to Ningpo, and Mr. Doolittle to Fuhchan.-The Rev. W. Dean left on the 22d of February in the U. S. S. Plymouth, Commodore Voorhees, 'for Cochinchina and Siam, to act as inter- preter to H. E. Joseph Balestier, the Envoy from the government of the Uni- ted States to those countries. Rev. B. W. Whilden left Canton on the 27th ult. in the Elizabeth Ellen, with his three children, on his return to America.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-May, 1850.-No. 5.

ART. I. Sing Shí Páu Yen

Precious Words to

Awaken the Age. By CHÁNG LICHEN. Published at Canton, 1848. [This is a tract, made up of extracts from the writings of moralists, and is published for the purpose of benefiting men, very much as religious tracts are issued in Christian lands. It is printed near the Examination Hall, in Canton, and copies are sold to benevolent persons desirous of cir- culating them, at the rate of five cash each. The names of thirty-eight sub- scribers are appended to it, with the number of copies each of them took, in all five thousand books. The work forms a book of aphorisms and rules of conduct, and is about as high in its standard as any production of Chi- nese moralists that we have ever seen.]

Introduction.

VIRTUE is a quality which man obtains from Heaven, in order to prepare him for the apprehension of right principles, and enable him to discharge the re- sponsibilities of life. But as he is partly under the control of his natural tem- perament, and subjected to the influence of depraved desires, it happens that the original virtue of his nature is not always fully developed. Moreover, it has been observed, that the minds of men are all by nature good, but that in experience there is an order of sucession, and that which is to be learned should resemble that which has been learned that by this means the mind will be able to attain unto a clear apprehension of virtue, and restored to original goodness; and as it is only by urging it, that the attention of men is aroused to a full un- derstanding of it, therefore the sages and worthies from ancient times were wont to record only summaries of general science, and those who have de- served well of mankind for their efforts in the advancement of morality, have not failed to arouse the minds of men to the consideration of important subjects, and lead them to reflect upon these until their principles were fully developed. My friend, Cháng Lichen Esq., desiring to see virtue promoted, and hoping to have the cooperation of his fellow countrymen in the advancement of this object, has selected various specimens of the virtuous observations and doings of the ancients, and choosing out the most important and practical, concise and perspicuous, under several heads, seeking out the chapters and selecting sui- table passages, he has arranged them so as to bring those of a similar purport into the same section. Before sending his work to the press, in

VOL. XIX. No. V.

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order that he might announce it to be completed, he extended to me the invitation to furnish him with some few observations, which he might in- sert by way of preface. I therefore take this opportunity to commend his benevolent purpose, which is truly such as it professes to be, and not any vain pretense, and his words admonishing to virtue, which the gentle and the vul- gar must all alike praise. The intelligent, also, who shall notice it, must not think the less of it, because of its loose and desultory garb, and individu- als of the profession, should any such consider it worthy of their regard, as well as those who are able to appreciate fully, and still more completely to develope the ideas and principles inculcated, must beware that they do not speak light of it, as being only a compilation of detached sentences. They are truly important observations, possessing the efficacy of moral maxime and words of wholesome caution, suitable on the one hand to dissuade from ex- cesses, and on the other unable to tolerate any deficiency of virtue. Surely advice which is thus calculated to encourago the good and to restrain the bad, can not be regarded as at all trivial or unimportant.

Thus ends my pre- face. Táukwang, Æth year, 10th month.

Edited by Fung Yuen, styled Kien-fan, a citizen of Ancient Yueh, at the Traveler's Lodge, in the City of Rams (Canton).

Precious Words to Awaken the Age.

FILIAL duty has no bounds. It requires all the energies of the mind. Parents must wait, generally speaking, until they are fifty or sixty years of age, before their children are to able support them; then the years past are many, and those which yet remain are few. If those who sustain the relation of children, do not serve their parents with their whole heart, then, by and by, their grayhaired parents having passed away, never to return, and no longer to be found in heaven above, or on the earth beneath, then it will be too late to sorrow for their former misconduct, and repentance will be of no avail. That they may never such experience unhappiness, let them see that they provide a support for their aged parents.

When parents see that one of their offspring is poor, they can not fail often to think of it, and in apportioning food and drink and cloth- ing among their children, they sometimes seem to appear partial. It may be, the successful child is required to deliver up to them his earnings, and they then take the property and bestow it upon the poor son.

It is the just wish of parents to see their children enjoy an equal share of the property. Should therefore the wealthy son whose property is given to the poor one, hastily be disposed to think hardly of such conduct, let him consider within himself, "supposing I should happen to become poor, then my parents will in the same man- ner manifest their regard for me."

In getting along in the world, to yield one step is magnanimous. To give place, is just so much to advance your own interest. To forego one portion, is happiness. To benefit others, is the true method of doing a good turn for yourself.

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To give alms to a person who is in straitened circumstances, is more grateful than a seasonable shower. To speak words which wound the feelings, is more to be dreaded than the dark hailstorm.

If one word will destroy the peace of heaven and earth, then it must not be uttered. If one action will destroy the happiness of a whole life, then it ought not to be rashly performed.

If you inquire respecting the wealth of my ancestors, how I shall be able to enjoy it, this I should say was as difficult as the accumula- tion of an estate by my own effort. But if you inquire concerning the happiness of my posterity, whether or not I shall bequeath to them my possessions, then I should say this would be as easy as toruin an estate.

The happiness of the obstinate and self-willed is small, but the man of a liberal and comprehensive mind secures a large emolument. He who is tyrannical and oppressive has an untimely fate, but the officer who rules with moderation and wisdom shall see many years.

When the mind is excited by delight, we are in danger of disregard- ing the truth; and when our words are prompted by anger, we are in danger of losing our self-respect. It is well therefore that we should always be on our guard.

If we rely upon our extraordinary talents to help us forward in the world, then we must beware of the venomous reptile of envy behind our backs; and if we assume a fair countenance in order to impose upon our fellow-men, it is likely there will be a mirror. held before us in which our real courage will be reflected.

In attacking men's vices be not too severe, if you wish to have them think it worth receiving; and in persuading men to be good, set not the standard too high, if you would have them listen to your admonitions.

If you praise men for their virtues to their face, although they may be inwardly pleased, still they will not perhaps be very profoundly moved : but if behind their backs you extol their good qualities, then their ex- pressions of approbation will know no bounds.. If you reprove men's faults to their faces, although they ma, not be pleased, still perhaps their anger will not be very deep: but if you reproach them for their faults behind their backs, then their expressions of resentment will be unmitigated. This is the general disposition of mankind.

The aristocracy who dwell in the country are liable to many incroach- ments from the vulgar. It is always the case more or less; and yet, after all, [to suffer it] is more for my advantage. For if I so act. that men when they see my shadow keep themselves out of the way, and venture not to pluck a single ear of corn from my field; though it

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may be very pleasant. to me, still they will know what sort of a mian I am.

Whenever we wish to benefit others, we should first rid ourselves of anger, and with great suavity and consideration seek to procure their goodwill; then our words will easily fiud access to their hearts. If one man is angry at another for contradicting him, and I also join in the contradiction, wherein does it differ from adding oil to a fire which is already blazing furiously, in order to extinguish it? When men are very intimate, they must not speak out to one an- other all their private affairs, lest unexpectedly their friendship being interrupted, then what was formerly said should furnish evidence to substantiate a charge against them. And should the friendship at any time be broken off, then also it will not be proper that the whole truth should be spoken with the greatest possible plainness, lest when they again come to terms, the language which they before held should cause them shame.

Whenever you have a controversy with an individual, then you should only speak of the persons and the circumstances immediately concerned; and by no means bring forward the faults of his parents, ‹r divulge the shame of the women in his house; the controversy con- cerns only the individuals themselves, they should not allow it to disturb the friendly relations of others.

•

Whenever you hope for anything from others, you should first inquire what favors you have extended to them. And whenever you expect any- thing from heaven, you must consider what your conduct merits.

you would not have men hear you, then the best way is not to speak : and would you not like to have your conduct known, then the best way is to refrain from acting.

You should not speak of your good fortune to a person who is suf- fering from disappointment: in the day of prosperity, do not forget the season of adversity.

He who delights to speak of men's secrets, or divulge the foibles or shameful acts of conduct in the female apartments, will certainly meet with extraordinary calamity.

Whenever you meet with a disappointment, consider that it might have been a great deal worse, and your mind will be set at rest.

A person who has not been sick, does not know how to value his health; but when he is taken sick, he begins to appreciate the pleasure of being well. A person who has had no employment does not know how to value the happiness of leisure, but when he has begun to work, then he begins to know the satisfaction of relaxation.

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Every man in his conduct should endeavor to set an example of con- descension and amity. In conducting his family, no matter whether he be rich or poor, the master ought to show himself a pattern of such virtues. This is like the glorious brightness of a vernal sun, under which all things spring up and grow luxuriantly. But if you once allow yourself to be crabbed and exceedingly precise, although you may not be guilty of anything actually wrong, still such a temperament can not appear otherwise than as the sour and gloomy aspect of autumn, when all things are withered and sere. Such are the natural remunerations of justice; the decrees of Providence and the affairs of men always mutually correspond.

When you are sitting at table as a guest, you ought not to seem to know everything, and should especially avoid talking carelessly about everything you may happen to think of at the time, or bawling out a man's name; lest you inadvertently appear to be disrespectful to the name of the father or elder brother, in the presence of his son or young- er relatives; or perhaps speak of faults which those in the company are conscious of having been guilty of themselves; in this way you would not fail to bring trouble upon yourself.

In order to secure that men should praise you to your face, no means is so effectual as to give them no occasion to speak evil of you be hind your back and that you may obtain the occasional approbation of mankind, no method is so certain as avoiding their permanent dislike.

He who created things, in forming man gave him two hands, two ears, and two eyes, and but one tongue, thus signifying that he should see, hear, and do a great deal, but should say little. His tongue was closely shut up in his mouth, the teeth being in the place of a wall, the lips as suburbs, and the beard like palisades, the tongue thus being surrounded as it were with a triple guard. If you truly desire to enjoy life then you must give heed to your words.

When there is a tumult in the street, let others go forward, but I will fall back. When a controversy arises, others may use their tongues, but I will use my ears.

Should any one perchance speak evil of me, then it would be well for me to retire and inquire of myself whether I have done anything to deserve it; if so, he has but spoken the truth, if not, then he has lied. In the former case, I have no occasion to be angry with him; and in the latter, he can not have done me any real injury. Why then should I wish to retaliate?

Whenever men fail to treat each with strict politeness, there must

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MAY,

be some forbearance between them; a little impatience may create a great evil.

Whoever calls himself my friend, and yet behaves himself unkindly towards another of my friends, I can no longer regard him as my friend; though he treats me well, it must be, I think, because he de- pends upon me for somewhat. Had he nothing to expect from me, then I could not expect him to treat me better than he treats my friend.

There are people in the world who by raising cattle and horses, seek to accumulate wealth for their posterity; but the folly of such is manifest even in this world. But those who seek by oppressing the poor to accumulate for their posterity, will after death suffer endless punishment in hell. They will never escape to any other state of being, and their children can not happily enjoy their wealth. How, too, shall they ever reform. Being now at the “niue fountains,” it is too late for repentance ever to reach them. How theu can the oppressors of the poor neglect early to awaken to the consideration of these things!

In the world there are many dishonest schemes for attaining to the possession of wealth and honor. This happens from the circumstance that the virtue of ancestors often has succeeded in accumulating large possessions, and then also from the circumstance that the present condition is often a reward for past conduct, and that the future pros- perity or adversity moreover is about to be a reward for the present conduct. For example, the grain which affords us sustenance in a

year

of famine, is that which was laid up in a year of plenty, and on account of the present year's dearth, those who live in the next year must suffer the evil of starvation. Again, suppose a case in which a man has inherited a magnificent patrimony, then although he should be habitually extravagant in his manner of living, still he would not immediately become poor, but in a short time he turns out to be so poor that he has not a place so large as the point of an awl to stand upon, and now we can perceive the result of his extravagant expendi- tures. Moreover, we may instance the case of the tall tree upon the mountain; the root is deep, and the trunk is firm. But wait until a long time after, when within the heart has gradually become hollow, and without the skin has much of it peeled off; the branches and the leaves are yet green and fresh, its root is large, and its strength vast. But wait until another time when its living powers are exhausted, and the top is shattered by the thunderbolt, and it is completely up- rooted from the earth by the violence of a tempest, then how different is the appearance. Is the evil-doer able to comprehend this?

1850.

Precious Words to Awaken the Age.

239

Important Selections from the Work on the Principles of Physiognomy, by Doctor CHIN Hi-1.

The mind is that which gives to the countenance its peculiar ex- pression. If a person diligently studies his own mind, he will himself understand his true character, whether it be good or bad; the con- duct is the acting out of the mind. Observe the conduct of an in- dividual, and you will know whether he is happy or miserable If a person does not render a due equivalent for that which he receives (i. e. is not equitable in his dealings), it will be difficult for him to protect and to support his offspring. If a person is variable and incon- stant in his speech, it will thence appear that his intentions can not be relied upon. If a man's disposition is pacific and harmonious, it is a sign that he will secure glory to himself and honor to his children. If a man's talents are depraved and his disposition obstinate, and he does not meet with some great calamity, it will be wonderful. If a man knows not how to show any expression of gratitude, he will assuredly spend his days in poverty, and his life will be prematurely cut off. If whenever you converse you reflect well upon the past, you will attain unto honor and riches and old age. If you honor the rich and despise the poor, then with whom will you be able to intrust the care of your wife and children? If you respect the aged and cherish the young, you will not fail to perceive affluence following in your steps, and glory waiting before you. If you utter with a vain tongue the language of disobedience and contention, your days will be cut short. If you forget favor and cherish a petty resentment, it will be difficult to attain to the highest degree of merit at the literary ex- aminations. If petty wealth and petty honors easily satisfy, the retri- bution of calamity will be accurately meted out; and if great wealth and great honor do not move you, then you will obtain happiness and emolument without bounds. If you are not competent for the manage- ment of affairs, you will not only come to nought yourself, you will also entail calamity upon your children. If you treat men liberally beyond what the strict claims of justice require, you will unawares be rewarded with happiness and long life. If you fraudulently or violently deprive men of their estates, your children will certainly come to shame; if you honor your teachers, then you will have sages for your sons.

He who is too severe easily accomplishes his designs, but it is difficult to preserve himself entirely free from calamity he who is too gentle with difficulty completes his undertakings, yet a calm and equable felicity he is also able quietly to enjoy. If you impose heavy

•

240

Precious Words to Awaken the Age.

MAY,

burdens upon others and light ones on yourself, they will not permit you to share with them in their counsels, nor coöperate with them in their affairs. If you ascribe merits to others and impute faults to yourself, then you will be fully competent to protect from calamity and to support under misfortunes. If you mildly take the reproaches of men, your children will suddenly come to great honor. If you will constantly bear it in mind to concede some little portion of your rights, you will have quiet and leisure as long as you live.

How is it that people feed upon swords, and drink daggers? The superior man by his overbearing self-will and assumption, and the man of low degree by venturing on hazardous actions, and exposing him- self to chance. How do people throw themselves into the water, or strangle themselves? It is by the young man of ordinary parts ventur- ing in slippery places, and the young woman of a high spirit being crossed in her wishes. How is it that people are prematurely eut off, and their prospects suddenly blasted? By speaking vain words, by per- forming vain actions, by cherishing a vain mind—in short, by all sorts of vain behavior. How do people come to meet with severe judg- ments and untimely deaths? By numerous acts of secret malice, by much secret selfishness, and by performing secret actions—in short, by all sorts of secret management. By what means do men bring upon themselves severe sickness terminating in death? By sensual indulgence, lewdness, and dissipation. How do men come to be afflict- ed with grievous ulcers, which finally bring them to the grave? By stuffing themselves with fat and sweetments. How is it that people become old, and are left without heirs? By being of a morose and so- litary disposition. How is it that people of full age are bereft of their children? By cherishing a treacherous and deceitful mind. How do men come to be afflicted with many grievous calamities? By unjustly oppressing and depriving people of their property. How is it that men unawares break the laws? By not attending to their own business.

If you speak of the character of a wife, you would say first of all that she should know how to be quiet and observe silence. In the next place you would require that she should be a woman of an ex- cellent disposition, and you would not think so much of great talent and power.

If she be stern and authoritative, she will be worthy of being appointed to the first rank. For her to set a light value upon ornaments, would be fully equivalent to a thousand pieces of gold. In the abundant command of words, she must delight to excel. If she have children, she must sacrifice her own comfort. If she practice

1850

Holy Wars of the Tsing Dynasty.

241

filial duty and maternal kindness, she will not only be an aid to her husband, but she will also do well for her children. If she be not at all discontented amid poverty and trouble, she will merit the praises of two nations. If in circumstances of honor and wealth, she is habitually economical in the use of food and clothing, her apartments will become the abode of glory and happiness. When she has a large number of servants and maidens, she will not fail to be kind and indul- gent in her treatment of her inferiors. When her coffers are full of wealth, she will still strictly observe her habits of economy, and work well for her family.

In conclusion, we observe in regard to the preceding observations, that in passing them under review, we find no admixture of error. If diligent efforts be made to instruct the rising generation, we may still hope there will be a change for the better. No doubt the omens of good fortune will then work together in our favor-verily, the vital wealth and the spiritual energy will thus be developed in a more illus- trious manner.

To know the good and to maintain it, is like adding new flowers to embroidered clothing—to know the bad and avoid it, is like transforming misery into happiness. May those who shall here- after peruse these pages, perceive herein the reflection of their own virtues.

II.

ART. 11. The Holy Wars: Ta-tsing Shing Wú Ki, or Records of the military Achievements of the Monarchs of the Great Pure Dynasty. Compiled by WEI YUEN of Sháuyáng of Húnán pro- vince. 20 vols. 8vo. 3d edition, revised and enlarged. 1846. In China, the Press is free. On ail subjects men may bere print and publish whatever they find most pleasing to themselves, or deein best for the public weal. The politician and religionist may proclaim their opinions without let or hindrance everywhere and always. In the exercise of this freedom, however, if they presume to put forth se- ditious publications, they render themselves thereby obnoxious to tl:o e pains and penalties which the laws ordain for such heinous offenses. This we believe is the only point, so far as the laws are concerned, that requires to be guarded against by either author or publisher. Only let him be loyal, carefully maintain the orthodox faith, his mas“ ters, the officers of government being judges, the student has no-

VOL. XIX. ND, V.

242

Holy Wars of the Tsing Dynasty

MAYI

thing to fear; if able to write, and command the means to print, he may send the efforts of his genius, his literary essays, into every village and family of the land. Nor is there, that we are aware of, any tax, direct or indirect, on productions of the press. All this free dom operates favorably for the multiplication and circulation of literary works. No vocations are more honorable than authorship and the manufacture and sale of books. The number of such works annually published in this empire, is very great; and their influence by no means inconsiderable.

As in other countries, so it is in this, with regard to the motives which have influence in leading men to engage in literary enterprises. Honor, fame, pleasure, gain—all tend more or less directly to swell the catalogues of books for sale in all the principal cities of the em- pire. The work now before us is the product of one belonging to that very large class of men in China, whose special interest it is to sustain and perpetuate the supremacy of the reigning Manchu fami- ly. These men, by education, by habit, by elevation to places of trust and emolument, become part and parcel of the governmental system—a system which with them is all in all; its prosperity is their prosperity; its life is their life; and its downfall would be their ruin. Under such circumstances, it is no marvel that they are its zealous supporters. The danger is-nor is it small,—that their numbers ere- long will become so great as to convert them from parasites into parricides. Many of them are able men; but they are very nume- rous, and it is from the people that they derive their support. They rob and devour the people. The legal taxes, for the most part, are not heavy, but the extortions are enormous.

The Records comprised in the volumes before us form a somewhat curious work; and to those who desire to study the history of the Manchu race and its policy, especially its policy towards people and nations not its own, it is a valuable work. The title—Tá-tsing Shing Wú K,, literally translated, reads the "Great-Pure Holy Wars' Records;" a title eminently characteris- tic of the high pretensions which are put forth by and in behalf of the "celestial dynasty." Their empire is Great; it alone is supreme; in it is, or ought to be, comprised, as they believe," all beneath the hea- vens." It is withal a pure dynasty; naught that is vile, low, or igno- ble, can, as they fancy, have a place in it. As the heavens overshadow all lands, so the "celestial dynasty," the tien cháu, in dominion, is wide as the world. All who oppose, or will not submit to its rule, offend against high heaven; they are, to use the strong language of

1850.

Holy Wars of the Tsing Dynasty.

243

our author, “sinners,” transgressors of laws celestial. All such “siu- ners" ought to be either exterminated, or made to submit to the pow- ers that be; and military operations undertaken for these purposes are holy wars! Nothing is, or can be truly good, in the estimation of men of this class, unless it be Chinese, and come within the pale of the Middle Kingdom; accordingly we find in the volumes before us, "the doctrines of Jesus" denounced as injurious to the people and hurtful to the state. Such doctrines, therefore, and those who profess and propagate them, may be tolerated, but they are not to be com- mended, are not to be approved. Strange as it may seem, Wei Yuen, the minister of Reason's Glory, places Christianity and opium in the same category, as the principal evils that now endanger the safety of the empire.

Regarding the feelings of the Chinese towards foreigners there is a great diversity of opinion. Some people would have us believe that the black-haired race—men, women and children—all hate and abhor the fán kwei, and would gladly have them exterminated. Others take the opposite extreme, and would have us know that all, or near- ly all, both people and rulers, would welcome foreigners to their coun- try; but this needs proof. There are those, we know, who would rejoice to see the restrictive policy set aside. The number of such, however, we fear, is not large. A few only are sufficiently informed, have knowledge enough of foreigners, to render them capable of forming a correct opinion on the point in question. The information possessed by the Chinese regarding other people and nations, is ex- cedingly limited and incorrect. Many of the best informed do not believe that the admission of foreigners into their country-or even to the five ports-will or can be for the public good. They would prefer to have the old policy restored, and all foreigners for ever exclud- ed from the country. The new and liberal policy they deprecate, an the people of Europe deprecated the first movements of the Refor- mation. These men, as we know, not only err in judgment, but are wrong in their premises. The more their information is increased the better for them, and the better for their country will be the conse- quences. The old order of things, the exclusive policy, has nothing in its favor that we can discern, to make its perpetuity desirable—noth- ing, unless we are prepared to affirm that the semi-civilization of this country is preferable to the enlightened state of western nations, and the religions of China more to be sought for than that taught us in Holy Writ. We not only dislike the old policy, but with the present half and half system we are thoroughly dissatisfied. Compared with

244

Holy Wars of the Tsing Dynasty.

ΜΑΤ,

the old, we view it favorably as a transition state. It is a cheering fact that a Reformation has commenced in China-a reformation that, while it will be no less salutary in its results, may be a thousand times more rapid in its progress than the old Reformation of Europe.

The change here—this transition state—has been commenced by men who have little idea of what will be the consequences of their doings. The case of Lin is in point. Before he left Peking for his crusade against the traffickers in opium, he boasted of his knowledge of foreigners. Boru and bred on the frontiers, "he knew them well." The sequel of his first acts-how different from what he and his im- perial master anticipated! Of this sequel only the first, the opening scenes, have yet been unfolded. Admission to the five ports and the toleration of Christianity, form but the beginning in the new order of

erents.

If we rightly judge, Wei Yuen, the author of the Holy Wars, is in sentiment of the same school as Lin Tsehsü; of him, however, we know nothing except what we learn from his book. He was born near the close of the last century; and is, we presume, still living. At a very early age, he left his native town in Húnán for a residence at l'eking, where he had access to all the records of the Capital, not excepting those of the Cabinet and his majesty's historiographers. He also enjoyed, what was to him of great advantage, the society of 10any aged men, veteran statesmen whose reminiscences ran back “cores of years prior to the time when he entered upon his public career as minister of state. The military achievements of the reigning family soon and powerfully arrested his attention; were the objects of his highest admiration, and the volumes before us are the result. In them we have the military career of the Manchus from the origin of the family down to the present time, drawn out and adorned in fine Chinese style. The book is one we can recommend to all those stu- dents of this language who wish to see "the Chinese as they are." From the materials contained in it, a series of most interesting essays could be prepared, giving sketches of the Manchus, the Mongols, and the many "peoples and tribes" within the limits and upon the bor- ders of the Chinese empire.

1850.

Russian Ode to the Deity.

245

ART. III. Ode to the Deity. From the Russian.

[The following sublime ode to the Deity, composed by one of the most famous of the Russian poets, has, it is said, been translated into Chinese and Manchu, written on silk and hung in the imperial palace at Peking ; and like- wise into Japanese; but we are quite ignorant when or by whom done. A copy of the version into these languages would be of no little value in illus- trating the Chinese ideas and term for God. The English translation by Dr. Bowring gives a high idea of the genius of the Russian author; but if he had been well read in his Bible, we think he would hardly have omitted in this highly-wrought hymn all mention of Him, “who is the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of every creature.”]

O, thou Eternal One ! whose presence bright All space doth occupy—all motion guide : Unchang'd through time's all-devastating flight, Thou only God ! there is no God beside. Being above all beings! mighty One! Whom none can comprehend and none explore; Who fill'st existence with thyself alone ; Embracing all-supporting-ruling o'er- Being whom we call God—and know no more! In its sublime research, Philosophy May measure out the ocean deep—may count The seeds, or the sun's rays ; but God ! for Thee There is no weight or measure ; none can mount Up to thy mysteries. Reason's brightest spark, Though kindled by thy light, in vain would try To trace thy councils infinite and dark ; And thought is lost ere thought can soar so high, E'en like past moments in eternity.

Thou from primeval nothingness did'st call, First Chaos, then existence. Lord, on thee

Eternity had its foundation; all

Sprung forth from thee; of light, joy, harmony, Sole origin-all life, all beauty thine ;-

Thy word created al!, and doth create ;

Thy splendor fills all space with rays divine- Thou art, and wert, and shalt be glorious! great! Life-giving, life-sustaining potentate.

Thy chains the unmeasured universe surround, Upheld by thee, by thee inspired with breath! Thou the beginning with the end hast bound, And beautifully mingled life and death!

As sparks mount upward from the fiery blaze, So suns are born, so worlds spring forth from thee

And as the spangles in the sunny rays Shine round the silver snow, the pageantry Of heaven's bright army glitters in thy praise.

A million torches, lighted by thy hand, Wander unwearied through the blue abyss; They own thy power, accomplish thy command, All gay with lifè, all eloquent with bliss.

What shall we call them ? piles of crystal light-- A glorious company of golden streams

246

Russian Ode to the Deity

Lamps of celestial ether burning bright? Suns lighting systems with their joyous beams? But thou to those art as the noon to night.

Yet, as a drop of water in the sea.

All this magnificence in thee is lost :

What are a thousand worlds compar'd to thee? And what am I, when heaven's unnumber'd host, Though multiplied by myriads, and arrayed In all the glory of sublimest thought,

Is but an atom in the balance weighed Against thy greatness—is a cypher brought Against infinity? What am I, then? Nought! Nought! But the effluence of thy light divine, Pervading worlds, hath reach'd my bosom, too; Yes, in my spirit doth thy Spirit shine, As shines the sunbeam in a drop of dew. Nought! But I live, and on Hope's pinions fly Eager towards thy presence; for in thee I live and breathe and dwell,—aspiring high, Even to the throne of thy divinity.

1 am, O God! and surely thou must be ! Thou art,-directing, guiding all,—thou art! Direct my understanding, then, to thee; Control my spirit-guide my wandering heart : Though but an atom midst immensity,

Still I am something fashion'd by thy hand,- I hold a middle rank, 'twixt heaven and earth,

On the last verge of mortal being stand,

Close to the realms where angels have their birth, Just on the boundary of the spirit land!

The chain of being is complete in me,- In me is matter's last gradation lost, And the next step is spirit-Deity !

I can command the lightning, and am dust— A monarch and a slave-a worm, a God, Concentrated here! and how? so marvelously. Constructed and conceived, unknown ? this clod Lives surely through some higher energy; From out itself alone it could not be. Creator! Yes! thy wisdom and thy word Created me. Thou source of life and good! Thou spirit of my spirit, and my Lord! Thy light, thy love, in their bright plenitude Filled me with an immortal soul, to spring Over the abyss of death, and bade it wear The garments of eternal day, and wing Its heavenly flight beyond this little sphere Even to its source-to thee, its Author-thee!

O, thought ineffable! O, vision blest! (Though worthless our conceptions all of thee) Yet shall thy shadow'd image fill our breast, And waft its homage to thy Deity. God! thus alone my lowly thoughts can soar— Thus seek thy presence: Being wise and good!

Midst thy vast works, admire, obey, adore; And when the tongue is eloquent no more. The soul shall speak in tears of gratitude.

MAY,

1850.

Movable Metallic Types in Chinese.

247

ART. IV. Movable Mctallic Types among the Chinese.

THERE is good reason for believing that the Chinese had the art of printing books by blocks and types fully six hundred years before it was known in Europe, and though their knowledge does not detract from the merits of the invention of Götenburg and Fust, still how many precious manuscripts aud palimpsests might have been saved from ir- recoverable destruction if Europe had had commercial and literary intercourse with China in the days of the Heptarchy and Hejira. Movable types are still employed by printers, though the common mode of printing by xylography is regarded as cheaper. We have recently made the acquaintance of an enterprising bookseller and printer named Tang, who has devoted much attention to the manufacture of movable types by casting them in molds, and has already produced two fonts, with which he has printed several works. Mr. Tang is a partner of a bookselling firm in Canton, which has expended upwards of ten thou- sand dollars on these fonts.

According to his account, the mode of making the type is to carve the character upon a small block of wood of the right size, cutting the strokes clean, and then make an impression of its face in fine clay, into which mold the melted tin is poured. The clay is separated from gritty particles by stirring it up in water, and pouring off that which does not soon settle, afterwards drying it. Four types are cast at once in a frame, and the clayey matrix broken in pieces when they are taken out, to be re-made for a second casting by a similar impres- sion of the wooden type. They are afterwards planed to a uniform height. The next page is printed with these tin types, raised to the same height as the English ones, in order to take the impression in the common hand-press; they are only 43 lines high, partly in order to suit the woooden frame in which they are set up and printed, but chiefly to save the expense of tin.

The frame in which the types are set up and printed off, is a solid piece of rosewood, planed smooth, with its top guarded on three sides by a ledge, the top of which, just the height of the types, forms the border of the page when printed. The types are then set up in the frame, no composing stick being used, the columns separzied by neat brass rules, and the leaf divided by a central column as in Chinese books. In the specimen here given, the types are not spaced, but in works printed with the other and larger font, the characters are usual- ly separated. Twenty-one columus exactly fill the frame; a moving slide secures the types on the top, and completes the border round the

2.18

Movable Metallic Types in Chinese.

May,

李

Specimen of Tin types cast in clay.

黄孔蔡尹盧尹黃楊

彭招孔孔桂

尹莫頼

鄒

賴

馮黎蕭

徐頼嚴侯石

陸金鄒

容黃張容

林侯鄒侯杜容孫

:孫石廖侯賴

徐麥詹

聶侯洪盧

陸吳林

黎潘聶張杜金石莫杜麥蕭徐陸侯金謝吳底何

葉張金邱梁孫賴黎廖

崔李登蕭盧孫詹

江游崔王李

金羅徐侯莫金林

邱

金金謝蕭徐馮業

侯邱鄭游金黃

梁王嚴鄧麥彭馬羅尹蕭游杜李江招容金金楊桂何崔馮崔潘吳鄭

杜廖王孔徐錢

黎頼黎游桂

張何鄭桂王

王洪

孫廖李詹彭王陸蕭蕭羅

1850.

Movable Metallic Types in Chinese.

249

page; the types are not justified, or spaced out in each column to the same length, the page being sufficiently tightened at the sides to pre- vent the types rising when inked. When the page is proved and corrected, it is printed in the ordinary Chinese way with a brush.

The number of types which have been cast for these two fonts ex- ceeds 150,000, but what variety of characters is included in them we do not know. The principal motive Mr. Tang assigns for embarking in the enterprise was to print two sorts of lottery tickets with which his townspeople gamble very much; one of them, made from the Hun- dred Family Names, called Wei Sing Pú; and the other from the Tsien-tsz' Wan, or Millenary Classic. He uses them also for what- ever jobs may be required, but has never ventured the publication of a newspaper-or more likely has never thought of employing them for such a purpose.

In order to exhibit what is known respecting printing with movable types by the Chinese in former days, we here introduce a well digested paper by Stanislas Julien, translated for the China Mail; whether Mr. Tang has really read any of these notices we can not say, but he maintains the originality of his own invention, and we hope will not ultimately find it a losing undertaking.

Stereotype Plates in Wood.

According to Klaproth (Memoir upon the Mariner's Compass, p. 129), the earliest use of stereotype plates in wood goes back to the niiddle of the 10th century of our era:—

“Under the reign of Ming-tsung, of the After Táng dynasty, in the 6th year of Cháng-hing {A. D. 939), the ministers Faug Tàu and Li Yu proposed to the Academy Kwoh-tag" kieu to revise the nine Canonical Books, and to engrave them on plates of wood for the purpose of priating them for sale. The emperor adopted this advice, but it was only in the 21 year of the omperor Taitou of the After Chau dyɑnsty [AD_932], that the engraving of the plates of the Canonical Books was completed. They were then distributed and circulated over all the provinces of the empire.”

M. Klaproth made the observation that printing invented in China, might have been known in Europe about 150 years before it was actually discovered there, if Europeans had been able to read and study the Persian historians: for the method of printing employed by the Chinese is found to be explained with sufficient distinctness in the Djemma'a et-tewarikh of Râchid-Eddin, who completed this immense work about the year A.D. 1310.

We would add that Europe might have known the art of printing more than 600 years before it was discovered there, if Europeans had been in relation with China a few years before the commencement of the 6th century. Thanks to this process, imperfect though it was in its original form, it might have been possible to reproduce from a few germs an immense number of the chefs d'œuvres of antiquity, both Greek and Roman, and to have preserved the greater number from a loss at this day irreparable.

The employment of engraving on wood for the purpose of reproducing texts and designs, is much more ancient in China than any one bas hither. to believed. We read, in fact, the following in the Chinese encyclopædia

Keh-chí King yuen, đã Đi Đâu là vol. 39, page 2:

“On the 8th day of the 19th mouth of the 4th year of the reign of Kautaú, founder of the Sui dynasty (AD 53 ) it was commanded by a deores to collect slf the worn out derigns, sud unedit- ed texts and to engrave them on wool for publication. Thus occurred (adds the work we quolo) the commencement of priuting on plates of wood."

VOL. XIX. NO. Y.

2.18

Movable Metallic Types in Chinesc.

Specimen of Tin types cast in clay.

尹彭格

江游崔王李

楊蔡

張金邱梁孫賴黎廖何

林蕭石侯張梁

馬潘

彭黄孔蔡

尹莫

麥鄒

鄭鄧馮鷄

賴

黄錢

侯金蕭何杜廖潘孫王葉莫謝鄭麥江

鄒張

侯

邱鄧李存桂

錢廖

徐侯莫金材

邱詹金金謝蕭徐

梁

柱

鄭游金

杜李江招

孔

桂

桂王洪

詹彭王

徐金馬容潘

詹崔王

陸容林石葉盧徐聶金邱鷄

1850.

Morable Metallic Typ:

page; the types are not justified, or spaces sime length, the page being sufficient's agreem vent the types rising when inked. Wa corrected, it is printed in the ordinary Camera

The number of types which have bees sur ve ceeds 150,000, but what variety of chưazem z m do not know. The principal motive Mr. Tremon the enterprise was to print two sorts of lucem townspeople gamble very much; one cổ them dred Family Names, called Wei Sing Phụ ɛat Tsien-tsz' Wan, or Millenary Classic. Ex ever jobs may be required, but has never resurs newspaper-or more likely has never thouợc » s such a purpose.

In order to exhibit what is known respecte, z types by the Chinese in former days, we berri paper by Stanislas Julien, translated fr Mr. Tang has really read any of these mater he maintains the originality of his own LOVELE ultimately find it a losing undertaking.

Stereotype Plates in Bu According to Klaproth (Memoir upen the Marm earliest use of stereotype plates in wood goes aue century of our era:—

→ Under the reign of Ming-toung, of the Afar Thay [A. D. 939), the ministero Fang Tax and Là Ya revise the nine Canonical Books, and in sagran printing them for sale. The emperor adopted this emperor Taitou of the After Chau dynasty Canonical Books was completed. They were provinces of the scapira."

M. Klaproth made the observation that pret have been known in Europe about 15) years her there, if Europeans had been able to read and sta the method of printing employed by the Ch sufficient distinctness in the Djemma'i du completed this immense work about the your A. We would add that Europe might have lun 600 years before it was discovered them, 8! with China a few years before the commEVES to this process, imperfect though it wa possible to reproduce from a few perm d'œuvres of antiquity, both Greek

greater number from a loss at this day irregu

The employment of engraving on week

texts and designs, is much more ancient is to believea. We read, in fact, the follow Keh-chí King-yen,

格致鏡原~

“On the 8th day of the 19th month of the

druasty (AD 583 ) it was commando!

od texts and to engrave them on si

quote, the commencement of printing of

in Chinese.

251

-chái, vol. X, is the reprint of a inutely described all the ancient ɔst celebrated men, which were ›n a black ground) from the year nor to present to the Academy id which, for the elegance and he most beautiful editions printed

л A.D. 1041 and 1049.

vol. XVIII. p. 81, we read the r's degree A.D. 1056 (Bibliothèque

riod when the Táng dynasty [fouuded A. mployment of stereotype plates of wood g had commenced printing the Wá King, publish by the same process all the books cyd [between A. D. 1041 and 1049), one of a smith, invented another mode of print- dates [1. e. formed of types), which ex- he plates used at the Imperial printing

The following is the description of his which he made regularly formed plates, bien or carb, and upon these he engraved ter he made a separate seal or type, und le then placed on the table an iron plate,

posed of resin, wax, and lime.

n. divided within longitudinally from top arda], by bands of the same metal, and then sent, be arranged the types in it, placing sch case, filled with types thus arranged,

the fire so as to melt the cement a little, >ir] he pressed strongly upon the collection eans, became level and even as a whetstone. same work, this method would neither be ired to print tens, hundreds, and thousands pidity. They generally prepared two iron ng with one of the two plates, the other is printing from the former being finished, They thus alternately made use of the two he twinkling of an eye.

lar types, and as many as 20 proofs (i, s. 20 rs so as to be able to reproduce such words an te. When not making use of these duplicates aracters or types were classified according isposed in one particular case. If by chance spared beforehand, he engraved it immediate-

of it in a minute. The reason which deterred s, that the tissue of wood, being sometimes nter, would have been unavou; moreover, the manner that they could not have been re- It was much better therefore to make use of leted the printing of one plate, he heated it d cleared away the types, which separated of f cement or dirt. When Pi Shing died, his * most carefully,"

inventor of movable types in China ating was continued as formerly, with tural return of the Chinese to their not owing to the imperfection of Pí the Chinese language, which, being t a small number of signs [characters] ind of book), put the printer to the types than there were different words,

of sounds into 106 classes) 106 separate

ber of types many times repeated, the *ms, and their distribution again after able time. It was therefore more easy written, as is now done, the text one

250

Movable Metallic Types in Chinese.

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We see that it far preceded the era of Fung Ying-wáng or Fung-táu, to whom they attribute this invention about the year A.D. 932.

This quotation is found to be repeated in anotlier Chinese encyclopædia, intituled Pu-t'ong-pien-lan, vol. 21, p. 10. According to another work of a similar kind, intituled Pí Tsáng,

printing on wood was invented about

the commencement of the house of Sui, (A.D. 581); it expanded sensibly under the Tang dynasty (A.D. 618 to 904); increased very much under the five small dynasties (A.D. 907 to 960); and at last arrived at its perfection and greatest development under the Sung dynasty (A.D. 960) to 1278).

With respect to movable types, a learned Chinese of the middle of the 11th century, whom I have constantly had occasion to quote, though he certainly does not mention the precise date of their invention, yet positively makes it reach back to more than 300 years before Fung Yingwáng, to whom many Chinese writers (and after them many European savans) have given the honor of this discovery. One may also be allowed to suppose that this invention was already known and in use before A.D. 593, since they say that the Emperor commanded at that very time [alors] to print with plates of wood. If this had been an art altogether new, they would not have omitted to make known its origin and its author.

Impressions from Engraved Plates of Stone [en creux].

The discovery of this process, which had its origin intermediately between the invention of stereotype plates of wood, and that of movable types of baked earthenware, has not been known, so far as I can learn, by the French mission- aries, nor by any of the learned in Europe.

About the middle of the second century of our era, they first began to engravo the ancient texts upon stone, in order to preserve their accuracy (which might be altered every day by the ignorance or negligence of copyists); but it does not appear that at this remote period they had any idea of making these engraved plates serve the purpose of reproducing and multiplying the principal monu- ments of Chinese literature :—-

“In the annals of the Eastern Han dynasty we read in the biography of Tsú-yung : In the fourth year of the period. Hi-p'ng [A. D. 175], Tsai-yung presented to the Emperor a memoir in which he begged him to revise, correct, and accurately determine, the true text of the six Canonical Booka. He wrote them himself is red, upou tables of stone, and commissioned the most skilltul artists to engrave them. They placed these tables on the outside of the gates of the Great College, and the literati of every age came daily to consult them for the purpose of correcting their samplę manuscripts of the six Canonical Books"

The characters of these engraved texts were not reversed (when written), and consequently could not serve for multiplying copies of them, since, after the impression, such characters would come to be reversed. The sole use of these plates was, as we see, to answer the purpose of preserving the accuracy of the texts. Under several of the following dynasties these same plates were successively reproduced and copied, sometimes only in one form of writing, but occasionally in three different styles of character. Historians tell us that sindents were allowed one year for studying the six books in each form of writing, and that at the end of three years they ought to be in a condition to read them fluently in all the three forms. It was only towards the end of the Táng dynasty that they commenced engraving the texts upon stone in reverse, in order to print white characters on a black ground. Yn Yáng-siunthus ex- presses himself in his Archæological Miscellany, entitled Tsikan-lo :-

“During_the_troubles which arose at the cloce of the Tång dynasty, Wan-tán opened the im- perial tombs, and seized upon the books and pictures which had been shat up there. He took the gold and precious stones which orasmented their bandages and coverings, learing the latter however on the spot. Thus it was that the autograph manuscripts of the most celebrated men of the dyussties Wei and Tain (and which the Emperors most sacredly preserved) came to be scat- tered about, and to fall into unworthy hands. In the 11th month of the 34 year of the period Yunghi (A D. 993). the Emperor Tai-tsung commanded by a decree, to engrave upon stone, and thus to reproduce by means of pressure, all the manuscripts of the kind which he had been able to buy and coliest. They were printed by the hand, to avoid their being soiled by the ink."*

*The author wished to say, that after having inked the stone and extended the paper upon it, they passed the hand over the back of the paper, by which moans it received a uŭiform imprae- sion. At this day the Chinese make use of a soft brush, and thus obtain a more regular priat

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251

In the Encyclopædia intituled Chi-pau-tso-chái, vol. X, is the reprint of a small work in two books, in which are most minutely described all the ancient inscriptions, and all the autographs of the most celebrated men, which were printed in this manner (that is to say in white on a black ground) from the year A.D. 1143, to A. D. 1243. I have had the honor to present to the Academy a funeral inscription thus printed on stone, and which, for the elegance and perfection of its characters, does not yield to the most beautiful editions printed with plates of wood.

Impressions of Movable Types between A.D. 1041 and 1049.

In the Mung-ki-pek-idn,

vol. XVIII. p. 81, we read the memoirs of Chink woh, who received his Doctor's degree A.D. 1056 (Bibliothèque Royale. Fourmont's property, No. 394, vol. 24) :—

"They printed with engraved plates of wood at a period when the Tâng dynasty [fouuded A. D. 618) had not yet lost its splendor [alluding to the employment of stereotype plaies of wood under the preceding dynasty). After Fung Ying-wang had commenced printing the Wá King, or canonic ɩ books, it became an established custom to publish by the same process all the books of law, as well as historical works. In the period Kingyú (between A. D. 1041 and 1049), one of the commou class of people named Pi Shing, by trade a smith, invented another mode of print- ing by mezus of plates called ko-pan or movable plates [1. s. formed of types), which oz- pression is still employed to this day to designate the plates used at the Imperial printing establishment in the Wú-ying tien palace at Peking. The following is the description of his process:--- • He took some very fue plustie clay, of which he made regularly formed plates, about the thickness of the pieces of money called tøies or carb, and upon these he engraved the charactors in most frequent use For each character he made a separate seal or type, and afterwards baked them in the fire to harden them. He then placed on the table an iron plate, which he covered with some very fusible cement, composed of resin, wax, and lime,

"When be wished to print, he took a frame of iron, divided within longitudinally from top to bottom (for the Chinese write from above, downwards], by bands of the same metal, and then laying it upou the iron plate already covered with cement, he arranged the types in it, placing them towards the right, oue against the other. Each case, filled with types thus arranged, formed one plate. This plate was now plased near the fire so as to melt the cement a little, and then with a plate of wood well planed (un taqueir] he pressed strongly upon the collection of types which, being sunk into the cement by this messs, became level and even as a whetstone. Were it only to print two or three copies of the same work, this method would neither be convenient for expeditious; but when it was required to print tens, hundreds, and thousands of copies, the operation proceeded with very great rapidity. They generally prepared two iron plates and two frames or forme, so that whilst printing with one of the two plates, the other might be supplied with its proper composition, and the printing from the former being finished, the latter, already prepared, replaced it immediately. They thus alternately made use of the two plates, and the printing of each lent was effected in the twinkling of an eye.

**For each character they had always many similar types, and as many as 20 proofs (¿. e. 90 duplicate types] of the most frequently used characters so as to be able to reproduce such words as might be found many times repeated in the same plate. When not making use of these duplicates they preserved them wrapped up in paper. The characters or types were classifed according to their tones, and all those of the same tone were disposed in one particular case. If by chance be met with a rare character which had not been prepared beforehand, he engraved it immediate- ly, baked it with a straw fire, and could thus make use of it in a minute. The reason which deterred the tuveator from making use of wooden types was, that the tissue of wood, being sometimes porous, sometimes bard, if once impermeated with water, would have been unevou; moreover, the types would have stuck to the cement in such a manner that they could not have been re- moved again so sa to serve for a new combination. It was much better therefore to make use of types of baked earthenware. When he had completed the printing of one plass, he heated it again to melt the cement, and then with the hand cleared away the types, which separated of themselves without retaining the smallest particle of cement or dirt. When P1 Shing died, his friends inherited his types, and still preserve them most carefully."

We see by this last sentence, that the inventor of movable types in China had no immediate successor, and that printing was continued as formerly, with engraved wooden plates. This very natural return of the Chinese to their ancient mode of printing was certainly not owing to the imperfection of Pi Shing's process, but to the nature of the Chinese language, which, being destitute of an alphabet (consisting of but a small number of signs [characters] with which one could compose every kind of book), put the printer to the necessity of engraving very many more types than there were different words, and of having (according to the division of sounds into 106 classes) 106 separate cases, each filled with an enormous number of types many times repeated, the search for which, their setting up in forms, and their distribution again after printing, necessarily required a considerable time. It was therefore more easy and expeditious to write, or cause to be written, as is now done, the text one

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Morable Metallic Types in Chinesc.

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wished to print, paste this text upon a plate of wood, and thus make the white portions distinctly visible to the engraver. Since this period (1049) to the present day, the Chinese printers have continued in general to print from wooden plates, or from stereotype plates of copper engraved in relief. But under the reign of the Emperor Káng-hí, who mounted the throne in 1662, some European Missionaries, who enjoyed great influence with this monarch, decided upon engraving 250,000 movable types in copper," which served to print, under the title of Ku-kin Tú-shú, a collection of ancient and modern works comprising 6000 octavo volumes, and of which the Royal Library of Paris possesses many considerable portions: (as, The History of Music, in 60 volumes; The History of the Chinese Language, and of its Characters and Writing in different ages, in 80 volumes; and The History of Foreigners known to the Chinese, in 75 vols.) In elegance of form and beauty of impres- sion, this edition rivals the finest works published in Europe.

There exists in the Imperial palace of Peking an edifice called Wu-ying tien, where, since 1776, they have printed every year, a great number of works with movable types, obtained, as in Europe, by means of engraved punches and matrices. The Bibliothèque Royale possesses many editions of an admir- able finish and beauty, which bear the seal of this printing establishment, whose types have received from the Emperor the elegant name of Tru-chin, or “Congregated Pearls."

The official report which precedes one of these editions, discovers to us a very interesting fact, the observation of which may possibly give birth in Europe to some experiments and results of serious importance. Our punches of steel and matrices of copper entail great expense, and are exposed to rapid deteriora- tion by oxidation. The Chinese have guarded against this double inconven- ience by engraving their punches from hard and fine-grained wood (at a cost of from 5 to 10 centimes each type), and make use of these for striking the anatrices in a kind of porcelain paste, which they then bake in a kiln, and ia which they afterwards cast the printing types with an alloy of lead and zinc, and sometimes even with silver.

It remains for us to know how they manage to succeed in justifying↑ (as they say in the language of founders) matrices of such material. One may be allowed to suppose however that the justification of these matrices is such as to leave nothing to be desired, since the typographical results which we have before us are of a nature to satisfy the most competent and fastidious judges. (For example, the edition in small text of the Shini-king Chá, or “Book of Rivers, with a Commentary," which has been sent to M. Arago by the author of the present notice.) I shall not conclude this article without explaining the motive which determined the Emperor Kienlung, in the year 1776, to found the printing establishment for movable types in the Wa-ying palace. This illustrious monarch having published an edict in 1773 for engraving on wood, and printing at the expense of the state, 10,412 of the most important works of Chinese literature, a member of the Financial Board named Kin Kien, consider- ing that it would require an enormous number of plates for printing this vast collection of books, and that the expense of engraving would be immense, pro- posed to the Emperor to adopt the system of printing by movable types, and submitted to him the models of these types arranged upon the plates, and ac- companied with all the necessary instructions for the engraving of the punches in wood (see above), the striking of the matrices, the casting of the types, and setting them up in forms.

The Emperor approved of this project by a special edict, and ordered these

• Some years afterwards they committed the great mistake of melting and destroying these 250,000 copper types. Of this much-to-be-regretted fact we are informed in the preface of a small work on Agriculture printed more slowly by the same process in the Typographical esta- blishment of the imperial palace called Wa-yiug-tien, of which we now proceed to speak more in detail.

↑ To justify a matriz, is to make it perfectly square and of the standard size and thickness, so that the types cust shall be exactly of the same height, &c.

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10,412 works to be printed according to the plan of Kin Kien ; and an analytical and descriptive catalogue of them, extending over 120 octavo volumes, was published by Imperial authority. There is a copy of this precious work in the Bibliothèque Royale at Paris, and in the 82d vol. p. 53, we have gathered the preceding details. In later times, the printing by movable types called pái isz', or compounded characters, has made sensible progress in China; and in the course of another generation, the Chinese will very probably altogether give up the use of engraved plates of wood. We have in Paris many large works published by this process; for example "A Treatise on the Military Art,” (W4- Isien-keou-pien,) in 24 vols.; "A Tonic Dictionary of the names of Towns," (Li-tái Tí-lí Yun-pien), in 16 quarto vole.; "a Geographical Description of the Globe, by European, Chinese, and other Oriental authors,” (Hải-kwok Tú Chí,) in 20 quarto vols., &c. These editions, it is true, are far from possessing the same elegance as those which have come from the Imperial presses; but they are very perfect, and far more correct than those which are produced by wooden plates, the Chinese authors and editors having adopted our custom of revising the proofs of the text until they appear altogether free from typographical errors.

Nors.—The transistor of the above paper, for the sake of illustration, has made a small set of movable clay types, and the impressions taken from them are such as to afford ample proof that with a good material and a litte experience it would be very easy to prepare either typos or matrices by this original Chinese method, at a much low cost than by the steel punches and cop- per matrices now in use,

ART. V. Fifteenth Report of the Medical Missionary Society's Ophthalmic Hospital at Canton, for the years 1848 and 1849. By Rev. P. Parker, M. D.

In reporting from year to year, the operations of this Institution, a primary object is to furnish the members of the Society and the friends of its cause, in a compendious form, the means of judging of its pros- perity and influence, at the same time giving prominence to such cases as are of special interest to the profession, and to others calculat- ed to illustrate the moral bearing of medical missionary operations.

The whole number of patients admitted up to 31st of Dec. 1849, was 34,598, of whom 3,663 were received in 1848, and 4,341 in 1849. The table of diseases at the close exhibits the variety that has been presented, from which a selection is given in detail.

It is perhaps too obvious to require remark that the labor and res- ponsibility involved in the care of so many, and such serious cases, have not been small; but it is a source of unfeigned gratitude that the continued Divine blessing has signally crowned these labors and responsibilities, and the confidence and gratitude of Chinese of all grades, as manifested in former years, has exhibited no abatement. The former Imperial Commissioner Kiying, since his return to Pe-

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king, has sent to his old friend and physician for professional advice. And his successor, in office, Sü Kwáng-tsin, with all his national prejudice, and policy hostile to foreigners, on a public occasion, made honorable and complimentary allusion to this Institution. Persons from the offices of the high provincial dignitaries, the Governor-ge- neral, the general of the Manchus and others, have availed of the be- nefits of the Hospital. Patients have been received from different and distant provinces of the Empire, and in one instance, as will be seen, a gentleman came a journey of two months from Chehkiáng to obtain surgical aid. An impression has obtained in some instances, among foreigners, that the Chinese are ungrateful; to correct that impression, as well as to illustrate character and sentiment, the report will be illustrated with translations of scrolls and tablets presented by various patients. A notice of the religious exercises, and the wide distribution of Christian books, will be found in the conclusion.

The nature of some of the cases, in the view of the general reader, might consign them to journals designed exclusively for professional men, but the report would be incomplete without them, and it is ap- prehended, no well informed mind will suffer from their perusal. For convenience of reference, the number of each case as it stands on the records of the Institution is inserted.

Escape of an Intestinal Worm from the side, and perfect recovery. Early in 1848 I was called to see at the Lungki Hong, a lady up- wards of forty years of age, a near relative of Cháng Tien-tsiuen ("Young Tingqua"), one of the principal Chinese merchants. No des- cription can convey an adequate idea of her pitiable condition. The skin and cellular tissue over the left iliac region, for a space of six or eight inches in diameter, had sloughed away, leaving the muscles and the spine of the ilium exposed; extensive ulceration and sloughing had taken place along the spine. At one point, about midway, in a line drawn from the umbilicus to the crest of the ilium, the abdominal muscles were perforated by the disease, and that a portion of the con- tents of the bowel escaped through an aperture, like an artificial anus, was apparent to more of the senses than one.

In view of the condition of the patient, her feeble pulse, emaciated frame, and the extent of the external ulceration and sloughing, the most unfavorable prognosis was pronounced, and the friends were assured that to palliate the symptoms, and render her remaining days as com- fortable as practicable was all that could be promised. They readily concurred in this opinion, but desired whatever was possible to

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be done. The wound was carefully cleansed with castile soap and warm water, remaining sloughs removed, a solution of nitrate of silver applied to the surface, the pain of which was arrested by the ap- plication of milk when it could be borne by the patient no longer; emollient poultices were applied for a time; the bowels were gently acted upon by blue pill and colocynth, rest at night procured by morphia, and a nutritious diet prescribed.

For some time I saw the patient daily or every other day, dressing the parts as above described, and perceiving decided improvement, it was proposed that she be brought to the Hospital, where she could be attended to more conveniently, and receive the constant care of my senior pupil. This was cheerfully acceded to. After remaining at the Hospital some weeks, her daughter, who had been in constant at- tendance, thought she had become so familiar with the mode of dress- ing the sore, that if furnished with the means she could do it at home as well as in the Hospital. The request was granted, and the family- mother, daughter, nephews and servants, went back to the country. As the supply of medicines, particularly the solution of nitrate of silver (which was much extolled) and simple cerate became exhausted, more were requested, and favorable reports from time to time of convalescence of the patient were made. On a recent occasion, in which a number of foreign gentlemen and ladies met several Chinese ladies at a picnic in the vicinity of the Factories, the wife of the Chinese merchant above- named was one of the party, and recognizing the “Doctor," alluded to the case of her relative whom she represented as being well and able to walk.

Baffled in accounting satisfactorily for the origin of this serious mala- dy, with the hope of obtaining more information, the following account was obtained from her son.

"In February, 1847, my mother had a sore suddenly occur upon the abdomen, hard as a nut, without redness or tumefaction. At the expiration of one year the noxious properties of the sore made a great ado, and the pains and distress were difficult to be borne. We re- quested the physician of the village to see her and examine her pulse, who applied medicinal plasters, and the skin and flesh were altogether destroyed, even to exposing the bone [of the ilium], and the dis- ease became nearly incurable. I had been aware of the skillful hand of the American Doctor, but [my mother] being a country lady, to- gether with the circumstance of her severe illness, was induced to hesitate and delay coming to the provincial city for treatment. Sub-

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sequently I was obliged to Mr. Morss, an American merchant, for ur- gently recommending her coming to Canton to be treated without de- lay. Mr. Morss is an intimate friend of my brother (Young Tingqua), who ordered me to tell my brothers to take our mother and bring her to Canton, when I respectfully requested Dr. Parker to see her, and was obliged to him for washing the parts and removing the sloughs from the sore with his own hand, and applying medicines several times daily for more than ten days in succession, after which she re- turned to the country, where she confined herself to his medical plas- ters, and in one month after a worm came out of the mouth of the ulcer, ten inches and more in length! It was of a yellow color, des- titute of limbs or eyes.

The two extremities were black, and upon

its belly were black lines. Ou cutting open the belly with a sherd of porcelain, more than a hundred little worms came out. After pulling out this worm, the ulcer daily improved; after one month the orifice closed up, in two months it was perfectly well, and the surface afterwards became smooth as usual. For all this we are indebted to the skillful hand of Dr. Parker and his efficacious plasters, and still more to Mr. Morss's urgent recommendations of the Doctor. I and my mother are verily grateful for the favor of creating her anew (i. e. re- storing her to health) which to our last breath we can not forget.

“Taking a drawing of the dimensions of the worm, I present it for Dr. Parker's inspection."

"Bedewed with favors, Chang Kiun-sung and others present their compliments."

It can not be doubted that an intestinal worm was taken from the side of this patient, but that this was the cause of the malady, is not so clear, and the real origin of it remains a question difficult to solve. The nature of the affection, and the perfect recovery, are both remarkable. Professor Dunglison however, remarks (Practice of Medicine, Vol. I. p. 195), “Some have asserted, that the intestinal canal is occasionally perforated by worms; but if it has ever happened, it is an extremely rare occurrence (J. P. Frank, J. Cloquet, Stokes). More commonly,

an ulcerative process has been established in the intestine, through "which the worms have escaped." So far as the maxim omne vivum ex ovo is concerned, the presence of "more than one hundred little worms" found within the large one "pulled out" of this woman's side is one fact, at least, against its accuracy, and clearly in favor of the conclusion to which distinguished physiologists and naturalists have arrived, viz. the regular generation of entuzoa.

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Cases of Lithotomy.

A note from a patient from whom a calculus was successfully extract- ed five years since is here given as introductory to the following cases. **On a former occasion (1845), I was indebted to the 'great nation's arm' from America for extracting a calculus. By simply administer- ing one golden pill, the dangerous disease was instantly expelled, and by his assistance the drought-withered vegetation (i. e. the patient) was vivified, so that he may be compared to the [ancient] Pien Tsiol. I am heavily laden with (a sense) of his exalted goodness, and I not merely bear upon my head his kindness, [weighty] as the mountains Hwá and Lui (said to be the loftiest mountains of China), but I have received his no slight favor. I respectfully present him these ten fowls and hundred eggs, as a slight manifestation of my heartfelt gratitude, and prostrate pray he will be pleased to receive them. His younger brother, Yieh Kiuen, of the district of Sz'hwui, knocks head."

No. 26,600. Feb. 1st, 1848. Stome of extraordinary sieze in the prostate gland and bladder. Liú Lienmau, a fishmonger of the city of Canton, æt. 25. When he first came to the Hospital, was much ema- ciated, and scarcely able to walk or stand erect. On sounding, found a calculus of unusual magnitude, and from his great feebleness, doubt- ed his ability to sustain an operation. After remaining a short time he absented himself, probably shrinking from the operation, till forced by several months' more pain to return to the Hospital. He was then enjoined to keep quiet as possible, and under the use of tonics and a generous diet his general health had perceptibly improved, when on the 25th of October the stone was extracted by the lateral operation. It occupied the position of the prostate gland and neck of the bladder; it was of a pyramidal form, the base towards the perinœum, about two inches of the apex was within the neck of the bladder. It weighed 61 ounces, its circumference horizontally was 74 inches, and vertically 10 inches; its corresponding diameters were 3 and 4 inches. The exter- nal incision was made very free, yet the extraction required a strong arm and forceps of the largest size. The calculus appears without sec- tion to be of two distinct formations, the original nucleus in size and shape resembling a pear, is of a dark brown color, and polished surface; around the base of this a distinct formation had accumulated, resem- bling the triple phosphates. Though the new accretion was for the most part smooth, there were sharp coral-like protrusions on the side towards

VOL. XIX. NO. V.

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the rectum. The following woodcut represents the size and shape of the calculus, a portion of the upper part being fractured off.

The patient sustained the operation with fortitude. In the evening he was very comfortable, his countenance was placid, complained a little of a sense of lameness from the restraint of the limbs during the operation, but to use his own expression, "felt light." He was re- minded that the favor he had obtained was from God, to which he seemed to yield a cordial assent.

Oct. 26th. The patient passed a comfortable night, Pulse 88. No fever, or local pain of consequence; good appetite, and the urine free from blood. He was visited by his mother, who seemed quite overjoyed, and was only prevented by force from knocking head at my feet, as she exclaimed “you have saved my son; thanks to the doctor, thanks to God our Heavenly Father." She had received her first correct knowledge of the latter by the religious instruction communicated at the Hospital.

Oct. 27th. Removed the canula from the wound, and changed the position of the patient from the left to the right side, when he express- ed himself as being more comfortable than previous to the operation. Oct. 28th. Pulse 84. Removed him from the operation table to his bed, and as the pulse was a little quickened, an ounce of oil was adminis- tered, and in the afternoon a more generous diet of rice and fish was allowed him.

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Oct. 29th. Pulse 80. No headache or fever since the operation, or cystitis, to speak of, as indicated by ropy pus. The water free, and the patient cheerful and happy. Nov. 1st. Patient continues to do well; some discharge of pus from the wound, but not from the bladder. Without an unfavorable symptom, he rapidly advanced to full con- valescence, when on the 21st of November, in twenty-six days, the wound was thoroughly healed and the patient perfectly well. His feel- ings will best be conceived, when it is reflected that he had suffered from this stone ten years. Subsequent to his discharge from the Hospital, his poor widowed mother came to my residence with some little tokens of her gratitude (as a pair of fowls and a basket of eggs), for what she again termed “the saving of her son,” and renewed her attempt to prostrate herself before the instrument, but was directed to make her acknowledgments to the Source of her obligations. She was furnished with an assortment of Christian books, from which it is devoutly hoped she and her son may come to a saving knowledge of revealed truth. The young man has become stout and healthy, and frequently revisits the Hospital. Probably but few calculi of the same magnitude have ever been successfully extracted whole. A year subse- quent to the operation he presented two scrolls. with the following sentiments, the original expressed in verse.

耶穌濟世傳天下

伯觧奇方救萬民

“Let the [merits] of Jesus, the Savior of mankind be promulgated throughout the world.

"You deliver from all diseases, and by extraordinary means save myriads of people."

"Liú Lien-mau presents his compliments."

No. 26,796. Feb 28th, 1848. Calculus of the triple phosphates. Chung Ping, t. 33, of the district of Tsingyuen in this province, had suffered for years from this painful disease. After presenting himself, he was absent till the commencement of warm weather, when, as his pin was not excessive, the operation was postponed till the heat of sum- 1er had passed, and on the 6th of Sept. the stone was successfully ex- tracted by the lateral method. The calculus was symmetrical, of an oblong oval form, and for the most part smooth. Its circumferences were 3 and 4 inches, and its diameters 14 and 12 inches; weight, one ounce and ten grains. The operation was entirely successful; in seventeen days he passed his water naturally, and in about a month was

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discharged well. His certificate, exonerating the surgeon from all responsibility in the event of an unfavorable result, is here introduced as a specimen of the written indemnities given before serious cases are undertaken, and which are said to be valid in Chinese law.

"Agreement. I, Chung Ping, thirty-three years of age, of the district of Tsingyuen, in the department of Kwangchau, being afflicted with stone, have several times sought medical aid, yet without avail. Now, fortunately I am under obligation to Dr. Parker of America, for employing his knife, and extracting it, and when cared, not merely I, one person, will be bedewed with his favor, but a united family will be grateful for his great kindness. Should the mountain from its height, and the water from its depth, be impassable (i. e. should the result be fatal), it shall not concern the Doctor; all will acquiesce in the will of heaven. Lest oral evidence be invalid, I make this written agreement, and deliver it to the Doctor to hold as evidence.

"Táukwáng, 28th year, 6th moon, 5th day (5th July, 1848).

(signed) Chung Ping."

No. 26,802. February 28, 1848. Stone of the lithic acid formation. Chung Awei, æt. 27, is a laborer of the village of the White Lotus pond in the district of Pohlo and for several years has suffered from calcu- lus. After undergoing the usual preparation on the 31st of May, assisted by Dr. Marjoribanks, Rev. Mr. Speer, and Dr. Rowe, extract- ed the stone by the lateral operation, glistening with minute crystals. It resembled an almond in shape, measured 24 and 44 inches circum- ference, its diameters were I in. and 1; its weight 4oz. and Isc. On examination after the operation, it was found that the rectum had been wounded; the sphincter muscle was consequently divided immediate- ly. No unusual hemorrhage attended the operation. The urine did not flow as soon as is common, but in an hour or two it found its way through the canula, and no unfavorable symptoms supervened. In eight days the water ceased to pass through the wound. June 16th, the patient left his bed for the first time, and walked across the room with assistance, and no water escaped by the wound though in the upright position. It healed rapidly and perfectly, and no permanent inconvenience attended the accident, as the patient recovered the na- tural power of the reunited sphincter muscles.

During his residence in the hospital, he was an attentive listener to the preaching of the gospel; previous to the operation he assured me that he worshiped Jesus, and consistently with this profession, he was heard to cry unto God, under the sufferings of extracting the calculus.

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No. 28,502. July 17, 1848. Large calculus of lithic acid formation. Kwoh Awei, æt. 40, of the district of Sinhwui, at present a butcher in Canton, had suffered from stone for several years, but unlike most persons afflicted with this complaint, was rather corpulent. On the 13th September, a week subsequent to case 26,796, a stone was ex- tracted resembling in shape, and almost in size, the seed of a mango. It measured 7 in. in its largest, and 4 in. in its least circumference. Its transverse and longitudinal diameters, were 2 inches, and 24 inches. It was of a pale reddish color, sparkling with crystals, and its surface for the most part rough like sand paper. It weighed two ounces, two drachms and one scruple. It was extracted whole. A rough wood- cut has been made by the Chinese carvers, which represents its exact size and general appearance.

After the first few days he suffered very little, and notwithstanding instructions to the contrary, soon commenced changing his position from side to side. In about ten days the water passed naturally, and in thirty he was well. The day after the operation, his mother and several of his children came to the hospital, and remained with him till he was nearly recovered. He seemed to be in easy circum- stances, for he was able to command whatever could contribute to his comfort. When expressing his gratitude to God, and his instru- ment, he observed that the mouths of eight children depended upon him for food.

Living in the vicinity of the Foreign factories, he often leaves his stall to run in and see what is passing in the hospital. He is more robust and corpulent than ever, and is very ready to encourage others who

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have a similar ordeal in prospect to the one he has passed. Subse- quent to his recovery he presented a pair of scrolls with a statement of his case, containing a poetical statement, of which the following is a translation.

"In the cyclical year wúshin (A. D. 1848), I had been afflicted with the stone disease for more than a year, and every [Chinese] physician having been unable to affect a cure, I subsequently repaired to Dr. Parker, the celebrated American physician, and begged him to cut and extract the stone, and in some ten days and more I was well, and have therefore written these scrolls, to manifest the sentiments of my heart.

“Not only according to true principles do you disseminate your skillful art : “But, still more, in your emerald satchel you possess an assortment of won- derful prescriptions."

"Your younger brother, Kwoh Awei, of the district of Nanhái, presents his compliments."

No. 29,015. Dec. 11th, 1848. Calculus, triple phosphates: Ngu Chiu, æt. 51, of the district of Kauyau in the department of Sháu- king, had been afflicted many years with stone. He was much emaciat- ed, a copious discharge of ropy mucus had existed for a long time, and his constitution was so impaired that I declined to operate. To palliate his distressing symptoms was all that could be promised. After remain- ing several months, he proposed if he could not be operated upon to return home and pursue the palliative treatment there. This he was advised to do. But in a couple of months or so, he renewed his im- portunity for the extraction of the stone, which was again declined. The injection of the bladder with diluted nitric acid (two drops to an ounce of water) was commenced, with attention to his general health. Under these means there was a mitigation of his more urgent symp- toms, yet his sufferings were insupportable, and a brother came re- peatedly a distance of twenty miles, to join him in his urgent solicita- tions, and against the decision of an unbiased judgment they prevailed. On the 17th of Oct. 1849, the stone was extracted, measuring 3 by 5 in. in circumference, and weighing 1 ounce. The hemorrhage was excessive, apparently from the neck of the bladder, and only arrested by filling the wound with a pledget of lint saturated with the tincture of muriate of iron, a silver catheter being previously introduc- ed. Healthy suppuration was never established in the incision, and a few days subsequent to the operation, a large and hard protuberance appeared in the region of the stomach. This however subsided in eight and forty hours, and hopes were entertained for his recovery. But about the ninth day he declined rapidly, and died on the eleventh

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During his long residence in the hospital he was one of the most attentive listeners to religious instruction upon the Sabbath and at the evening services with the patients. He also received the special at- tention of the Rev. W. Speer, who several times, before and after the 17th, conversed and prayed with him in his room alone. From the spirit he exhibited throughout the last weeks of his life, there is some reason to hope the instructions imparted were not in vain.

No. 30,158. Dec. 11,1848, Calculus, lithic acid formation. Liú Tsioh-wí, a farmer, æt. 21, of Tsang-ching in this province, was admit- ted to the Hospital at this date suffering from stone, which on the 28th Feb. 1849, was successfully extracted. It measured 3 by 5 inches circumference, and its diameters were 13 and 34 inches; it weighed five drachms. There was considerable hemorrhage from one of the hemorrhoidal arteries, which was arrested by the application of mattico, suggested by W. S. W. Ruschenberger, M. D., who assisted on the occasion, and by whom this valuable addition to the materia medica was first introduced to the notice of the profession in Ame- rica, as an efficient styptic. The patient perfectly recovered in about six weeks.

No. 30,637. Feb. 26th, 1849. Calculus, triple phosphates. Lí Akiáu, æt. 33, of the district of Tsingyuen, a laborer. In the mouth of March, by the lateral operation, operated and extracted a stone five and a half inches by four in circumference, of a flattened oval form and regular, weighing about one ounce and a half. The only circumstance deserving particular notice in this case was the excessive induration and rigidity of the neck of the bladder. The incision through the prostate gland and neck of the bladder was of the usual extent, that is, sufficient to admit the finger before removing the staff. The forceps were introduced with some difficulty, the stone was grasped at once, but in extracting it, the neck of the bladder seemed as inelastic as an iron ring, and nearly one third of the calculus fractured off under the pressure of the forceps, the fragments for the most part passing out before the principal portion, so that few remained to be syringed out of the bladder. Some inflammation followed, but soon yielded to the influence of calomel in small doses, and mucilaginous draughts. The patient perfectly recovered in about five weeks.

No. 31,191. Nov. 24th, 1849. Calculus, triple phosphates. Lán Chinyung, æt. 26, of the district of Pwányii. On the above date the stone was extracted, the patient being under the influence of chloroform. As he revived, he asked when the incision was to be made, and was auswered by showing him the calculus. It measured

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27 by 4 inches circumference, its diameters 1 and 13 inches; its weight was one ounce and three grains. The loss of blood was not over three ounces. The recovery was rapid and complete. The ti- dings of his success soon reached his companion in suffering who had previously disappeared (on the occasion of the fatal termination of the case of Ngầu Cháu), and nerved him to return, and on the 2d Jan. 1850, a stone was extracted from the prostate gland and neck of the bladder, three inches in length, and seven in its longest circumference weighing one ounce. This patient was also under the influence of chloroform, and as he awoke from his state of insensibility, and saw the calculus, held up his thumb with a smile, exclaiming in his broken English, num-pá wan (No. 1.). The details of this case, which has been perfectly successful, are reserved for the next report, to which in the order of time it belongs.

Cares of Gunshot and other Wounds.

No. 28,307. July 4th, 1849. Wound of the abdomen, and protrusion of the bowels. Lí Hung of the district of Sinhwui, a lad eleven years old, the only child of his parents, running along the street on his way to the market with a bowl in his hand, tripped and fell upon the bowl, the fractured edge of which perforated the abdomen on the right side, in a horizontal line a little above the umbilicus, so that the bowel escaped to the extent of a foot. This occurred at 7 o'clock, P.M. At half past 9 o'clock, he was brought to the hospital. The protruded viscus had become distended with flatus, and being strangulated, exuded blood and serum, and was quite livid. After protracted and unsuccessful endeavors to return the bowel, assisted by Dr. Marjoribanks, I enlarged the semilunar aperture with a bistoury, and reduced the intestine. Fortunately very little hemorrhage followed the incision, which was made upward and inward to the extent of about one third of an inch. After waiting sufficiently long to ascertain that nothing was to be apprehended from hemorrhage, the wound was united by sutures and adhesive plaster, and a compress and bandage were gently applied. A calomel and rhubarb aperient was administer- ed. The next morning the pulse was upwards of 100, but after a natural evacuation in the afternoon, it rapidly fell to the natural stand- ard. From this time not an unfavorable symptom occurred, and in ten days the wound healed, and the lad perfectly recovered.

Gunshot wounds by Pirates. On the evening of 9th July, 1848, a passenger boat from Hiángshan to Canton was attacked by pirates, Boats of this class are employed by the dealers in cotton, to bring

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large amounts of specie to the city, and are well arined to defend themselves against pirates. This boat had swivels of foreign manufac- ture, loaded and manned, and the matches were 'ighted. But sailing before the wind in a moonlight evening, the men were asleep at their guns, when a pirate came up astern of her unobserved, and fired a shot, aimed, apparently, at the helmsman, which passed through the body of a man near him. The boatmen were instantly at their guns. The helmsman brought the boat into the wind, when a broadside was fired into the piratical boat, sending a number of the men into the water. The engagement was brief and spirited, but successful on the part of the assailed, who reported that but five oarsmen were seen in the bright moonlight, working at the pirate boat when they parted. Five men belonging to the passenger boat were brought to the hospital the next morning, probably at the instance of the government, as a linguist came to seek admittance for them, each having received an iron slug or shot. They were entered upon the records as follows :

No. 23,50. Lí Atsí, æt. 23. Ball entered the groin.

28,507. Lí Ayu, æt. 31.

23,508. Cháu Awú, æt. 25.

left breast.

at the ankle.

23,509. Lí Asz, æt. 15.

28,510. Hwang Akwáng, æt. 53.

right arm. mastoid process.

In the case of the first, the ball entered just over the arch of the pubes, a little to the left side, and passing in a horizontal direction, for- tunately without injury to the femoral artery which ran very near its course, lodged beneath the vastus externus of the right thigh, where it was found, cut down upon, and extracted on the 17th inst. In that of Lí Ayú, the ball entered over the third rib, glanced and passed down- wards beneath the pectoral muscle, two inches below the point of entrance, where it was found and dislodged on the 18th inst. Cháu Awú received the shot below the internal maleolus of the right foot, which was extracted at the centre of the heel on the 10th. In the case of Li Asz', the shot passed through the right arm, external to the humerus, a little below the deltoid muscle, and was extracted on the opposite side, also on the 10th. Hwang Akwáng received the iron a little below the right mastoid process, which passed along the base of the cranium, lodged near the cervical vertebræ at a depth of three and a half inches, and was extracted on the 15th, after dilating the wound with a bistoury and directory to the bottom. The five men all recovered in due course without any permanent injury, three of whom, subsequent to their discharge, have returned with grateful acknow- ledgment of their good fortune.

VOL. XIX. NO, A

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No. 29,351. Sept. 19th, 1848. Gunshot wound. Chin Asín, æt. 24, of Sinhwui, the gunner of a passenger boat of Kiángmun, was shot by pirates on the evening of the 20th instant. An iron grape shot an inch in diameter, entered the left side just over the fifth rib, passed along the rib, backwards and over the spine, and lodged beneath the integuments in the opposite side at a point nearly cor- responding to that at which it entered. Assisted by Dr. Ruschenberger of U. S. N., the ball was cut down upon and extracted. Poultices were applied, and an antiphlogistic treatment was adopted; copious suppuration followed, the lungs suffered sympathetically to a conside- rable extent, but in six or eight weeks the patient perfectly recovered. Subsequent to his return home, the proprietors of the line of boats to which he belonged presented their acknowledgments, by the presen tation of these two scrolls.

花旗國伯駕大國手鑒

回春藥圃無凡

濟世靑囊

江門渡拜題

Translation.

有

秘

篇

草

"The following couplet is composed, and with com-

pliments presented, by the Passenger-boat company of Kiángmun, fʊr the inspection of the celebrated physician, Dr. Parker, of America. [From the winter of disease], you restore the spring of health; and possessing in your emerald satchel,* books unknown to others, you [are able] to benefit the world."

No. 29,352. Gunshot wound, fatal. Chin Aho, of Shunteh, æt. 32, a sailor belonging to the same boat as Chin Asán last mentioned, was mortally wounded in the shoulder. The ball passed through the up- per third of the humerus, producing comminuted fracture of the whole upper third of the boue, and dividing the brachial artery. He sur- vived his arrival at the hospital only about an hour.

Here is an historical allusion to a celebrated physician of antiquity who is said to have carried his prescriptions in an emerald pocket by his side.

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No. 30,328. Jaa. 2d, 1849. Gunshot wound. On the evening of the 1st Jan., a passenger boat on its way to Canton, when a little above Whampoa, was attacked by six piratical craft containing over one hundred men.

The engagement lasted two hours (the report of the guns was heard distinctly at Canton), when the pirates were dispersed by the timely assistance of a well armed chop-boat, laden with cot- ton, that came to their aid. Yen Awáng, 33 years old, of Kweishen in the department of Weichau, belonging to the boat, was wounded by a splinter, about four inches in length, and three fourths of an inch broad, that passed through the left arm near the brachial artery, yet without injuring the blood-vessels, and entering the side, hit upon a rib, glanced downwards perpendicularly, and lodged between the ribs and the muscles, where it was found and extracted on his reaching the hos- pital the next morning. Six of his fellow-boatmen were severely burnt by the fire-balls from the pirates, but all perfectly recovered at the hospital.

Cases of Fractures and Dislocations.

No. 27,375. 1st May, 1848. Fracture of the thigh. Ngáu Yáukiú, æt. 22, of the district of Sinhwui, by the falling of a spar on board of a junk, fractured his thigh at the superior third. The bone was set by Kwán Atò, and the case treated by him exclusively and successfully, and the patient discharged well in about six weeks.

No. 30,992. 2d April, 1849. Fracture of both bones of the leg. Chin Ashin, æt. 32, of the district of Shunteh, had simple fracture of the tibia and fibula. This case was also satisfactorily treated by my senior pupil.

No. 34,000. Nov. 7th, 1849. Dislocation of the os humeri. Ho Alin, æt. 20, of the district of Nánhäi, fell and dislocated the right shoul- der forwards, placing the head of the os humeri upon the pectoral mus- cle. The dislocation occurred some hours previous to my seeing him at 11 P.M. The patient was under apprehension that his injury was irreparable, but his despondency was soon exchanged for joy on find- ing, in a few minutes, the dislocation reduced, and the use of his arm restored.

Cases of tumors, and other morbid growths.

No. 27,231. 17th April, 1848. Hypertrophy of both breasts, of ten years' growth, successfully removed under the influence of chloroform. Lú-shi, æt. 42, of the district of Ninhái, first presented herself at the hospital, April 17th; and when about to operate upou her, after a few weeks' preparatory treatinent, her impatient opium-smcking hus-

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band suddenly summoued her home. In the course of the last summer, her husband died, and the woman returned and renewed the request to have her birden removed, which had increased nearly one third since she first presented herself.

On the 24th Dec. 1849, in the presence of Dr. Bowring and several other gentlemen, assisted by Dr. Marjoribanks and my senior pupil, the left breast, measuring two feet, two and a half inches in circumfe- rence, and weighing 4 catties (about 6lbs.), was removed in three and a half minutes. When she came to the operating table, she was under high nervous excitement, which was rather increased by the first application of chloroform, and being a Romanist, invoked the name of the Virgin Mary as well as of the Savior. But very soon after the se- cond exhibition, she became quite insensible, and the following day stated that she was only conscious when the sutures were applied after the breast was removed.

In one month after, the right breast, measuring two feet, and weigh- ing 51⁄2lbs., was removed in three minutes. She came almost instantly under the influence of chloroform, which was administered at her own request. At first she seemed in a state of pleasurable excitement, chanting or singing, till she became silent and motionless. At one time she seemned to choke with spasms, and resembled a person in apoplexy, but shortly after the operation was completed, and the su- tures applied, she revived as one awakes from sleep, with a natural ex- pression upon her countenance. She complained rather more of the wound than is usual when chloroform is not administered. In one month she was discharged perfectly well.

No. 27,976. 12th June, 1848. Lipoma of both checks. Hwáng Ahau, æt. 50, of the district of Pwányi, manufacturer of artificial flowers, had a singular affection of both checks, resembling lipoma of the nose. The morbid growths on either side were of the same size, about ten inches in circumference, and hung pendulous from both cheeks presenting a very singular appearance. The only inconveni- ence occasioned was from their weight. Shortly after presenting him- self at the hospital, he was seized with fever, and went home, and has not since returned.

No. 28,592. 10th January, 1849.-Glandular tumor, and ligature of the primitive carotid. Tánshi, æt. 48, of the district of Sinhwui. had a tumor on the right side of her neck, a growth of sixteen years, measuring 14 foot in circumference. The tumor originated be- neath the primitive carotid, which was carried out of its position as the tumor increased. The carotid artery was preternaturally large,

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and carried over the tumor on the trachinl side, and lay imbedded in a groove, to which its sheath was found to adhere. The jugular vein was separated from the others for four inches, and lay on the opposite cervical side. On the 10th January, assisted by Dr. Marjoribanks, and Dr. Startin of H. C. steamer Phlegethon, and the Rev. Mr. Speer, the tumor was extirpated. The operation was commenced with the endea- vor if possible not to divide the artery, but although it was superficial for the first three or four inches from the clavicle, at the point at which the external and internal branches divide, both branches dipped into the tumor itself, and the external was opened in the progress of the dissec- tion. However the hemorrhage was in a great measure commanded by pressure, while the primitive carotid was ligatured. The divided branches also required a ligature. On resuming the dissection, the tumor on the cervical side was punctured, when a dark sanious fluid gushed forth, causing one of the gentlemen assisting to exclaim that “the jugular was opened,” but immediately it was perceived that the tumor collapsed, and that it was a portion of its fluid contents that had escaped. The tumor was found firmly attached to the ramus and angle of the jaw, by an almost cartilaginous union, which was severed by the scalpel. The operation was a severe one, and the loss of blood con- siderable. The patient, however, rallied very well, and passed as com- fortable a night as could be expected under the circumstances. Some tumefaction took place in the course of the night, below the clavicle, and the patient suffered from cough, either from catarrh occasioned by exposure and the application of cold water during the operation, or from sympathy of the parts, and it was some weeks before she recover- ed her natural voice. She complained chiefly of a sense of coldness on the right side of the face and head. Two of the smaller ligatures came away in about sixteen days, but the principal one not until the thirtieth. The patient was discharged in about six weeks. She has several times revisited the hospital; has recovered her voice, and re- gaired in a great measure the natural feeling in the right side of the head, and is in good health.

No. 30,087. Dec. 11th, 1848. Molluscum pendulum. Cháng Shin, æt. 49, of the district of Nánhái, had his face and person covered with mollusca, the cutaneous protuberances varying from the size of buck- shot to that of an ounce bullet, but upon the left arm there was one of an oblong oval shape extending above and below the elbow, about one foot in circumference. It was perfectly superficial, and was successful- ly removed by Kwán Atò,

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No. 30,563. Feb. 19th, 1849. Malignant fungoid tumor. Lí Akí, zt. 54, of the district of Shunteh, had a tumor situated upon the lum- bar region and adhering firmly to the spinous processes. It was of thirty years' growth, and about fourteen inches in circumference. Though ulcerated and of a fungoid appearance, it was not suspected to be of a malignant nature. The original tumor was removed, but in a few months recurred; a second operation was performed, removing every trace of the disease, when in parts contiguous and before apparently healthy, it soon returned with increased malignity.

No. 30,621. Feb. 26th, 1849. Fungoid tumor. Chúshú, a Manchu, æt. 54, had a fungoid tumor of the size of an orange, situated upon the back near the right scapula and spine. The tumor was readily and successfully removed. Before leaving the hospital, the patient made repeated solicitations to be allowed to send an artist and take the portrait of the surgeon; his importunity was at length acceded to, and a portrait taken in water colors, by the side of which on the Bame canvas was the following inscription in poetry, and an account of his case, and what he had seen in the hospital.

His

"What man is that? America's noble and disinterested man, who does to others as he would that others should do to him. country is different from ours, his feelings are the same. In all dis- tresses and diseases, he feels the sorrows and joys of others as though they were his own. Those cases which require the use of instru- ments, and which are difficult to others, are easy to him. He che rishes a mind that is divine, and bears the visage of Budha; a full halo of glory surrounds his deeds, and he deserves immeasurable lon- gevity. Parker's meritorious virtues are innumerable as the sands of the ever flowing river. I denominate him a “ Yé-sú.”

What say

you, yes or no?"

In addition to the poetry, he next proceeds to give the following

statement :-

"In the second month of the year of the cycle ki-yú (1849), I had had a tumor upon my back in an ulcerated state, I was also afflict- ed with an hemorrhoidal affection, to which the (Chinese) physicians with difficulty applied their hands, when I went to Dr. Parker for treatment, and was healed with speed divine. Moreover, I have in person seen him heal other men, and although their maladies were such as would baffle Lú Í and Pien Tsiob, there were none with which he did not succeed. Furthermore, possessing the influence of the

•

Two celebrated physicians of antiquity.

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example bequeathed him by Jesus, he delights in doing good, never tiring, and loves other men as himself. I have therefore taken this his portrait, and respectfully composed a few verses in order to keep in memory my constant sense of gratitude : as I stand before it, I re- member him with respect and esteem. With the utmost sincerity,

respectfully composed by Chúshú, styled T'singtien."

The exceptionable sentiments were pointed out, and the desire ex- pressed to substitute for an answer to the question,

"What man is that ?”—“ one who has come to China from afar, desirous of the future happiness foretold in the 3d verse of XIIth of Daniel."

No. 30,575. 19th Feb. Glandular tumor within the mouth removed by ligature. Tán Asán, æt. 46, of Sanshwui, had a hard tumor of five or six inches circumference, attached by a peduncle to the inside of the mouth, opposite the buccinator muscle. Kwán Atò, the senior pupil, succeeded in removing it speedily and perfectly by means of a

ligature.

No. 31,200. 30th April, 1849. Steatomalous tumor. Shin Ko-hau, æt. 32, of Pwányü, a seller of poultry, had a steatomatous tumor situat- ed on the inside of the right knee of six years' growth.

He was very much emaciated, had a cadaverous expression of countenance, and the tumor over a foot circumference, was ulcerated at the apex. Around the ulcer extensive sloughing soon commenced, rendering it necessary to extirpate the tumor without delay, or healthy integument sufficient to form the flaps would not remain. Accordingly on the 9th May, it was removed; for the most part union by the first intention followed, and in a fortnight, the poor man, who a few weeks previous could move only with difficulty by the aid of a staff, and who himself regarded his case as hopeless, returned to his family perfectly well and happy.

No. 31,614. 28th May, 1849. Case of a gentleman who came a journey of more than a thousand miles to submit to a surgical opera- tion. Sü Fú, æt. 48, a gentleman of the province of Chehkiáng, had a ste tomatous tumor of nearly one foot circumference situated upon his left cheek. He had heard of the Hospital through friends who had visited Canton, and he observed that he had come a journey of sixty- two days to avail of its benefit. He seemed quite affected when in- formed that it could be safely removed. After a few days' rest, and preparatory treatment, the tumor was extirpated. As he seemed of rather delicate constitution, it was decided not to administer chloroforın but to apply it by means of two strips of muslin over the tumor where the elliptical incisions were to be made. However, these were scarce- ly applied, when the patient became fully under its constitutional in-

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fluence. The operation immediately proceeded, the tumor was extir- pated, and the arteries-unexpectedly numerous and large-were tied. The patient awoke from the lethean sleep with slight sickness, but it son subsided. He suffered comparatively little, either during or sub- sequent to the operation, and on the 4th of July was ready to com- mence his long journey home. The evening preceding his departure, he presented a note expressive of his gratitude, of which the following is a translation.

"Presenting myself before the bench of Dr. Parker, the celebrated American physician, bowing my head to the earth, I beg leave to return thanks for his favor.

"I, your inferior, am obliged to you the venerable doctor, for healing my disease, for which my sense of gratitude is difficult to name.

I ain also under obligations for your superabounding humanity, inasmuch as whatever I have asked, you have been ever ready to bestow, which to eternal ages I shall not forget.

"Now upon the fifteenth of this month (4th July, 1849), I am to pro- ceed with my friends to Kweichau; and after returning home, I shall every day burn incense and light candles, and bowing my head to the ground, return thanks to the deified Jesus, and to God, the Majesty of Heaven. I shall, moreover, write their names upon cards, and will widely disseminate them among all the people, in order to make some return for their great favors; and life after life, age after age, my sense of gratitude will not be slight

With solemnity I write this [acknowledgement], and reverently thanking you, respectfully present my wishes for your golden tranquil- lity. Worshipfully, your inferior Sü Changfú."

This gentleman was an attentive listener to Christian instruction during his residence in the hospital, and it was painful to perceive from this note how imperfect the views he had formed of religion. Ilis departure being unexpectedly delayed a day, it afforded an opportunity for correcting his error, and imparting to him further instruction, and impressing upon him that the heart alone is requir- ed in the worship of the true God, and not the burning of incense and candles as in the worship of idols It has been suguested by an intelligent Chinese, that the epithet "deified Jesus" had been suggest- ed by his understanding of the divine and human nature of Christ. This case is of interest as illustrating some of the difficulties in impart ing Scripheal truths to the heathen mind.

1950.

Report of the Ophthalmic Hospital.

273

No. 32,196. July 2d, 1849 rounding the middle finger. trict of Sinhwui, had a tumor surrounding the middle finger of the left hand. It formed a perfect sphere, and measured just one foot. There existed a varicose state of the veins of the arm.

The venous arch on the back of the hand was twice its natural size. Under the influence of chloroform, the tumor was removed by disarticulating the finger at the metacarpal joint. On dissection, the tumor was found to be of a hard glandular, or semi-cartilaginous structure, quite homogeneous throughout, and adherent to the bone. The tip of the finger and its nail were just discernible. One artery, and the princi- pal vein, both required a ligature. In about one month, the wound healed, leaving him a useful hand.

Tumor one foot in circumference sur- Kwáng Sú, æt. 41, a farmer of the dis

No. 32,222. 2d July, 1849. Large scirrhus of the breast of a young man. Fung Pih-hú, æt. 20, of the district of Sinhwui, had a scir- rhous affection of the right mamma of six years' growth. The young man was extremely emaciated, extremities œdematous, countenance cadaverous; the breast had long been ulcerated, and was beginning to slough, and it was manifest that if space would be found sufficient for the scalpel to pass between his disease and the grave, it must be with- out delay. Notwithstanding the thermometer ranged at 90° and up- wards, with a desire of affording him his only chance of recovery, on the 4th July I proceeded to the operation, not without apprehension lest he might not survive. The gland was extirpated in about one minute, and the arteries secured as speedily as practicable. It measured 23 inches in circumference, and weighed a little short of three pounds. There was not sufficient healthy integument to cover the base when removed, and a space of two inches in breadth at the widest part be- tween the flaps, required to be healed by granulations. The patient rallied remarkably well. The ædema subsided entirely in a few days, the general health improved, and in six weeks the patient was dis- charged comparatively well.

MISCELLANEOUS.

No. 31,763. 4th June. Prolapsus uteri of ten years' continuance. Hwáng shí, æt. 53, of Canton. This woman had been incommoded by the complete prolapsus of the womb for the above period, yet she was robust and otherwise apparently quite well. From many years' exposure, the surface appeared more like the skin of the palm of the hand than it did like a mucous membrane. At the apex there was a small healthy ulcer. The organ was replaced without difficulty.

VOL. XIX. NO. V.

274

Report of the Ophthalmic Ilospital.

CHLOROFORM.

MAY,

My acknowledgments are due to H. M. Schiefflin, Esq. of New York, for an abundant supply of excellent chloroform, accompanied with the pamphlet of Dr. Simpson of Edinburgh upon this new an- æsthetic agent. A brief allusion to this remarkable agent which the nineteenth century has brought to the relief of the afflicted is all that is here necessary.

The quantity of chloroform I have used with adults is about one drachm, gently inhaled from a spunge surrounded by cloth lined with vil paper to prevent evaporation. In some instances, a second applica tion has been required.

Previous to receiving this chloroform from New York, I had failed in several instances with a vial obtained elsewhere, to get the patient under its influence. It was given to the lad, No. 28,307, but had he been told that the design was to destroy him, he could not have re- sisted it more violently. He said it was like scalding water. The same complaint had been made by others, but it was probably at- tributable to the quality of the article, no such effect being particularly noticed from that now in use.

Reports of disastrous effects from this agent have produced caution in its use, never administering it when predisposition existed to affee- tions of the lungs, heart, or head. In the eight or ten instances in which I have employed it, no unfavorable consequences have followed. It has not been till recently that I have ventured to call in its aid in lithotomy, and that in the last two cases. In the first of these, before the patient became fully under its influence, there were momentary con- vulsions, but the man retained no recollection of them afterwards, and as already stated the sight of the calculus was his first intima- tion that the ordeal was past. In the second, the patient came speed- ily under its influence, without spasm, cough, or nausea, and awoke from its effects as out of sleep. In cases Nos. 31,465 and 27,931, had a spectator come into the room in the midst of the operation, he would have supposed in the first that the patient was dead, and in the other that she was dying, yet no deleterious effects followed,

Religious Services, Distribution of Scriptures and TracTS. Divine service has been held every Sabbath at the Hospital at half past one P.M. The number of auditors has varied from twenty-five to seventy-five. The excellent Evangelist Liáng Afah continued his assistance up to the month of June last, when his whole time and strength were required by the London Missionary Society, whose de-

1850.

Report of the Ophthalmic Hospital.

275

voted missionary he is and has been for many years. Since that period it has been my happiness to enjoy the assistance of Mr. S. W. Wil- liams each Sabbath. During a part of the past two years, a religious service has been held with the patients two evenings in the week, at which a portion of Scripture was read and explained, concluding with prayer. In these services, as well as frequently upon the Sabbath, I have enjoyed the coöperation of the Rev. William Speer. Each Monday, on which new patients are admitted, seldom less than one hundred, and often one hundred and fifty persons, are present, and the assembly is addressed, explaining the objects of the Institution, and presenting a summary of the great doctrines of revealed truth, after which they are presented with a Gospel, a Christian tract, and a form of prayer, as stated in the last Report. About 10,000 volumes have been distributed, a portion of which have gone to other and distant provinces, under circumstances calculated to secure for them a favora- ble reception; but 30,000 could have been distributed equally well, had I possessed them.

In June last a case of deep interest occurred, illustrating the power of truth. The work of the Holy Spirit was signally manifested in a lady afflicted with cancer of the face. Her physical malady was beyond the power of human skill. She was a woman of superior intelli- gence and read Chinese with facility. After she had been sometime in the Hospital, during which she had attentively read the Gospel, and listened with solemnity to the explanation of its doctrines, both upon the Sabbath and during the week, the Evangelist called one day and with much joy informed me that this patient, to use his own guarded expression, "believed a little." He was requested to be assiduous in making her acquainted with the Gospel; he replied, "No fear; she now believes she has an immortal soul, is convinced of the sinfulness of human nature, and understands the vicarious atonement of Christ, and is anxious to avail of His salvation." The emotions awakened in contemplating her feelings are more easily conceived than expressed. A person of her intelligence, at the age of forty years, for the first time grasping the sublime idea of immortality, and realiz- ing the overwhelming thought of being a sinner against God, and yet, her solace in the knowledge that there is forgiveness through the atonement of Christ!

I soon visited, and conversed with her, directing her to the 14th chapter of John, and observed that many had come to the hospital afflict- ed with grievous maladies, and had gone away happy in their perfect recovery, yet without embracing the Savior who was there made known

Report of the Ophthalmic Hospital

MAY,

to them but still more blessed her lot, though the cancer could not be cured, if she sincercly einbraced the Savior, for then in immortal hedth, she would before long be in the everlasting enjoyment of one of the many “mansions in her heavenly Father's house."

Her disease making rapid advances, she was in a few days after, advised to return to her family, carrying an assortment of books such as alone contain the elixir of life. I have seldom seen more convinc- ing evidence of the influence of the Holy Spirit upon a Chinese mind, and it is my humble hope and sincere prayer, to meet her in a better world. I learn that she has since deceased.

A young Manchú soldier has attracted particular attention. He stated that it was relief afforded to a friend, and his hearing of the be- nevolent design of the Hospital that first excited his curiosity to be- come acquainted with the new religion. The fact of a foreigner com- ing from afar to heal the sick gratuitously he could not understand. Ile attended, unobtrusively, the services upon the Sabbath, week af- ter week, and this first attracted my notice; upon inquiry he in- formed me he was a Manchú, belonging to the garrison in the city of Canton. Finding he took more than ordinary interest in the doc- trines he had heard, he was invited to call at my residence for free and unrestrained conversation respecting them. The invitation he cheerfully accepted, and has often repeated his visit. The Christian books presented him, he read with great interest, and has often ex- pressed his full conviction of their excellence and truth: and that 'se- cretly, from fear not of the Jews,' but of the Manchús, he worshiped only the living and true God, at the same time expressing his dissatis- faction with the false religion of his country. He is apparently amiable, and I doubt not sincere in his intellectual belief of the Gospel, though as yet he has not the moral courage to profess it publicly.

The following letter in Manchu, from his wife, who also professes to believe in the Savior, addressed to Mrs. Parker then in America, and translated by the husband into Chinese, may here be quoted, being probably the first letter ever addressed by a Manchu to a foreign lady.

"Your younger sister addressing Mrs. Parker, wishes her all tranquillity and ten thousand blessings. Your younger sister is under obligations to the venerable Teacher (Dr. Parker) for his compassion and love to us in teaching and preaching to us the doctrines of Jesus, the Lord and Savior of the world. From this time forth, it will be my aim to hold fast his religion. Meditating upon and revolving in any mind the moral excellence of Mrs. Parker, I write this note, and respectfully present my compliments, wishing her health and happiness;

1850.

Report of the Ophthalmic Hospital.

277

and moreover, offer my regards to her honorable family, relatives and friends, desiring for them perfect tranquillity.

"Your younger sister bowing, presents her respects. Canton, 25th September, 1849.

Nuon Ta-taou.”

It is a constant source of gratification to witness the living evidences of the Divine blessing upon the Medical Missionary cause in the per- sons of those whose lives have through its agency been instrumentally prolonged for years. Now, one and another calls, who five or ten years' since, by a surgical operation were delivered from evils fast hastening them to the grave; then, another, who fifteen years since was on the border of dissolution from an affection which, without foreign aid had terminated speedily and fatally, is distinctly before the mind. After the experience of fifteen years, the cause of Medical Missions, whether as it respects its divine origin or its peculiar adaptedness, as a means to the introduction of the Gospel and its blessings into China, has not diminished in my view of its importance. Confidence, friend- ship, and influence, have thus been acquired, attainable in no other way so successfully. It is an occasion of unfeigned pleasure to witness the success and influence of kindred institutions, the Reports of which have been read with gratification.

In 1841, the Bishop of London expressed his conviction of the be- nevolence and wisdom of medical missions, which he very justly remark- ed, were sanctioned both by the precepts and example of the Savior himself; and it is a pleasure to know, that the Church Missionary Society of England has at length affixed the seal of its approval to the cause, by the appointment of the Rev. W. Welton, B.A. of Cambridge, and for some years a practitioner in England, its medical missionary to Fuhchau.

The systematic efforts of the Medical Missionary Society of Edin- burgh, to enlighten and awaken the public mind generally, and that of the Profession particularly, betoken good for the cause. A volume of Lectures upon the duties of the latter, delivered in that city the last year, by some of the ablest of the distinguished faculty of that metro- polis, deserves a place in the library of every medical man in Christen- dom, and will richly repay perusal. Sir Henry Halford and John Aber- crombie, names ever to be remembered in this connection, have passed from the stage, but fortunately their mantle has fallen upon others. Soon may the number of duly qualified inedical missionaries, com- mensurate with the demand for them, come forth to this inviting field, where is ample scope for all their talent, faith, and holy enterprise.

276

Report of the Ophthalmic Hospital.

to them : but still more blessed her lot, though the cancer be cured, if she sincerely embraced the Savior, for then in health, she would before long be in the everlasting enjoym of the many "mansions in her heavenly Father's house."

Her disease making rapid advances, she was in a few advised to return to her family, carrying an assortment of L. as alone contain the elixir of life. I have seldom seen moi ing evidence of the influence of the Holy Spirit upon a Cl. and it is my humble hope and sincere prayer, to meet her world. I learn that she has since deceased.

A young Manchú soldier has attracted particular att stated that it was relief afforded to a friend, and his heari nevolent design of the Hospital that first excited his cur come acquainted with the new religion. The fact of a f ing from afar to heal the sick gratuitously he could no He attended, unobtrusively, the services upon the Sabl ter week, and this first attracted my notice; upon ir formed me he was a Manchú, belonging to the garrison Canton. Finding he took more than ordinary inter trines he had heard, he was invited to call at my resi and unrestrained conversation respecting them. Th cheerfully accepted, and has often repeated his visit. books presented him, he read with great interest, and pressed his full conviction of their excellence and truth cretly, from fear not of the Jews,' but of the Manchú only the living and true God, at the same time expres faction with the false religion of his country. He is app and I doubt not sincere in his intellectual belief of the as yet he has not the moral courage to profess it publ The following letter in Manchu, from his wife, w to believe in the Savior, addressed to Mrs. Parker and translated by the husband into Chinese, may here probably the first letter ever add. by a Manchu Darker

Your younger sis

tranquillity and te-

obligations to

•

DO!

I v

her h

279

1818

1049.

i zuence of kantre

› of London

Repatio sad when de

conviction of sa

wuch ho very jumtây santy

by the precepts and example of the

know, that the Charra Y

ength affixed the seal of the engage

nite Ber. W. Welton, B 4 /

England,

1225

Q = ∞

xil-

and

1 1

ri...

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3....

seased Growths.

east

ce..

breasts. 1

cast...

ongenital) !

do.

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14 20

185-S52D-A

der &c. 11

nen...

a quarrel

1818. 18-19.

2122 2143

91 86

113

197

378

446

151

278

Report of the Ophthalmic Hospital.

MAT,

TABULAR LIST OF DISEASES.

.....

1848.

1849.

Diseases of the eyes.

Ranula

Granulations Entropia....

....

Ectropia.

Salivary fistula............

Trichiasis

Lippitudo..

Xeroma.

Neve maternæ................

Aneurism.......

Hemoptisis

73|| Elongation of pendulum palati 1

282-26 ||Aphone ............

12 20

1948. 1049.

- C

24 16

Diseases of the Organs of Circulation.

Excrescence of eye-lids

Tumor of the orbit.

.....

Tumor of the lids........ Noli-me-tangere of the lids. Mucocele... Ophthalmia, acute. Ophthalmia, chronic. Ophthalmia, strumous.. Ophthalmia, purulent. Ophthalmia, variola Ophthalmitis... Exophthalmia.

....

Phthisis pulmonalis.

Bronchitis, chronic.

Pleurisy.

Asthma

101 115

....

3 2

1 3

71 177

729 597 Diseases of the Abdominal Organs.

ཨདྡྷཎེསཨ༠༠ནྡྷནིR ཀྲིསཎྚ༣༤

Diarrhea, chronic...

Dysentery

....

Fistula in ano.

Prolapsus ani. Hemorrhoids

|Dyspepsia

15 11

-** ****** 2*-*

Gastritis.........

....

Gastrodynia...

•

Pterygia.

144 143

Nebula...

355 439

Leucoma

Ulcer of cornea.....

Ascites

Cornitis....

Anasarca.

Cataracts.

117

114

Marasmus

Glaucoma.

Myosis..

Worms ...

Mydriasis.

Hepatitis..

Abscess of liver.

Muscæ volitantes...

Amaurosis, partial..........

Enlargement of spleen.

Amaurosis, complete..

Hernia inguinal.........

Fungus hæmatodes...

Hernia, ventral.

Loss of one eye..

Hernia, umbilical..

Loss of both eyes.

Diseases of Genital Organs.

Staphyloma, cornea..

Staphyloma, iridie.. Staphyloma, sclerotica Iritis, chronic..

54 561

Amenorrhea.

Chlorosis...

Closed vagina after birth

of a child....

2Stricture urethræ.

Prolapsus uteri..

coc

Onyx...

Diseases of the Ear.

Deafness

55 Cancer penis.

Otorrhea

Deaf dumbness.

တော

5 Phymosis...

3 01

Chronic cystitis..

Rent ears.....

Hæmaturia.

Ulcer of the ear..

Gravel.....

}

Polypus of the ear..

Urinary calculi (stone in

Diseases of the Face and Throat.

Coryza

Glossitis

Laryngitis.

Tonsilitis...

Ulcer of fauces.....

the bladder).

Hydrocele..

Impotency

2 Schirrous testicle.

[Gonorrhea

Bubo

2 Fungus of the testicle.

83-627

1IQLO DOOD - pre org

1850.

1848. 1849..

Syphilia........

Report of the Ophthalmic Hospital.

14 Periostitis..

Caries of os femoris.

279

1610

1019. 2

Diseases of the Nervous System.

Caries of tibia.

Hysteria...

Caries of humerus..

Paralysis

Caries of scapula.

Hemiphlegia

Caries of lower jaw

Neuralgia..

Necrosis..

Epilepsy

13 Curvature of spine.

218

1225

Convulsions..

Disease of antrum maxil-

Hydrocephalus

31 lary......

1 1

Cephalalgia.

Spina bifida.

Cutaneous Diseases.

Warts

Maculæ

Lepra...

Acne.....

Tinea capitis..

Tetter..

Dislocation of radius and

ulna..

Dislocation of lower jaw.

1 Dislocation of os humeri.......

2 Dislocation of femur.. 13 Exostosis of mastoid process

3 Exostosis of lower jaw...

Paranychia

5 Anchylosis of elbow...... Contraction of tendons. ·

∞ 2

1626

Herpes zoster...

•

Scabies..

...

+ •

Preternatural and diseased Growths.

Psoriasis.

Impetigo.

9 Nasal polypus....

Tumors, steatomatus..

Lichen circinatus.......

Noli-me-tangere.

Elephantiasis of the legs...

Elephantiasis of the vulva..

137

||Tumors, sarcomatous

||Tumors, glandular.......

Tumors, fungoid.

Tuinors, erectile.

Keloids..

Tumors, abdominal.....................

Ichthyosis..

Tumors, encysted.......

Various....

11 Carcinoma of the breast.

Constitutional Diseases.

Rheumatism..

223

Arthritis

Lumbago.

Fever, intermittent.

Measles..

Opium mania...

Abscesses

Carbuncles..

Ulcers...

121

Gangrene Erysipelas. Scrofula.

•

Carcinoma of the face..

457 Schirrous breast..

17 Hypertrophy of the breasts.

Abscesses of the breast...

26 Imperforate anus (congenital) !

Imperforate vagina

3 Lipoma of the nose. 47 Lipoma of the checks.

Injuries (various) ..

196 Burns from gunpowder &c.

Wound of the abdomen...

PARARIOUS4II

do.

211

Wounds, incised...

131

163 Wounds, gunshot.

Goitre

.....

Epulis.

Diseases of the Osseous System.

Harelip

Club-foot...

Morbus coxalgia....

4Finger bitten off' in a quarrel

125-3527-R

TABULAR SYNOPSIS OF THE TABLE.

1818. 1819.

Diseases of the eye.

2122 2143

Diseases of the ear.....

Diseases of the face and throat..

91 86

31 25

Diseases of the organs of circulation.. Diseases of the abdominal organs.

Discases of the organs of generation..

113

197

378

446

151

280

Letter from A Louker-on.

MAY,

Diseases of the nervous system............

Cutaneous discases..

189

264

Constitutional diseases......

504 921

Diseases of the osseous systeni.

51 45

177 156

Preternatural and diseased growths.

•

Totals.

4001 4504

By the Treasurer's account, Dec. 31st, 1847, there was was a ba- Jance to the credit of the Society, of $4611.31 from which subtract $1107.51, the current expenses for the year 1848, and $975.09, those for 1849; together with a balance of $525.40 due P. Parker as per last Report(in all 82608.60), leaves a balance in the treasury at Canton of $2002.71. Besides these expenses, sums have been paid for medicines and iustruments in New York out of funds of the Society in the hands of Messrs. Olyphant & Son, who hold a balance of between eight and nine hundred dollars.

ART. VI. Letter regarding the word used for God in Chinese. By

A LOOKER-ON.

To the Editor of the Chinese Repository,

SIR,

MAY a Looker-on throw out a suggestion? I read in Locke's Essay on the Understanding (Book III, chap. 9., Art. 5.), these words: "Words having naturally no signification, the idea which each stands for must be learned and obtained by those who would exchange thought, and hold intelligible discourse in any language." Now preaching is the di- vinely appointed means of spreading the Gospel; if a missionary, there- fore, carefully explains what he means by the word, it can not make any great difference whether he use Shangtí or Shin. I greatly doubt whether the strict accuracy of signification sought for in the Chinese language exists in any language, unless it be in the IIebrew, in the one great name Jehovah (which will surely not be excluded from the Chinese Scriptures). I am quite certain that it does not exist in the English, for we find excellent scholars disputing whether the word God is a generic term, a relative term, or a proper name (Query, may it not be all these at different times?), and coming to conclusions so widely different that ordinary readers are rather puzzled to know what to think. If, therefore, we are content, in English, with such uncertainty, may we not also bear with a little in Chinese?

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

281

The early Christian writers used the word Dcus, and yet neither do we now, nor did the early Christians by mistake worship Jupiter or Vulcan : the inspired Apostle himself used Oɛɛ, but I much doubt whether he was ever supposed to allude to Zeug or Awoλλwv. Indeed it may be questioned whether it is possible for any heathen nation to have a word accurately describing Him that filleth heaven and earth with His presence: would it not, therefore, be the best course to select one, or even two, of the words that come nearest the correct idea, using such precautions by notes or verbal explanations, as to prevent mistakes ?

I have the honor to be, Sir,

May 9th, 1850.

Your obedient Servant,

A LOOKER-ON.

[Nol. The inquiry of a Looker-on must, in our view of this question, be answered in the negative; we suppose he himself would not, either in Eu glish or in Greek, indiscriminately use two words as the translation of elohim when applied to god, and the same should be the rule in Chinese, since two generic terms for the same thing must breed confusion; especially when, as in this case, we are obliged, by definitions of a new and stricter character, to convey a new idea to the native word, and limit its signification to [im, who is a jealous elohim. Moreover Shángti is a proper name, while shin is a common name. If our correspondent will apply his own suggestion to the English or Greek versions of the Old Testament, he will, we think, perceive the difficulty of rendering the word elohim into Chinese by both the terins proposed.-Ed. Ch. Rep.]

ART. VII. Journal of Occurrences: departure of I. E. John W. Davis; ceremonies observed at Canton by the authorities upon the empress' death; last edict of Taukwáng; bounties conferred by the new emperor; notices of his family; epidemic at Canton.

THE American commissioner to China, H. E. John W. Davis, left China on the 24th inst, by the P. and O. str. Pekin to return to the United States. His successor had not been appointed by the last accounts, and Dr. Par- ker acts as chargé ad interim. A service of plate was presented to Mr. Davis on his departure by his countrymen residing in Canton. OFFICIAL rites in mourning for the empress-downger were observed at Canton on the 3d of March. The directions for the ceremonies were issued on sepa- rate sheets, a handbill having previously been circulated announcing the dute of the arrival of the news, and the time when the period of mourning for her majesty was to commence, and the offices to be closed. The detail of these funeral rites is given in the following papers, for which we are indebted to the China Mail.

VOL. XIX. NO. V.

282

Journal of Occurrences.

MAY,

Forms observed upon receiving the news of the death of the Empress al Canton ; printed and circulated on three separule sheets :—

1. Upon the receipt of the news of the death of Her Majesty the Empress Dowager, a grave matter, the fringe (and buttons) are taken off the caps, and white clothes are put on.

When the Imperial notification of the same comes down the river the officers, civil, and mili- tary, will all be in waiting in the pavilion of Jih-kin, at the T'ieo-tez' má-t'au.“ Two Li mug! (marshals or chaplains) hand out the tí teng‡ charged with the notification, who will land with it raised high in his bands, and lay it on the dragos litter.

The assembled offcers bereupon fall on their knees, and looking upwards raise a cry of lamen- tation until the notification shall bave been carried past them, when they rise and follow the officers appointed to lead the procession to the principal entrance of the Examination_Hall where they file in before the litter and take their places, the civilians on the east, the military men on the west side, in the proper order of their respective precedence: then again they fall on their knees, and lift up their beads, waiting until it shall have been laid in the Hall, into which they then follow it. The Li sang cry aloud, “* Marshal the ranks:" and this done, the officers perform the ceremony of bowing down thrice, and knocking the head nine times.

The Li-sang next cry out, "Salute the notification, and bear it to its place." The officer deputed approaches the litter, salutes the notifontion, and bears it to the table on which the inconee sticks are burning.

The Li-song cry aloud, “Let all raise the cry of lamentation!" When their wailing is ended, the Li sang cry, **Present the Notification 4" upon which the proper officer comes to the front of the table, and lifting the notiścation high in both hands, presents it to their excellencies the Governor-general and Governor, who receive it ou their knees and haud it to the provincial tren- surer, who in like manner receives it kneeling and hands it to the secretary, who takes it to the Taz'-wei Hall, where it is copied and sent to the press for publication.

The Li-sang then cry, “Let the officers put on their mouraing,” and as soon as they have chang- ed their attire, they take their places on the east and west. "Form in ranke;" and when this in done they fall down and bow the body thrice and knock the hend oine times. As soou as they rise, the Li sang say, “Raise the cry of lamentation,” and when their wailing is euded, they break off again to the east and west, and remain seated on the ground for a short time.

The Li-sang then cry," Let the several ranks (6. e. the right and left) retire ;" and they nil withdraw to a public hall (devoted to such purposes), where they pass the night, abstaining from meat and all carnal indulgence.

In the first watch of the following morning they repair in order to the Ezemination Hall, into which the Li-sang usber them before daylight to perform the same ceremonies as on the previous day. After these they retire as before, and in the last period of time preceding the evening watch return to the Hall, and go through the same forms a second time. These processions and lamentations last three days, after which each officer returns to his official residence, certain of them being deputed to burn incense, and keep a solemu vigil before the yellow table in the Hall All wear white until the twenty-seventh day from the cominencement of their mourning, when they again repair in order to the Hall before daybrenk, are again introduced by the Li sang, and fall down thrice and knock nine times. When their wailing is ended, they put ođ their white apparel and remove the incense table, and each officer returns to his office.

From the moment that the news reaches the provincial city, ail official signatures, datos, &c., are written in blue ink, and the impression of the seals is blue No drums are beaten, there are Do willings in the courts, and a blue valance is hung from the chair and table of the officer (in hieu of the ordinary red one) until the expiry of the term of twenty-seven days.

Beside the above ceremonies a dispatch has been received from the Board of Rites ordaining that one hundred days of state mourning must elapse before any one may shave his head.

2. The following are the regulations for the banquet to be served to the dead, and the rules of lamentation during the three days :-

The officers, civil and military, stand in two ranks, the first east, and the others west, facing inwarde.

The Li-sang cry, 'Form in ranks;” and as soon as the ranks are formed 'Draw the dragon curtain, Serve tes [to Her Majesty}.' Two attendants carry the tes-table up the middle aisle, aod

* Tien-taz' mk-t'au, the landing place of His Majesty, in honor of whom the alcove or pavilion bere mentioned is unid to be called Jik kin, the Sun, or the Day is at band.

† Li-sang,-After the triennial examination in the larger districts there used to be twelve graduates, and in the lesser sight, chosen to act as Yuh-sang; four under-graduates were also selected in the larger and two in the smaller districts, to act as chaplains on grand ceremonial occasions. They seem now to be paid by goverument, who hire them as the occasion demands. The ancient method of appointing them is said to have fallen into desuetude.

↑ Ti-t'ang; there is st Peking an office subordinate to the Board of War, known as the Ti-táng ya-mun, composed of sixteen military officers of the rank of captaine, who are charged with the transmission of intelligence to the outer provinces, to the ten profectures of Chihli, and to the head of the Canal Department : that of the Rivers being included in Shantung. The Govern- ments-general of Yonnán and Kweichau, and of Shenet and Kaneuh, have hut one represen- talive at the capital. In that of the Two Kiáng, Kiêngsu und Nganhwui have bot one, Kịang- si another. These employés appear to be all natives of the provincos or governments, for whose postal communications of an official nature they are severally responsible. In the provinces there are twenty officers of corresponding rank and title, but differoutly distributed. În Canton, for instance, there is a chief and an assistant, by whom the report would be brought to the notice of the supreine authorities.

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sscend (to the space over which the curtain is hung] by the steps on the eastern side, while one with empty hands comes up the centre and asceuds by those ou the westere side (to assist the others ;) when the table is set down, they all retire by the same fight that they had ascended, and wait under the ledge of the canopy of the abrine, with their arms folded scross the breast, until the table is to be removed. Another attendant now bringe in a wooden basin, andi another a silver bow! or tea-cup, with which they follow the Governor-general and Governor up the eastern stair of the dais to the red skrine (which is open above), where they pour out tes ou their knees and hand it to their excellencies; they them retire where the others are standing, and wait with their bands joined across the breast for the tea cup. Their excellencies advance und set the ten [before the tablet representing the late Empress on her throne]. When this in concluded, the Li-sang cry, “Besume your places ;” the officers bow and prostrate themselves thrice and nine times; and when they rise, the Li-snag ery, “Take away Her Majesty's ten ;' whereupon their excellencies approach the table and reverently raise the cup, which they bear by the eastern steps to the attendants, who retire with it raised reverently in the bands. The two attendants before mentioned then come by the east, and with the third who ascends by the west, reverently remove the table, after which they file off as before by the osntre aisle.

Their excellencies having resumed their places, the Li-sang cry, "Serve the repust to Her Majesty ;” three attendants mount the dais by the east and west as before, and having laid the table, retire and wait in the same place and attitude as those who served the ten. Four others then bring a wooden tray up the central aisle, and one rice, and mount the dais by the east, and serve it to their excelloncies (who will have preceded them on their knees); one then brings water, another a spoon, and a third chopsticks, all of whom mount the eastern stair and present those things on their knees to the Commissioners of Finance. Justion, and the Salt gabelle, who hand them to the Governor general. The attendsats then retire to the entrance, where they stand with their hands fulded scross the breast; they next go to the burning chamber (where large fires of bamboo are lit as in the palace at Peking), to wait for the soup and rice bowls. When their excellencies have received the rice, the three Commissioners take the water, speous, and chopsticks, and carry them in their proper order raised up, and lay them on the table.

This done, the Li sang cry, “Resume your places and pour out wine to Her Majesty." Two attendants bring the libation table up the middle aisle and mouet the dais by the east, while one, empty-handed ascends by the wast; when the table is placed, the two retire as they came, and wait under the canopy of the shrine; the ose retires to the entrance. They next repair to the burning chamber, where they receive the tripod (of tutenague); one attendant receives the sacrificial vase, and one the wine vessel out of which it is poured i all then move up by the east in the suite of their excellencies to the wine table, before which they fall on their knees and wait until the libation is poured. The Li-sang then exclaim, “Let all kneel down;” whereupon tho whole of the officers fall on their knees, and at the first libation bow their heads to the ground, and perform the same ceremony at the second and third. They then rise up again, and the bearers of the vase and wine vessel retire by the east with these The Li-sang then call aloud, “Kneel down and raise the cry of lamentation ;” this over, "Strike the head against the ground. strike the head, strike the bead." They then rise and the same cry is repeated by the Li-sang. and the same cereinony performed by the officers a second, and again a third time." The Li-sang then call out “Let Her Majesty's repast be taken away!"

Upon this their excellencies, with the three Commissioners, go up to the frost of the table and take the soup, the rice, and the ten down the centre aisle to the burning chamber. The ('ommis- sioner of Grein comes to the table at which the libation has besa poured out, takes the tripod and raising it reverently in his hands, carries it down the centre alule to the burning chamber, whither the rest of the officers follow him. The Commissioner of Finance puts himself at the hoad of the nine attendents who have been standing with their arms fvided across their breasts; they file off east and west, and severally remove the woodeu tray, the banquet table, the table (a lower one) of the libarion, and rotire with them, the Treasurer then stopping to bis place again. in the burning chamber, the Li-sang cry, “ Pour on the flame,” on this their excellencies sod the three Commissioners pour the roup and the rice upon the flames, and the Graiu Commissioner the wine. The Li sang then cry once more, " Let all fall down upon their knees, and strike the head ! strike the head ! strike the head ;' and when the officers have risen again, “Let fall the dragos curtain,—after which all return to their place in the ranks.

3. A third paper directs that on the day of their mourning all officers shall repair before dawn to the Examination Hall, where the Li-sang will introduce them as before, and after they have knelt thrice and struck the ground with their heads nine times, at the word of command, will say, "Raise the cry of lamentation;”—and when the wail is ended, "Change your dresses of white,”—“Remove the incense table,"—" Let every officer return to his residence,”-“ Let no drums be beaten,”—“Let no one hold his court " for one hundred days.

The common people have felt very little interest in these ceremonies, for they are not thought worthy by the magnates of the land to participate in them.

The last edict of Táukwáng is dated Feb. 25th, the day of his death, and it is not improbable that it was actually issued near or upon that day. It would be desirable to be able to add some biographical notices of the Jate monarch, but our information on this point is very meagre. In vol. X, pp. 88–98, will be found a variety of papers and notices connected with his

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accession and person. His majesty belonged to the fifth generation of the royal family called Mien (see Vol. XII., page 22, for an explanation of the rules of naming) his own name being Mien-ning; the last charac- ter of the two was ordered to be contracted to when used by the com- mon people, the other form being too sacred for any other use than his ma- jesty's name. This singular freak of pride (almost impossible in any other language than the Chinese) began with Tsin Chi-hwangti, B. C. 249 ; the number of characters which have been altered on this account is very few, seven or eight in all, for the custom did not become common until the Tsing dynasty. Mienning was not the son of the late enpress dowager, but we are informed in the China Mail that she preferred him to Mienkai, her own son, to succeed Kiáking, and that he was at that time the eldest surviv- ing son of that monarch, by one of his concubines-His Majesty has been noted among his people for his filial duty to the late empress, and for his do- mestic virtues generally, though the reported violence to his eldest son in 1832, which caused his death, rather militates against such a reputation. He evinced great cruelty to the prisoners taken by his troops in Ii, when repress- ing the disturbances caused by Jehanguir, being himself, it was said, present at their excention. The general opinion of his subjects has been on his side in relation to his numerous efforts to repress the opium trade, though individually they never seemed to suppose they could do aught to assist him by each one refraining from using the drug.

His two half brothers, Mienkai and Mienyü, have not, so far as we know, held posts of any influence even in the imperial clan, and the latter, and on- ly one now living, was degraded some years ago from his rank as tsinwáng, but has since been restored; the rumored troubles in the palace upon the late change of the crown have been ascribed to his intrigues.

The manner in which H. M. Táukwáng smooths over the war with the English in the following paper, has rather excited the sneers of the people, who take occasion to compare the denunciations he issued in 1840 against the rebels and barbarians with the remarks now made in 1850. That war did not, however, weaken the loyalty of the people to any perceptible degree, though it did much to destroy the notion of the invincibility of the imperial

soldiers. The following paper is called Tả hàng khoảng ti với cháu tốt lit. the Testamentary proclamation of the Augustus who

has gone the great journey; it is in some respects a singular document.

•

He who received in course from Heaven the decree to be emperor, proclaims saying:-We, grateful to our imperial father, the emperor Jin-tsung-jui (Kia- king), protected and supported by his abounding grace, for the transmission of the divine utensil ' (the throne), have held the reins of government full thirty years.

Looking up and meditating upon the orders of our sainted ancestors, and primarily that we might reverence heaven and imitate our predecessors, we have regarded the diligent governance of our beloved people as of the high. est importance. Seeing that our virtue was but small, durst we do otherwise than vigorously attend to business in the morning, and in the evening seriously reflect on our actions, indefatigable throughout the day? For this, from the day we ascended the throne till now, we have ourself perused and examined all memorials and papers, and have personally held audience with our ministers, and appointed them to their several duties, so that the day declined before we ate, and our attire was always plain; [in this manner] like a single day have the thirty years passed, nor have we presumed to take any respite or relaxation to ourself. We have also personally set an example of economy and retrench- ment to the empire.

From the commencement of our reign, we have sent out orders written by Ourself, warning above all things against gaiety, licentiousness, covetousness

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and selfish desire of gain; and interdicting idle shows and inordinate fondness for the best, and whatever would in the least induce profusion and extrava- gance. Statesinen and people throughout the realm have been alike cognizant

of this.

Since the little fools on the western frontier were chastised and quelled by our troops, at which time peace was soon made, we presumed not to vaunt our martial prowess; till afterwards, in relation to a matter of trade on the maritime frontier in the southeast, a trifling dispute arose, but, like the good men of ancient times, who regarded love to man as a prime virtue, how could we (even then] bear that our innocent babes should be exposed to the horrors of war? We therefore waived our trifling dissatisfaction, and entered into an important com- pact, whereby we both tranquilized our own borders and compassionated those from afar, as has been the case now for ten years, instantly causing the hurtful flames [of war] to die of themselves, and our people and the foreigners to trade with each other in harmony. In this, we certainly exhibited the inexpressible affection we have for our beloved people, and to this day the world has worthily judged of our intentions in it.

When overwhelming calamities by flood or drought came, we blushed for Ourself, that we had involved our people in such constant misery and toil, and we spared not to make special disbursements of aid from the provincial trea- suries to rescue the people from their afflictions and diseases. When our of ficers have requested us to remit arrearages or grant aid, there has been no case in which we have not copiously rained our favors and largesses upon them; we have never hoarded our delicacies, nor been niggard of our aid to those suffering from famine and flood, as all, both at home and abroad, will bear witness.

During the thirty years we waited upon the late empresa-dowager, delighting in her pleasure and ministering to her happiness, we never were remiss in due respect, nor have we failed in observing the last rites due her. In all these points, our shortcomings are small indeed.

Our own personal health has usually been vigorous, but about the spring and summer of last year, we felt suddenly indisposed; and though we took increas. ed care of our health, it has never been reëstablished. When returning to the palace last January, we were distressed to hear of the departure of the late empress-dowager, and our sincere grief has injured our health, so that we have gradually become weaker and poorer; lately, our breathing has become more difficult, and the violence of disease daily increases ; yet when we reflect that we have been thirty years upon the throne, and our age is now sixty-nine, why should there be any repinings? Mindful of the paramount importance of pro- viding for the succession, we have timeously thought of the choice of one of excellent goodness, who will assume this great responsiblity. Accordingly, about 6 o'clock this morning, we specially called in the controller of the Tin- perial clan, the high ministers who wait before us, the high officers of the Council, and the high chamberlain, and gave them our personal commands in writing, ordering that they should set Yihchn, my fourth son, upon the imperial throne, and further requiring these high officers all with united heart and zeal to support him, and have no regard for any other [claimant]. Since announcing this our pleasure, half a day has passed, and our spirits are gradually wasting away: is it not from heaven? The heir-apparent has exhibited a humane and filial disposition, and he is well established in virtue, rectitude and generous feel- ings, so that he will doubtless be equal to receiving the charge now intrusted to him. Let him mount the throne as emperor in order to continue our great line.

Whereas Heaven has created this people and set over them a shepherd, let him incessantly show his carefulness, diligence, solicitude and exertion; there- by he will learn the tempers of men and comfort his people; and perpetuate our mighty dynasty. As to the best way of marking the disposition of men, let him observe for himself, as in a clear mirror, or as by an even balance, their bean- ty and deformity, their merits and defects ; remembering that it is only by impar. tiality that he can become able to adopt proper and beneficial measures. And we desire that all the civil and military officers within and beyond the realın be spotlessly pure in heart, each one diligently exercising the duties of his station, that by their assistance the reign of our imperial successor may be exceedingly

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glorious; then will our content be increased. Let the mourning be taken off according to the old regulation, after twenty-seven days have transpired, and let this announcement be proclaimed throughout the empire, that all may hear it.

A number of papers have been issued from the capital relating to the de- mise, one of them giving directions respecting the religious ceremonies to be observed towards the departed monarch. His miảu háu, or temple de- signation, the name by which he is to be worshiped in the hall of ancestors

and called in history, is Siuen tsung Ching hwingti £ƒ£±†

our munificent ancestor, the emperor Perfect. When the emperor's corpse is to be carried to Moukden to be laid in the sepulchre of his fathers, does not appear. Notice has also appeared requiring the character chú in the emperor's name to be contracted to , when employed in common writing, but as it is a character seldom used, it will not often require to be thus muti- lated.

The edict of accession was issued on the same day with the preceding, and is almost word for word like the same proclamation issued by Taukwáng in 1820, as given in vol. X, page 89, from which we infer that the proclamations and usages connected with the demise and accession of the emperors are all done according to "old custoin." Part of this paper was given on page 231, and we now insert the remainder, containing the recital of the va- rious privileges and favors conferred by Hienfung. Those marked with an asterisk are identical with the favors conferred on Táukwáng's accession; there were only twenty-two articles in that paper.

*1. To all the princes and dukes of every grade, both in the capital and beyond it, let gracious gifts be conferred.

*2. To all the princesses of the blood, and those nieces and cousins farther removed [than daughters], let gracious gifts be conferred.

"3. Let all the Manchu and Chinese officers, civil and military (down to a township magistrate and an ensign), be advanced one step.

*4. To all civilians, of whatever grade, in addition to confirming to them the rank or step they at present hold, let the nominal title or acting office they may now exercise, be conferred upon them.

*5. Let the sons of civilians at the capital above the fourth rank, and in the provinces above the third rank, and of all military officers above the second rank, receive the same title as their fathers, and each officer enter one son at the (Kwok-tsz' kien or) National College.

*6. Let all civilians below the fourth rank, and military men below the third rank, who have been suspended or disranked, but still retained in office, and those whose salaries have been retained, or who have been fined, or other- wise punished according to their delinquences, be restored to their rank, and their fines remitted.

*7. Let the number of [successful] candidates at the next examination for (tsinsz' or) Doctor be reported to Us by the Board of Rites with the request that it be enlarged; at the next provincial examination for (küjin or) Master, let the number of [successful] candidates be increased 30, 20, or 10, according to the size of the province; and let the number of [successful] Manchu and Mongol candidates be increased six, and of the Chinese bannermen three.

8. Let the number of (siútsái or) bachelors who may succeed at the next examination in each province be increased seven, five, or three, according to the size of the district.

*9. Let the Masters by purchase (kiensang) of the National College, and the student candidates for employment, have a month's vacation.

10. Let the bachelors in every superior and inferior department, district, and military post in the provinces, each be promoted one privilege.

Let every person throughout the provinces who has been distinguished for filial duty, mcorruptibility, inorality, and integrity, be reported to Us that

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they may presently receive a button of the sixth rank as a personal decoration ; and let them be in readiness for our orders; but let none be reported who are not fully known, for there must not be an excessive return.

*12. "Let officers be dispatched to offer the accustomed sacrifices at the tombs of all former emperors, at the birthplace of Confucius, the five mountains, and four rivers.

*13. Let all criminals, whether officials, government clerks, soldiers, or com- moners, except such as have been convicted of these ten crimes, viz., treason and sedition; of the murder of parents or grandparents; of a husband or master by wife, concnbine or slave; of a family of three innocent persons; of mutilating or destroying persons, for bad purposes; of planning or threatening murder, certainly involving life; of making poisonous preparations; of diabolical charms against life; of putting up noxious medicines for poisoning people; of violent robbery, and of magical incantations, which truly are capital crimes; also all soldiers guilty of desertion or of harboring runaways ;—be pardoned, if their of- fenses were committed before the 25th of February, whether they have been ac- cused or not, and convicted or not; and if any person charges those now pardoned with these crimes, they shall themselves suffer as if guilty of the same offense. *14. All convicts banished to 3000 or 5000 l{ distance, who have fulfilled three years at the place of their exile, and have conducted themselves peaceably and obediently, and all banished convicts over 70 years, are permitted to return home.

*15. Let all Manchus, all members of the Imperial household, and men of the five banners who wear robes, who have peculated in the public moneys, and who are now sued for the recovery of the deficiency, if it be found that they really are destitute of property, be excused of repayment after investigation ; and those who are responsible for, or bear a part of the repayment, or are in- volved in the case, all be released from further implication.

*16. All civilians who are required to pay up the deficiencies in the public moneys, and all sons and grandsons who are now held responsible for the pecu- lations of their fathers or grandfathers, are released from all claims after an ex- amination has been made.

*17. All officers and soldiers in the army, who in consequence of going on service, or by reason of disasters, have overdrawn their pay and rations, are released from repayment.

*18. Let all privates in the army, who have already distinguished them- selves for bravery, or have retired from service by reason of wounds or age, re- ceive extraordinary consideration, and examination be made as to the favors and largesses they should receive.

*19. Let all persons in the provinces who have five generations of descen- dants living, or those who have seen seven generations, receive in addition to the usual legal tablet, some largess and favor after proper examination.

*20. Whereas agriculture is the basis of the country's prosperity, let the local magistrates in every department and district always grant favors to all dili- gent husbandmen and those who labor in the fields, that the imperial bounty be made known.

*21. Except the robe-dressed, and all under majors, down to horsemen in the five banners [of the household troops], let the Manchu, Mongol and Chinese bannermen, both horsemen, artillerymen, and footmen, all receive a month's pay.

*22. Let every soldier and subject above seventy years of age have a man to cherish and take care of him, who shall be exempt from body-service; and let every man who is above eighty years receive a button of the ninth rank; above ninety, a button of the eighth rank; above a century, a button of the seventh rank; and those of one hundred and twenty years, a button of the sixth rank; let all persons over a century be separately reported, that an honorary portal be erected for them, and money granted.

*23. Let all charitable institutions for the support of widowed and orphan persons both male and female, who have no one to support them, with all dis- eased or deforined persons, who have no one to speak" for them, be borne in mind by the local officers, and their wants provided for at all times, that they fail not of a home.

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Journal of Occurrences.

At this distance from the capital, little is known of the new monarch, of his person, his character, or his habits. Some of the people say he is likely to do honor to his country, others remark that he will find great difficulty in freeing himself from the influence of Kiying and his clique, and a third party ask how can such a novice and youth wield a sceptre surrounded with so many duties and responsibilities. A variety of rumors prevailed in Canton, during the first part of last month respecting the proceedings in the palace one of which was that his uncle Mienyu had made a desperate effort to remove Yihchú, and seize the vacant throne himself, and had set the palace on fire to consume all its inmates at one fell swoop; and did so far succeed as to destroy Yilichu's wife and one of his younger brothers, but the heir apparent escaped. We think there are grounds for believing that a fire occurred about the middle of February in some part of the Forbidden City, and that Yih- chu's wife died not far from the same date as the empress-dowager; but we add the rest of the rumor chiefly that it may by and by be compared with the real circumstances, if they should ever be ascertained. We sup- pose the following proclamation of the district magistrates of Canton relating to the reported disturbance was issued chiefly to find favor with their supe- riors. It however shows the care the officials deem it necessary to take when the effect of such rumors can be at all disastrous.

Fung, acting chief magistrate of Nánhái, and Shau, chief magistrate of Pwányu, make proclamation as follows:-

Whereas in the 12th moon of last year, from a want of proper precaution, the library in the apartments of the sixth son [of his late Majesty] caught fire, several buildings were consumed in the flumes; but they were in due time extinguished, neither was there anything remarkable in the occurrence. In the 1st moon of the present year, His Ma- jesty, the Emperor, with the flight of the Dragon mounted the throne: his youth- ful vigor of mind, his intelligence, his humanity, his piety, rendering his accession a real blessing to the government and people of his empire, he has ordained that the next year shall be called the first of the period Hienfung (Universal Plenteousness]. The nations along the many shores of the sea, within and beyond his frontiers, thence augur- ing regularity of the seasons and years of abundance, might have indeed congratulated themselves on the prospect of an endurance for evermore of the tranquillity at present prevailing. It has, however, come to our knowledge, chat certain lawless fellows have had the audacity to mold the particulars of the abovementioned fire into a story of sedition, and have printed an account of this, of which several copies have been hawked about the streets. It is but too probable that the rustics of the villages in their igno- rance may have their minds unsettled by these. And whereas it will be found that all persons viciously propagating what is noxious, or writing placards calculated to excite or unsettle the minds of men, are liable to summary decapitation, the law against them being of the highest severity, no trifling with it will be tolerated.

We have given orders to our police to make strict search for all who are taking a chief part in these fabrications, and to seize them and the workmen who cut the blocks, that they may be punished with the utmost rigor. It is farther our duty to issue a proclamation, and we therefore call upon you, the soldiers and common people through- out our jurisdictions to abide in peace, attending to your vocations, and sharing in common the blessings of this reign. And we promise, if you will apprehend and bring before us any of the above class of disaffected vagabonds who may be fabricating these noxious reports, or printing or selling the same, that, upon their conviction we will richly reward such as have been foremost in their capture. Beware of allowing your minds to be unsettled by them, and thus exposing yourselves to charges of a grave nature. Do not disobey this, but tremble and respect it!" A special edict. Issued on the 17th April, 1850.—China Mail,

Epidemic in Canton. There has been considerable alarmı felt among the citizens of Canton during the past few weeks, owing to an unusual nuinber of sudden deaths, which the superstitious, ignoraut people have ascribed to a want of harmony between the elements. In order to restore their kindly in- fluences, they have celebrated the festival of the dragon-boats a month in advance, it being firmly believed that when the drums of the dragon-boats sound an epidemic Alces. The disease scems to be more like the Asiatic cholera than any other, cases of bílious fever also occurring, but our infor- mation is very unsatisfactory as to its virulence or the number of cases, Rumor has doubtless exaggerated the truth.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-JUNE, 1850.-No. 6.

ART. I. Notices of the Sagalien river, and the island of Tarakai

opposite its mouth.

LIKE all the large rivers in the Chinese empire, the Sagal'en is called by many names during its long course, and it is not easy to decide which of them should be adopted. The Russians call it the Amur after it passes out of their territories at Ft. Baklanova; the Chinese know it as the Heh-lung kiáng from that point till it jɔins the Sʊngari, after which they call it the Kwantung to its mouth; and the Manchus name it the Sag lien úla, which we adopt, chiefly because it flows through their territories. The word Amur or Yamur is derived from the Ghiliaks, a tribe found between the river and the Hing in Mts., in whose language it signifies the Great river, or Great water; Heh-lung kiáng mes Black-Dragon river in Chinese, and Sagalien úla means Black river in Manchu, but why this term is applied at all does not appear.

This stream is among the great rivers of the world, and the sixth in point of size in Asia, the Yingtsz' kiáng, the Yellow, Oby, Lena, and Yenisei, alone excelling it in length. Its basin extends from the 109th to the 1434 degrees of east longitude, and from the 42d to the 65th degrees of north latitude; its waters are drawn from an area of not less thin 700,000 square miles, an extent of country nearly as large as Buenos Ayres, four times the size of France, seven times that of Prussia, and more than equal to all the states of the American Union south of the parallel of Lake Erie and east of the Mississippi river. This comparison of superficies is however the sole feature of resemblance, for in respect to population, productions, civilization, cli- mate, and position, there is no similarity between them; and our know-

VOL. XIX. NO, VI,

290

Notices of the Sagalien River.

JUNE,

ledge on all these matters in the vast basin of the Sagalien is exceeding- ly meagre and doubtful. This whole region lies on the northeastern slope of the table land of Central Asia, and this river carries off most of the superfluous waters between the Desert of Cobi and the Pacific, north of the Ala-shán and Corea; while at the same time it affords the means of knowing more of its geographical features and the nature of its productions.

The headwaters of the Sagalien rise in the Burkan-kaldun or Kentei mountains,

a spur of the Altai, which branching off southerly from the main chain, east of the R. Seleaga, forms the watershed between the central and eastern parts of the Plateau on its northern side, and const.tutes the boundary between the Tsetsen and Túchétú khanates. The two streams which flow from the Kentei Mts. take their rise nearly in the same meridian (109° E.), about 120 miles from each other, the Onon

being on the north side

near the Russian frontier, and the Kerlon AT

on the

south. This region is celebrated in Mongolian history as the place of the birth and early life of Genghis khan (see d'Ohsson's Histoire des Mongols, Vol. I. page 30). The Onon runs easterly for about 160 miles, and then northeast for nearly 320 miles, mostly in Russian territory, till it joins the Ingoda at Goroditch, in long. 1151⁄2o, 80 miles above the town of Nertchinsk.

In this part of its course, it receives the Kioursou

, the Agoumtza, the Onon-borzia, the Ounda, the Aga, and many smaller streams, nearly all of which are north of the Chinese frontier. The Ingoda rises in the mountain range which incloses the basin of Lake Baikal on the east, and after running almost due north to the town of Tchitinsk, collecting the drainings on its eastern declivities, it turns eastward, receiving the contributions of the Tchita and Qu- rioun țui rivers, in a course of about 400 miles, and joins the Onon. Their united waters take the name of the Shilka, and flow in a north- eastern direction for 250 miles to long. 121° E., and lat. 53° 23′ N., at Fort Baklanova. The Shilka is joined by the river Nertcha, at the town of Nertchinsk, and by the Tcherna at the town of Koularsk, about 175 miles further east. From this point to its junction with the Arguni it forms the boundary between the Chinese and Russian empires.

The other great source of the Sagalien, called the Kerlon, is larger than the Onon. It rises in about lat. 48° in a part of the Kentai Mts. lying east of the town of Kurun, called the Bayencharuk

along whose eastern sides it flows south and southeast

1850.

Notices of the Sagalien River.

291

for about 100 miles, when it is turned northeast by a range called Tarkan Mts.

and pursues a solitary course for 320 miles through the wilds of the Desert, losing its waters and name in Lake Húrun in lat. 49° N. and long. 116° E. It receives only a few tributaries near its head, and the only settlements along its banks are a few Mongolian hamlets; the road from Kurun eastward into Man- churia keeps along its valley.

Lake Húrun or Kúlunoccupies a depression about 210 miles in circuit in the Desert through which the Kerlon runs; it receives the waters of the river Ursun

on its eastern shore, a large stream which flows west and northwesterly from the western acclivities of the Sialkoi or Inner Hingan Mts., taking its rise under the name of Kalka R.

in a small lake in lat. 48° and long. 121°, and running about 140 miles into lake Pir or Puyur, a sheet of water nearly as large as Lake Húrun, lying about 65 miles south of it. The stream flowing from L. Horun, is called the Arguin or Arguni, and forms the boundary between China and Russia for nearly 400 miles till joins the Shilka. Within this distance, it receives the waters of a score of rivers, of which the Kailar which runs in from the east just as it leaves the lake, the Keng, and the Tazinour, are the largest. There are many Russian settlements on the Arguni, one of which, Nertchinsk or Nipchú, is cele. brated for the treaty signed there in 1638. The Chinese government maintains a few troops at Húrumpir to oversee the frontier, but almost the whole of the Chinese territory drained by the rivers here men- tioned is a howling wilderness, over which the Kalkas and other Mon- gols pasture their herds, or wild beasts roam; on the Russian side the country is lower, the temperature higher, and the population incom- parably greater. All these streams, after leaving the mountains flow through a level country, but the fact that their sluggish waters are covered with ice nearly half the year, and on the same latitude as Warsaw,

too, shows the inhospitable climate of these bleak wastes. After the junction of the Shilka and Arguni rivers, the united stream takes its well known names, and rolls on to the Pacific a magnificent river, swelled as it approaches the ocean by the contributions of many affluents. At first the Sagalien runs nearly east, but after a course of about 100 miles in lat. 53°, it meets a long spur of the Outer Hing- an Mts., and gradually turns southeast, forcing its way through the defiles of the Outer and Inner Hingan ranges in a succession of rapids till it reaches the plain east of the mountains at its most southern point

292

Notices of the Sagalien River.

JUNE,

in lat. 471° N. Before it turns south, the river receives ten tributaries

into its bosom from the left, some of them large streams; the Cho- is the first large one west of Ft. Baklano-

lokchi

va; then succeed the Kerbechi

鄂

about 140 miles long; 多昆

the Orand Aldekan each about a hundred

miles; the Ursu

the Ursuf about 20

of 200 miles, the Elgue

tan

miles, the Poronda

of 300 miles, and the Pir-

of 280 miles in length. All these bring down their waters from the solitudes of the Yablonnoi Mts.; the only inhabited spot noted in this region being the post of Yaksa

on the main trunk between the Ursu and Poronda (see Chi. Rep., Vol. VIII, page 417). After passing long. 1244°, where it turns southerly, the Sigalien washes the base of the mountains for nearly 200 miles, receiving only one tributary of any size during the whole distance, viz. the river Humari

. which rises in the Iliful Mts.,

14, and courses along the northern base of the Sial-

kəi Mts. in lat. 59 ́, till it joins the main stream in lat. 511° and

long. 128. The town or post of Oloussou-mutan & *** 烏魯蘇木丹

is situated near the junction.

As the river turns the base of the mountains, one of its largest con- fluents, the Tchikiri

comes in from the northeast, bring- ing the superfluous waters of a region fully thirty thousand square miles in extent, almost as unknown and more desolate than the centre of Africa. The numerous branches of the Tchikiri rise in the mountains on the frontier of Russia, and join each other one after another till t'eir united waters flow into the Sagalien at Aihom in lat. €0, an old military post now superseded by Sagalien hotun, or Heh- lung kiếng ching, the chief town of the immense commandery of the same name. The names of the largest branches of the Tchikiri are

the Silipda 西林穆迪 and its conduent the Yanna陽奇尼 and the Kintou, whose headwaters are as high as the parallel of 55° N. The nomads who find a precarious subsistence in these dreary wilds belong to the Tungusian race, and are known under various tribal names. The Humaris live about the river of that name and northward to the frontier; while the Ghiliaks roam eastward be- tween the Tchikiri river and the spurs of the Hingan called Koshi

科色 and Yang 陽山; the Ducheri and Gogooti tribes are found further south near Aihom and easterly beyond the Songari. They all trade in peltry and fish at the Chinese posts, but acknowledge allegiance

to no one.

1850.

Notices of the Sagalien River.

293

Between Sagalien hotun and the junction of the Songarí, a distance of about 230 miles, the valley is much compressed, and the river re- ceives no confluent of any size except the Tcholankio the north. The Songari joins it in lat. 474° and long. 142', nearly doubling its volume of water. This great tributary is formed by the union of the Songari, the Nonni, and the Hourha, whose united val- leys cover an area of upwards of 200,000 square miles. The Songari (i. e. Fir-flower river) rises in the Changpeh

on the frontier of Corea in lat. 42°, and flows northerly and westerly through the commandery of Kirin, receiving the contributions of scores of small streams as it winds its way along the edge of the deserts of Inner Mongolia, till after a course of about 250 miles it joins the Naun or Nonniju at Pétune in lat. 45°.

This last stream is the largest branch of the two, and somewhat resembles the Ohio. It rises not far from the Humari river in lat. 534°, just south of the Sialkoi mountains, which here take a complete circuit, and inclose the basin of the Naun on three sides; the river flows nearly due south about 400 miles to its junction with the Son- gari, fertilizing and communicating with one of the best portions of Manchuria. Its branches are numerous, but none of them are large,

except the Toro 陀喇 and Tchol 線爾 near its junction. There

are several settlements in this valley, of which Merguen and Tsi- tsihar, the capitals of the two commanderies of the same name, are the largest; the inhabitants are mostly Dairis or Dagooris, who live both by the chase and agriculture, and who have given the name of Daurian to the Yablonnoi or Outer Hingan mountains, over which they roam for food.

After the junction of the Naun and Songari, the united stream, under the Chinese name of Kwantung (i. e. Mingled Union) flows northeasterly about 380 miles, receiving in this part of its course several tributaries, of which the Hurha HP Jargest. The town of Pétune

is the dépot of trade between this region and Peking; further east are the towns of Larin t ** Altchucu

and Tchulgue or Hurun, all of them

is by far the

and runs due north about

at the mouths of rivers of the same name, and San-sing or Miao at the junction of the Furha. This last named stream rises in the Long-White Mts east of Kirin, 200 miles, passing through lake Punt Jordan flows through the Sea of Galilee, till it joins the Songari; the town of Ninguta in the commandery of that name is the largest settle-

in its course, just as the

294

Notices of the Sagalien River.

JUNE,

ment. Very few of the stations on the Songari which figure on Ar- rowsmith's map are iuserted in the large Chinese map of the Empire.

The Chinese consider the Kwantung the largest of the two at its junction with the Hehlung, and the united stream carries that name through to the ocean, a distance of about 520 miles in a N.N.E. direction. This part of the Sagalien is unknown to Europeans; it incloses many islands, and receives many confluents into its bosom, of which the Usuri is the largest. This river is separated from the Hurha by a spur of the Long-White Mts. called Harhar

爾喀 and Plakan 畢喇彦; its three headstreams all rise in the

Sihata Mts.not far from the ocean; one of them flows through lake Tapaccu or Hinkai, a sheet of water in lat. 44°, more than a hundred miles in circumference; the Mouren★★ and Noro 諾羅 are the largest affluents of the Usuri;-but of the productions, the soil, the inhabitants, and the climate of its valley and streams, we know nothing certain. After the junction of the Usuri, the Sagalien rolls on its vast volume of waters to the ocean, coufined

by the Sihata Mts. or Efitshin Alin on the east, and the Hingan or Daurian Mts. on the west, almost to its embouchure. The Henkon are the largest affluents on the northern is situated near the

興滚 and the Kerin格楞

banks; the post of Gidatka

mouth of the Henkon, at the head of the estuary formed by the great body of water here poured into the ocean. The embouchure is about lat. 53° N. and long. 140° E., upwards of 1330 miles from the head- waters of the Kerlon in a direct line, but fully 2300 if we include all the windings-making the Sagalien about the same size as the Nile.

Pallas examined the natural history of this river to some extent; the fish are specifically different, but bear great resemblance to those found in Europe; the most common kinds are two species of carp (Cyprinus leptocephalus and labio), barbels, the beluga or white stur- geon, and a kind of trout (Salmo oxyrhynchus.) Crawfish, smaller and smoother than the European, occur in the Shilka and Onon; the pike is yellow and spotted like the Indian species. Pearl oysters are found in the Onon; in some places the Chinese government protects their fishing; the common barnacle grows to a large size.

The entire basin of the Sagalien is divided by the Inner Hingan range west of the R. Naun into two parts, quite dissimilar in their character. The western part may be considered as a portion of the Desert of Gobi; the air is very dry about the Kerlon, Arguni and Onon the greatest part of the soil is sandy and sterile, unfit for agri-

1850

Notices of the Sagalien River.

295

culture except in the bottoms; and rain and snow are far from abun- dant. The elevation has never been ascertained, but the fact that in the latitude of Paris ice is seen in the streams nearly half the year shows that it must be great. The country about the Ingoda is less severe, and when the Cossacks conquered the tribes dwelling here a century since, they found them cultivating the land to a great extent, perhaps more than it is at present, as their exactions obliged whole tribes to migrate into Chinese territory, and settle in and about the valley of the Naun.

The country east of the Inner Hingan has a less elevation, and though the ranges dividing the valleys of the Naun, Songari, Hurha, Usuri, and Sagalien, attain a great height, these rivers flow through arable tracts, and a higher temperature prevails. Forests of oak, hazel, linden and cherry, replace the fir and larch of the Humari, and crops of barley, rye, wheat, hemp and buckwheat furnish food for man, with meadows for cattle. The policy of the Chinese govern- ment in banishing criminals to these regions, and compelling them to cultivate land, has tended to improve the region and its nomadic inhabitants. Chinese civilization has hardly extended to the Pacific shore, and the tribes there are probably no better known to the geogra- phers at Peking than they are to us.

The Ghiliaks constitute the largest tribe, and range over the whole region between the Sagalien and the Hingan, living by fishing and hunting. Cottrell says the Russians from Yakutsk occasionally meet them in hunting, but little is known of their origin or language. The Humari, Solons, Ducheri, and other tribes mentioned on maps, are we think branches of this greater one, called Fiatta or Fiyaks by the Chinese. Their country was conquered by the Cossacks early in the seventeenth century, and a fort built at Yacsa or Albasyne, to overawe the tribes and collect the tribute or yassak of firs. The position of this post was favorable, the country sheltered by the Daurian Mts., the climate temperate, and soil fertile, but the Russians were obliged to retire beyond the Shilka.

The lands cultivated when the fort was occupied still produce grain. The Chinese now collect the peltry from these hunters at Sagalien hotun. The tribes upon the Usuri, and between it and the ocean, are collectively called Yupí Táh-tsz

Fish-skin Tartars by Du Halde, and subdivided into the Orochi, Bichi, Fiyaks, and Kiching; but too little is known of them to render these distinctions of the least value. They are all described by the Chinesc as "tribes who pay tribute of martin furs."

296

Notices of the Island of Tarakai.

JUNE,

Opposite to the mouth of the Sagalien lies the island of Tarakai; its shores have been visited by a few navigators, as La Peyrouse, Brough- ton and Krusenstern, but it is still nearly terra incognita. The island is included in Chinese maps as a portion of the empire, but Langs- dorf says that the Japanese officials whom he saw on its southern coasts exercised entire authority over the fishermen living there; this part of the island he says is called Tchoka or Karafto, and Kita Yesso or Northern Yesso by the Japanese, who did not seen to know its size. It is named Sagalien on European maps, but without any just grounds; the appellation Tarakai is probably given to the shores opposite the mouth of the Sagalien by the Fiattas, and from them adopted by the Manchus, who have settled there. This island extends from lats. 49° to 54° 20′ N., about 600 miles, varying in width from 120 miles at Cape Patience to 25 miles north of the Bay of Aniwa; its area probably exceeds 30,000 square miles, making it about the same as Ireland, and one-fifth more than Ceylon. The sheet of water separating it from the mainland, called the Channel of Tartary, is 200 miles wide at its southern end, and runs up to a nar- row strait about 40 miles wide below the mouth of the river. It is known that the water poured out by the Sagalien all flows northward, but the deposit of silt has not yet formed an isthmus along this narrow strait, and the natives cross in boats. The communication by land may probably be completed at 52° 30′ N., in course of time, and the passage by boats is even now greatly obstructed by sea-weed. The shores on the western side are low, but hills and mountains are seen inland. Plath has collected most of the notices of this island which we insert in the following extract from his Geschichte des östlichen Asiens, Vol. I., page 21.

“At the mouth of the Sagalien, and along the greater part of the east coast of Manchuria, there is a long island Tarakai, generally but improperly called Sagalien.' We mention it here, although only half of it is subject to China and the Manchus. * The captain of the Dutch vessel "Kastrikum" Marten de Vries, who visited the southern part of it in 1643, was the first to bring any knowledge of the island to Europe. The Jesuits in Peking also gathered some information from the surrounding people. But as their imper-

1. Sagalien angga chada, the “ Black-mouth's rocks," is the Manchu name of some rocks at the mouth of the Amur, and very improperly this was turned to Sagalien, i. e. Black, to be the name of the island. (Klaproth, Asia Polygl. p. 301) Other names of the island are Karafto with the Japanese, Tchoka with La Peyrouse, or Oku Jesso, Great or North Jesso.

2. The other half belongs to Japan; see Golownin, Vol. II, p. 151, and foll. 3. In Witsen Nord en Oost Tartarye, Part II, p. 50 and foll.

4. See Du Halde, T. IV., p. 14, and foll.

1850.

Notices of the Island of Turakui.

907

fect information was completed by mere suppositions, the shape of the island on the old charts was totally misdrawn. La Peyrouse and Broughton were the first to examine the southwest coast, and the former has furnished some in- teresting information on it. Krusenstern afterwarde explored the whole east and northwest coast, so that only eighty or a hundred miles on the mouth of the Sagalien remained unexplored. Up to the present time there is no con- nection here with the mainland, and the former opinion of travelers, that Tarakai is a peninsula, is disproved. The Japanese Mamia Rinsoo visit- ed the straits in 1808, and laid it down, and a party commissioned by the em- peror of Japan afterwards again in 1810 surveyed it, and fixed the situation positively. Since then, the name of the Straits of Mamia has been adopted.* It is generally frozen up from December till March.

Tarakai is long and narrow. It begins at the north with two small promon- tories, Cape Maria (lat. 54° 17′ N., long. 217° 42′ W.) and Cape Elizabeth (lat. 54° 24′ N., long. 217° 13′ W.), runs down on the western side in almost a straight line, barring a few out-bays, whilst it extends its breadth on the east side down to Cape Patience (lat. 48° 52′ N., long. 215° 13′ W.), in such a measure, that the breadth here is 24 degrees, to only half a degree on the north. After this, however, the land falls in, forms a large bay, the bay of Patience, and continues only on the west side in a small narrow line un- til it ends in a fork at Cape Crillon (lat. 45° 54′ N., long. 218° 02′ W.)' and Cape Aniwa (lat. 46° 02′ N., long. 216° 29′ W.

The whole length therefore is 572 miles at its farthest extremnity, the breadth varies from 25 to 175 miles. The interior is entirely unknown, only the coast has been visited in some places. La Peyrouse pushed on to 51° 29′ N.; he found the coast as thickly wooded as that of Tartary. He landed at the Salmon river (50° 54′); the vegetation here was more vigorous than else- where. Celery and cresses in abundance, plenty of pines and willows, not quite so frequent were oak, maple, birch and mediar trees. The Bay d'Es- taing (lat. 48° 59′ N.) and the Bay de Langle, where they landed before, of- fered the same aspect. Garlic and angelica were frequently seen growing on the borders of the woods. Everywhere on the coast abundance of fish, so that they killed with sticks twelve hundred salmons in one hour, and cod- fish as many as lasted the whole ship's company for eight days.

1. See Malte Brun's Précis, Vol. III. p. 458 and foll., and others. 2. La Peyrouse, Vol. III p. 54 and foll. & p. 83.-Broughton, p. 299.—Kru- senstern, Vol. II. 1 p. 245, &c. Doubts of Malte Brun, Vol. III, p. 461 &c.,

and others.

3. Siebold in the Nouv. Journal Asiatique, 1829, No. 18, page 393

4. Krusenstern, pp. 207 and 208. The longitude is west of Greenwich.

5. Krusenstern, p. 177.

6. Krusenstern laid down the north point of the bay in lat. 49° 19′; page 127. 7. Krusenstern, p. 81. La Peyrouse, Vol. III. p. 83, gives lat. 45° 57′ north, and long. 140° 34′ east of Paris.

8. Krusenstern, page 112. La Peyrouse has lat. 46 3′′ north.

9. See the chart of Sagalien in Krusenstern's atlas, plate 73. 10. La Peyrouse, Vol. III, page 501.

VOL. XIX. NO. ̧VI,

208

Notices of the Island of Turakai.

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The same in the Bay de Langle, thousands of salmons ; also berrings and other fish. All they saw of wild animals were skins of bears, martins, and sca-wolves. 1 Therefore fish and some roots form the only nourishment of the inhabitants. Down below at Cape Crillon, the whales begin to be found i there are many on the east coast, but none on the west coast. * Krusenstern found such a quantity in the Bay of Aniwa that the ship was entirely sur- rounded by them, and he could only with great caution reach the shore. In the Bay of Patience he saw perhaps a still greater quantity. We extract only a few observations from Krusenstern, who continued the explorations where La Peyrouse had discontinued them, as generally speaking the character of the country is the same all over. Sea-lions, seals and phoca were couching on the rocks, and the huge lumps of flesh turned their round heads out of the water, and began a terrific roaring.' In the Bay of Aniwa, fish were so abundant that they took them out of the water by buckets, and hence the only nourish- ment again consists of fish. Oysters and crawfish abounded, the game has not yet been disturbed, no trace of cultivation of the ground or training of animals. On the east coast they saw thickly wooded hills, with fine luxuriant green and woody valleys. Whales and seals were playing round the ship. The summer begins very late, as has already been mentioned; on the 21st May they had deep snow, and the thermometer fell to the freezing point; a lit- tle more north (49° 19′), they met even icebergs on the 23th May." On their return from Kamtschatka (18th July), they saw a sandy inhabitable shore with stunted fir and pine trees, alternating with the loveliest valleys full of luxuriant green, and hills with fine impenetrable woods. Particularly on the northern extremity, the most charming scenery with grass and pine forests was met with. Reindeers grazed on the shore. The northwestern parts of Tarakai in general showed many advantages over the southwestern part, There is also some agriculture; the rivers are lined with the most impenetrable bushes and weeds, which again harbor vast quantitics of fish. Fish are the only nourishment of the inhabitants, and dogs their only companions.

The condition of the aborigines of Tarakai seems to be even more degraded than that of the inhabitants on the continent, and their masters, the Manchus and Japanese, do little to elevate them. The notices of the island in the General Statistics of China are very meagre, and add nothing to the preceding; we insert all that relates to it.

“In the seas attached to Sínsing, east of the mouth of the Kwan- tung, is a large island extending for a thousand li. In it there is the Pokpihp and fifteen other rivers, with the Toksuto

and three other mountains. The Fiattas dwell in the north,

1. La Peyrouse, pp. 31, 35. 2. La Peyrouse, Vol. III. pp. 87, conf. page 107. 3. Krusenstern, p. 91, Langsdorf, Vol. I. p. 485 and foll.

4. Langsdorf, Vol. I. p. 475.

5. Krusenstern, p. 122, conf, page 130. Langsdorf, Vol. I. p. 483, &c., and 483. Golownin, Vol. II. p. 7. 6. Krusenstern, p. 195 and foll.

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Notices of the Island of Tarakai.

299

the Kuyiks in the centre, and the Orunchun in the south; they are ruled by the Colonial Office at Peking, and under the immediate go vernment of the authorities at Pétune. The productions are rice, millet, cattle, sheep, martin skins, &c. The Orunchun and Solon- tafurs bring in a tribute of martin skins, but it is not required of others who do service. Each man is required to bring in one martin skin; out of the whole, 500 are selected of the best quality, and a thousand of the second sort, the remainder being assorted in three qualities.”

La Peyrouse saw many skins and furs among the people on the coast. On the Chinese maps, three tribes are represented as occupying the island, the Fiatta in the north, the Kúyiks in the centre, and in the south. Many small rivers flow from the ridge of mountains in the centre, several peaks of which are named. Otongki

In the south, is probably Peak Ber- nizet of La Peyrouse; Yinkaching 音格繩 and Tatame 塔塔瑪

the Orunchun

are portions of the same range as Peaks Mongoz and Martiniere of La Peyrouse, whose summits Krusenstern describes as lost among the clouds, and covered with snow in May. The river Neva named by him is probably the Tatama ho. In the northern part is Toksuto Mt. part of which received the name of Peak Espen- berg from Krusenstern. The country between these ranges is repre- sented as level.

The bay at the mouth of the Sagalien is about fifty miles wide; and probably quite deep. It is a sort of cess-pool to the river, in which much of its sediment is deposited. The Chinese maps notice a range of eight islets on its southern side, and two larger ones called

Churka 楚爾庫 and Yapokli 野布格里, while on the north- ern side are two others, Aisin 委辛 and Cholhat 楚魯哈達;

all these, and the settlements on Tarakai, are under the jurisdiction of the officers at Gidatka situated on the river Sagalien. It is not improbable that some arrangement has been made between the Man- chus and Japanese authorities in respect to the jurisdiction of the whole island, one which probably leaves nothing for the freedom of the aborigines.

These few particulars relating to the great artery of Manchuria, and the island opposite its mouth, only show how meagre is our information relating to them. The coast too, from Corea north to the Sagalien, has never been thoroughly explored, though few or no inhabitants were seen at the few spots where La Peyrouse landed. The whole of this coast, about two thousand miles long, the shores of Tarakai,

and

300

Reports of Medical Missions.

JUNE,

the Sagalien up to Miao where the Songari joins it, offers a most in- viting field of exploration to the navigator, the geographer and the naturalist, fully equal to any not yet investigated. We hope it will not long remain unvisited by some of the national ships of Great Britain or the United States in these waters. With a small steamer and a tender, the entire circuit could be made in a few months; the latter vessel remaining on the coast to investigate, while the steamer took her way up the unknown waters of the Sagalien, ex- amining its capabilities and productions, and learning what manner of people dwell on its banks. We do not read of any rapids or falls which would prevent a steamer proceeding up as far as Pétune, but this and all other particulars can only be learned by exploration.

For further notices, see Krusenstern's Voyage round the World and Re- cueil des Mémoires; Langsdorff's Voyages; Broughton's Voyage; La Pey- rouse; Ritter's Erkhunde; Plath's Geschichte; Penny Cyclopedia, Art. Tarakai; Malte Brun's Geograply; Müller's Memoir on the Amur.

ART. II. Medical Missions. 1. General Report of the Hospital at Kam-li-fau in Canton, from April 1848 to Nov. 1849. By B. HOBSON, M. B. Pp. 57.

2. Report of the Committee of the Chinese Hospital, Shanghái, from January 1st to December 31st, 1849. Pp. 18.

Ar all the missionary hospitals now opened in China, religious services form a regular part of the exercises, not only on the Sabbath but during the week; and no serious difficulty has been experienced in any of them in bringing the patients to conduct themselves orderly during their attendance on these services; much less have any persons declined to receive assistance from the physician because they were required to conform to this regulation of the hospital. It must be a matter of sincere thankfulness to every wellwisher of the Chinese that these hospitals have been made the medium of imparting so much religious truth, as well as relieving so great an amount of human dis- tress, and the details given in the two Reports quoted above show that the medical and religious duties of the hospitals are conducted with great prudence and harmony.

Dr. Hobson commences his Report with a summary of his practice at Macao and Hongkong during the years 1840-1845, when he had charge of the hospital of the Medical Missionary Society in those places, in which period upwards of fifteen thousand patients passed

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under his care. The Reports already published in the the Repository furnish detailed particulars of these efforts, up to the time when Dr. H. left for England in August, 1845. On his return in 1847, he re- newed his efforts to open a hospital in Canton out of the precincts of the Factories, and resigned his charge of the hospital at Hongkong and connection with the Medical Missionary Society, “ that he might endeavor in a quiet and unobtrusive manner, by friendly intercourse with the people and healing the sick, to obtain a permanent locality in the midst of the Chinese at Canton, and help to pioneer the way for other English missionaries to settle there." His success is thus stated:-

me.

In April 1849, after considerable difficulty in meeting with a house, one was at last obtained in an eligible situation, and at a moderate rent (for Canton) of 35 dollars per month; in the district of Kam-lí-fau, about a mile and a quarter northwest of the Foreign Factories; without the city walls (and not within them, as has been reported in the Medical Times), in the midst of a large and respec- table family neighborhood ; with a good water entrance in front, and a constant thoroughfare in the street at the back. As considerable repairs were necessary before it could be rendered habitable (for it had previously been used as a puck- house), only a part of the house was rented at first on trial, as a Dispensary, by which plan the fears of the people were not suddenly excited, and their good. will was obtained. In June, the house was taken possession of, and no trouble arose out of it, except that at a subsequent period my landlord's son, a subal- tern in the army, was beaten by his superior officer, for not promising to expel

He refused to comply, asserting that he had only acted up to the letter of the Treaty, and that the people around were quite favorably disposed towards His superior officer gave him ten days to think upon the matter, and threatened further punishment on non-compliance. The poor man showed me the marks of the bamboo or his thighs, and he and his mother intreated me to send in a remonstrance to the British Consul, to prevent his receiving further indignity from this unprincipled officer. The Consul then acting thought it proper to refer the matter to H. E. Su, the Governor, as a violation of the Treaty, and required that not only should my landlord's son be left alone, but that the officer in question should be punished. So in reply gave a very unsatis factory excuse for the conduct of this military officer, whom he said he had examined. This interference had the effect of establishing me more securely; but as I expected, my landlord's son was punished for another alledged offense, and cashiered the army-another specimen, among thousands, of the injustice of the Chinese government.

me.

Since this date, there has been no opposition experienced by Dr. Hobson from his neighbors, nor have we heard of any further trouble given to the landlord. In order to show the manner of conducting this hospital, we make a few extracts from the Religious and Medical details, selecting such as best illustrate the characters of the patients.

On the 1st of April, 1848, a Dispensary was opened for the first time in the western suburbs of Canton, and was visited every alternate day for two months; the first day there were but four patients; the second, upwards of twenty ; and after that never less than a hundred.

Finding the experiment to be successful of commencing with a dispensary, I had the premises fitted up for a dweiling-house, chapel, and hospital, and on the 8th of June I removed into it with my family, in the open day, without

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opposition or difficulty. On the first Sabbath following, the little native church was nosembled, and the day was sanctified by prayer and by the celebration of the Lord's Supper. There were four male and six female communicants; Liáng A-fáh conducted the service, and it was felt to be an interesting and solenin season.

Arrangements were now made to receive patients three times a week, viz., Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays. Tuesday was appointed to be the day for surgical operations. The average attendance of new and old cases on these three days, during the whole of June and July was 200 each time.

The second Sabbath was observed by the public preaching of God's word by our aged Evangelist, Liảng A-fáh; 230 persons of both sexes were present, the females sitting on reserved seats by themselves. There was much coming in and going out, talking and smiling at the strange sight of preaching, sing- ing, and praying to an invisible Being, without priest, altar, or sacrifice. Many, however, were attentive and listened with approval.

The third Sabbath was rainy, and only fifly persons were present. On the fourth there were about two hundred, who were quiet, and listened with some degree of attention to the doctrines delivered. The fifth was also well attended. On the sixth Sabbath, July 16th, there was a very full congrega- tion; there were about sixty women, of whom fully one half were of the more respectable class. Most of the women sat in a side room with Mrs. Hobson and child. Altogether, including those who only remained a short time, there were from two hundred and fifty to three hundred persons present. There was more noise than usual this day, caused by the chattering of the women, the crying of children, and playing of some boys at the door. Some were very quiet and attentive, but the greater part came evidently from curiosity alone to see the foreign lady and child, for several of the women who were not in the side room were raising their heads high to look over the blinds, or through the crevices to get a sight of them. To give a single illustration of the igno- rance and indifference of the people to what appears to us so sacred and impor- tant:-on one occasion, a woman during the time of preaching on the Sabbath- day, held up her child to the reading-desk, and in a loud voice requested me- dical aid for her child at once, and could not be easily persuaded to sit quietly down and wait awhile, till the explanation of the sacred Book should be con- cluded. Her sudden intrusion and earnestness much amused the congregation. The child had nothing seriously the matter with it. Others would occasionally stand up and peep over our shoulders to observe what we were reading, look about with a staring gaze, smile, and then sit down. Others, if any tracts were on the table, would make a rush to seize them. On another occasion, some sinall-footed ladies walked in during service, and 1 rose up to beckon them to a seat as they passed by; in a moment they moved away from me under evi- dent alarm, their trepidation and awkward motions occasioning a laugh.

On Monday, July 17th, at half past six; a. M., there were already several patients waiting for medical advice, and at half past nine when we began the day's duty by the Evangelist addressing the sick, there were then a hundred and twenty persons. Two hundred tracts were distributed, also a form of prayer (specially prepared for them) was given to each patient. The women and men were admitted alternately, fifteen or twenty at a time. The chief diseases prevailing were acute and chronic ophthalmia, and their sequele; rheumatic neuralgia; fever; dropsy, and various forms of scrofula. The in- spection was completed after six hours. Whilst I was healing in the dispen- sary, the native preacher was exhorting and distributing books in the waiting- room. The total number of applicants, new and old cases, was 34 :—160 women and 124 men.

teen.

July 18th.-This day an interesting old lady, a Roman Catholic, called to see Mrs. Hobson, Tes and fruit were presented, after which I had a long con- versation with her on religious subjects. She was baptized at the age of six- Her husband was not living; she expressed herself deeply grieved that during life he cared not for the true doctrine She hoped, however, that the cleansing of fire in hell would render him fit for the service and enjoyment of heaven. She asked for an explanation of the difference between our religion

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and the Tien-chú Kidu-the term used by the Roman Catholics for the Christian religion-which was given. She asked, did we read, or rather re- peat the King-the Sacred Book? I explained the nature of private, social, and public worship. She asked, had we many converts?—I said, very few. Why? Because the Chinese were very hardened and wicked, and because we did not baptize any without some good evidence that they were true Chris- tians. She strongly confirmed the truth of the first point, deeply regretting that it should be so, and highly approved of the second. She asked about con- fession; she said she confessed once a year to a spiritual father, a foreigner from Macao, who dressed in Chinese costume-did we do so ? I said we con- fessed daily not into the ear of man but unto God, the Searcher of hearts and the Pardoner of sin; the Scriptures taught us so. We then conversed on the Sacraments our term for the Lord's Supper she did not understand; she had another term. I described the ordinance as we read it in Corinthians, and justified the use of wine. She took the cake once a year. She knew five native priests, who she said were all good men ; she called them shin fú, spirit- ual fathers. They had no church or chapel in Canton, they had wished to build one, but the neighborhood would not suffer its erection; the one formerly in use had been pulled down by the authorities. She did not know how many Catholics there were in Canton. Her son was studying English to become an interpreter; he was not an idolater, but could not become a Christian, he said, and continue in business. The old lady can read her religious tracts a little, sometimes attends our services on the Sabbath-day, and is in many respects superior to the generality of her countrywomen.

Insanity.

Considering the phlegmatic temperament and temperate habits of the Chi- nese, it might be anticipated that this malady is not of frequent occurrence; and I think future inquiry will prove that insanity prevails to a much less ex- tent in China than in Europe. It has been rarely mentioned in the lists of diseases treated by the medical missionaries, and on referring to the Golden Mirror of Medical Practice, a standard work in China, I find a very meagre description of the symptoms, cause, and treatment of this disease. Idiocy is properly distinguished from lunacy, and this latter is divided into two kinds kwing and tien; the first (mania) belongs to the ying principle, with an exccas of fire or excitement; the second (dementia, incoherent madness) partakes of the yin, with fluidity in excess, a state of depression; there may be a transition of one into other.—Lunatic asylums are unknown in China.

Several young and grown up persons, idiotic from their birth, have been brought for treatment, some of them with reinarkably formed heads, flattened on one side, smaller than natural, or conical ; but during eight years of practice among the Chinese, I have had an opportunity of witnessing only two cases of insanity. They were both men about 40 years of age, one residing in the suburbs near the northern gate of this city, and the other on the river side. The former case exhibited the usual symptoms of incoherent madness. He was chained by one foot and hand to a large block of granite; and his wife and mother were in the greatest terror when I proposed he should be unloos- ed for a time, for the chains were evidently galling to his flesh. They said he would kill them, or set the house on fire; he had been mischievous when his hands were free, and was often furious if displeased, He was incessantly chattering to himself; his chief theme was noney and the gods. It appeared that his mind had been much depressed by losses in trade, and the death of his children. When questioned by me mildly and firmly, he gave a rational reply, but immediately after relapsed into his usual state of incoherency. He seldom took food, and still more rarely slept. His mind seemed wholly absorbed with a succession of confused and imperfect ideas unconnectedly expressed. His head was hot, general circulation lauguid, and body emaciated. He was visit ed twice, and under treatment a month, but with no permanent benefit. Large doses of opium were borne at first with advantage.

The second was a mild case of Mania. He was occasionally furious, but had little to say

In reply to questions, he would sometimes answer rationally,

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other times he would tives and blisters had ed to his usual health.

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only move his head significantly at his irons. Purga- very happy effect; after a few days he was quite restor- By trade a cannon founder, and addicted to free living.

Poisoning by Opium.

Applications to rescue persons from suicide by opium have been very fre- quent. Unfortunately, however, they are often made too late. When I arrive with all speed at the house, by chair, by bost, or on foot, the patient is usually just dead, or in articulo mortis. An affecting case occurred last month. Ất 10 P. m., I was urgently requested to go to a street in the sixth ward, distant about one mile and a half. A sedan was provided, and I was carried there with great haste through the narrow streets, with torches leading the way; when we met with any impediment, the chair-bearers called out—“ Make way! Very important business! Saving a man'c life ""'—on which the foot passengers moved away right and left. All the hurry, however, proved of no use. The young man had expired. His wife with tears and lamentations intreated me on her knees to save her husband's life, and she could scarcely believe that hie was really dead, though the strongest ainmonis put into the eye made no impression upon it. This young man had swallowed a large dose of the ex- tract of opium to relieve hinseif from the misery of seeing his wife and son dying before him for want of food. He was by trade a silk weaver, and had latterly been quite unable to get any employment.

Record of Four Cuses that were Recovered.

One was an old la∙ly, the wife of one of the official linguists, who had swal- lowed in a fit of anger a quantity of opium to prove her innocence of a charge that she was the cause of her daughter-in-law's hanging herself the day before (to whom I had been called, of course too late to save life). The pump was promptly applied, which removed the opium from the stomach, and in a few hours the old lady was as well and blithe as ever.

The second case was that of a young woman who had swallowed a large dose of opinm from jealousy. She was quite insensible when I reached the house. The use of the stomach pump was completely successful, and its effecta much astonished the bystanders. Some said I was a second Wa To (an ancient physician now deified), and that I had the hand of a Budha.

The third case was a man about thirty-five, who in the absence of his brother had broken open his money-chest, and stolen out of it 2×) dollars which belong- ed to another party, intending to replace it by the gains he expected to realize by gambling with it. He however lost the whole during one night, and in the morning, from vexation and chagrin, determined to destroy himself by opium. He dissolved half an ounce of the strong extract in a little hot tea, and secretly swallowed it. When I saw him, his face and lips were livid, pulse feeble, respiration low, pupils almost insensible to light, and it was scarcely possible to rouse him to sensation. The stomach was soon emptied of its contents, the pump being kept in operation till a colorless fluid was ejected, which with the injection of warm water with a few drops of ether in it, restored color to his face, and in a few minutes he could answer slightly when violently roused, and swallow a little tea. It was evident from his soon relapsing into the lethargic state that a considerable portion of the opium had been absorbed into the system; by careful wateling for some hours, dashing water on his face, keeping him roused by dragging him bont between two men, and other expedients, torpor at length disappeared.-This man was bent on self-destruction, and I heard some days after that he had drowned himself in the river.

I may here refer to a spectacle that I witnessed in Macao, the impression of which will not soon be erased from my momory. Before me, in a small rooin of a house of ill-fame, among the Chinese settlements, was a tall, well dressed man lying upon a bed quite dead; near his side lay a young woman in a par- tially insensible state, who, on our attempting to introduce the tube of the sto mach pump, violently resisted, and with her hands firmly grasped the clothes of the deceased man, and all our efforts were unavailing to induce her to relax her hold, or to swallow the least portion of fluid containing emetic sulphate of Zinc. Her eyes were red, face flushed, and pulsé quick. She had vonuted

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most of the opium ; the rest had been absorbed into the blood, and produced this state of mania. After a time, the stimulating and narcotic effects of the drug passed off, and she was restored to her usual health. It appeared from her account, that early in the morning they had each dissolved 2 drams of extract of opium and drunk it off-finding they could no longer live together on earth, they resolved to die together, hoping to be reunited in the other world. The man left a wife and six children.

The fourth case was that of a young woman, whom my assistant Awing re- stored. He was called early, and succeeded in expelling the poison by the use of the stomach pump a fact which it is very pleasing to record.

I apprehend we should find that suicide among the Chinese is very frequent. Feuds and jealousies in families, and distress and poverty among the working classes, are the chief causes. Women usually resort to hanging, and men to opium.

One case is mentioned of a patient afflicted with dysentery who hired a boat for himself, and moored it near the hospital; the treatment adopted was successful, and in order to show his gratitude for the aid received, he sent $14 to be expended in assisting needy in-patients with rice and fuel. Such cases are very rare, and we think it would not be amiss for the superintending surgeons of the missionary hospi- tals to encourage those of their patients who are able to give, to do something in this way, in order to perpetuate and extend the benefits they have received. That the Reports already published exhibit few instances of substantial gratitude from the patients is not, we are will- ing to think, wholly owing to the indifference and selfishness of the Chinese, but somewhat to the general impression that no pay can be given, as well as that nothing is expected. Dr. Hobson closes his Re- port with an account of his assistants, one of whom, Chan Atsung, ac- companied Dr. Parker to the United States, and was taken back into the hospital at Macao on his return; but such was the force of bad ha- bits and bad company, that all the efforts to reclaim him were ineffec- tual, and he died miserably from the combined effects of opiuin smok- ing and poverty. Another, Chan Apún, after receiving a thorough medical and English education, left the hospital to act as interpreter in a mercantile house in Canton; while a third, San A-on, proved in- dolent and unfit, and returned home to Cochinchina. Such draw- backs and disappointments are to be expected, yet we think the results of medical education are such as to encourage to continued efforts on the part of the superintending surgeons.

The number of patients recorded in the hospital books at Kam-lí- fau during the whole period embraced in this Report is not given; the average number who attended on each reception day in the summer of 1848 was 250; in the winter it was about a hundred; and during the year 1849, it did not vary much from 150. The reasons for this falling off are thus given :-

YOL, XIX. NO, VI,

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1st. The notion of my healing powers was rated extravagantly high. Many came with the expectation of being cured at once, as if by some miraculous means, by a look, or a word. Or if they had no such thoughts, they entertained the opinion that I pos- sessed profound knowledge of the pulse. For nothing was more common than for my patients, especially the women, to place before me their hand, first the right and then the left, for me to feel the pulse, and then ask me, Doctor, what is my complaint? When shall I be well? What is to be my diet? These were posing questions, and the reader can imagine the disappointed hopes of many, when honestly sold that this disease was beyond my skill, that that malady required some months of persevering treatment, that I could make no rash promises of certain cure in so many days, &c. This disclosure, and the subsequent discovery of the incurability of many of their chronic diseases, cooled down high expectations, and gradually lessened the number of applicants for medical relief. I am now seldom teazed with these questions, but a firmer confidence on the part of many is increasingly manifested.

2d. Many applied with some slight ailment to satisfy their curiosity, and to afford the man opportunity of passing a learned judgment on the foreign doctor's practice to their friends.

3d. The delay which many are subjected to, is otten not compatible with their views or their time. Those that come first, are first attended to. They must all take their turn; no difference is made, all are placed on the same footing, and receive equal

attention.

4th. Another cause is in the disinclination of some to hear what they call kong-shú, kong-kú, a discourse upon religious books and ancient customs; the erroneous idea generally prevails that we merely teach foreign doctrines which are unsuited for them as well as unnecessary, since they have the sublime doctrines of their own sages; the humbling truths of the Gospel are likewise distasteful to their self-righteousness.

In the year 1848, the female patients greatly out-numbered those of the other ser. This year it has been the reverse, the male having exceeded the female patients. Formerly there used to be noise, talking, and laughing during the religious exercises. This year there has been a pleasing change; the numbers have lessened, but the good order and quietness of those who attend are now habitual. The same remarks apply to the public service held every Sabbath morning. The congregations have diminished to 130, to 100, and sometimes to 80, and on wet days there are not over a dozen or two; but there is now, usually, as much order and stillness as in a country congregation in England.

We close these extracts with one from the concluding remarks of Dr. Hobson, and no additional observations of our own would increase the impression they are calculated to make, or strengthen the convic- tion that efforts like these deserve the encouragement of every friend of China and humanity.

On looking back upon the past sixteen months, there appears much to be grateful for. A missionary living with his family among a heathen population, and surrounded by so many that are viciously disposed, the preservation ex- perienced of life and property, and the freedom likewise from all molestation and harm-are surely to be attributed to the gracious protection of God. Thou- sands of the poor and wretched have been healed of their sicknesses; many have received sight and hearing; pain has been assuaged; fears of a life of misery have been removed, and much suffering has been prevented by a timely ope- ration. The institution has proved a benevolent one, and is in some measure appreciated, we hope, by the multitudes who have received the gratuitous aid that it affords. To the afflicted poor (and for them it is chiefly designed) it has been, and it is hoped will be, an unspeakable blessing. Many faithful discourses have been preached; frequent religious conversations have been held, and thou- sands of copies of Christian tracts have been put into circulation.

But we yet wait to see any great results follow these endeavors. Two only out of the long list of patients have publicly confessed Christ to be their Lord and Savior. These, with a few hopeful inquirers after truth, may appear to be a very small and inadequate return for the amount of religious instruction im- parted; for, in addition to the regular attendance and cheerful assistance render- ed by Liang A-fah, the sick are now, and have been for some months past, favored with the faithful and impressive preaching of the Rev. W. Gillespie, who is well able to command their attention and excite an interest in the truths

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delivered. Still, though we wait for the early and the latter rain to fructify this barren soil, it yet is cheering to hear the glad tidings of salvation intelligibly and earnestly made known from week to week, and to believe that in ful- filling the command of our Lord to heal the sick, and say to them that the king- dom of God is come nigh unto them, the labor bestowed shall not, ultimate- ly, be in vain. May the Lord crown these humble and imperfect efforts of his servants with greater success, to the glory of his name, and the welfare of the idulatrous and benighted people around us.

Dr. Lockhart's Report extends over a shorter period of time than the preceding, and as it is not very long, we insert the whole of it, feeling assured that it will repay perusal. A notice of this Hospital was given in the last volume, page 506, and we refer our readers to that article for a general view of its operations. We observe, by a reference to the Treasurer's account in the Report, that almost all the expenses of the Institution have been defrayed by the residents at Shanghái.

The work of the hospital has been carried on during the last twelve months as in former years, with the exception of a short time in the autumn, when indisposition prevented regular attendance on the patients, though the hospital was not, at any time, wholly closed. In the last Report mention was made of the fact, that inuch sickness was the result of wet summers in this locality, and this has been especially the case in the past year: during the whole of the spring and summer months, much rain fell, more than has fallen at these sea- sons for many years: the consequence was that the ground was kept constant- ly wet, the cotton planted in the vicinity, and throughout a large district of country around, indeed almost everywhere to the south of the Yang-tsz' kiáng, was destroyed to a great extent, and rice grown in its stead, wherever it was practicable; but even this could not be done in many places, for large tracts of land in the interior were completely under water for several weeks, the rivers and canals not being able to carry off the surplus waters. This state of things had a very injurious effect on the health of the inhabitants, who suf fered severely from sickness; bilions remittent fever and dysentery being the most prevalent forms of diseases; and from these diseases large numbers of the natives died. Many of the European residents suffered from the same diseases, and some deaths occurred among them in September and October; dry weather however set in early in the autumn, which materially tended to destroy the seeds of disease; and as the frost commenced, both Chinese and Europeana rapidly regained their health.

Notwithstanding the circumstance of the past autumn being so unbealthy, it is not sufficient to cause this place to be considered as on the whole insalubri- ous; for even in Europe, sickness prevails at times to a great extent ; and dur. ing the past year, typhus fever and scarlet fever have committed fearful ravages in some places, far surpassing anything we have seen here; and while cholera has been carrying off immense numbers of people in other parts of the world, we have thus far been mercifully preserved from its ravages. It is quite true that ague, diarrhea, and dysentery afflict the Chinese to a great extent, and debilitate them very much during certain seasons; still, considering the habits of the people, they appear to have as good health as could be expected under the circumstances in which they live. Their cities are always in a most filthy state, being undrained.; and all those canals, into which the tide does not rise, are filled with putrid matter of every kind; these are seldom or never cleaned, and it is a subject of considerable surprise, that the inhabitants can live at all among so much filth in the canals, in the streets, and in their own houses. Several Europeans have had to leave Shanghái at various times on account of sickness, and return to their native land, finding that the climate did not agree with their constitutions; but it must be remembered that they are like exotics

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in a foreign soil; all can not with impunity remain, and sometimes even those who appear to be the strongest, are the first to fail. It is now six years since the port was opened, and the mortality among the foreign residents has on the whole been below that which usually happens, especially in newly-occupied localities, where there are always many things that militate against the enjoy- ment of a good state of health

For the purpose of further extending the benefits of the uospital, a dispensa. ry has been opened at the London Missionary Society's chapel within the city of Shanghái, at the back of the Ching-hwang miáu or City temple, commonly called the Tea-gardens : this is attended to twice a week, on Tuesdays and Fri- days, and the attendance of patients has been satisfactory; many shopkeepers and others, who perhaps could not go so far as to the hospital outside the city, attend here it is intended that this dispensary shall be continued, if possible, so as to try the experiment fully.

Among the cases worthy of comment, is one of amputation of the forearm, in consequence of severe laceration of the hand and wrist, by the bursting of a gun on board a junk, during an action with pirates. The operation was per- formed while the patient was under the influence of chloroform: the flaps united by the first intention, making a good stump, and the man very soon left the hospital.

In February last, a man about 27 years old was admitted, who ten days pre- viously had been most barbarously beaten by order of the Chinese officers, to the extent of 100 blows with the smaller bamboo on the thigh and leg of the right side; mortification of the limb had made considerable progress, followed by extreme exhaustion, and he died during the night after his admission. He had been in perfect health up to the time of his punishment, and was a strong robust man of the working class, but the blows had been inflicted as severely as possible, with the edge of the flattened bamboo commonly used, and the parts struck had been so extremely mangled that gangrene at once supervened. There are two bamboos used on such occasions, a larger and a smaller one; they are made from a section or slice of a large bamboo, about three and a half inches wide and five feet long, which is then flattened by having all the joints sinoothed down, and the whole instrument is made thick or thin as may be re- quired. With the large bamboo, only 40 blows can be inflicted at one time, at least such is said to be the law; but if the officers wish to punish a prisoner very severely, though the punishment may be directed to be inflicted with the smaller instrument only, still the blows are given with considerable force, and even with the bamboo held edgewise; thus causing most agonizing pain, and inflicting much injury on all the parts that are so struck, namely, the calves of the legs and the backs of the thighs just above the knee, so that 100 such blows frequently cause death. Persons have frequently come to the hospital who have been beaten by the policemen, and in all cases a large slough of skin and flesh has had to be removed, so that the muscles are often exposed; this punishment appears to be frequently inflicted for very trivial offenses, the amount of the punishment depending less on the flagitiousness of the crime, than on the amount of the fee which the offender can pay, while suffering the bastinado. In front of the magistrate's office, prisoners are often seen, whose faces have been shockingly mangled by blows inflicted with a piece of hard leather, like the sole of a shoe; the lower jaw is occasionally broken, and even death caused by the excessive swelling of the neck, resulting from this punishment. Some weeks ago, several men were seen thus exposed after punishment; one of thent had his face much injured, and his lips severely cut against his front teeth, which were broken by the blows, and the man had fallen down in a state of

syncope.

To show the utter recklessness of Chinese patients regarding their health, the following case may be related. A man came to the hospital, very anxious to have a large tumor taken away, which was situated on the forehead, near the outer margin of the orbit, and being pendulous, was very troublesome to him, and prevented him using his right eye; he was told that it could be easily removed, but that he must stay a few days in the hospital; this he said he could not do, and went away; a few days afterwards he returned, say.

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809

ing, that he had made arrangements with a friend to take his place on board the junk (he being a sailor), and that he could stay as long as necessary. The man was put under the influence of chloroform and the tumor removed; the following day considerable tumefaction of the side of the face came on; this subsided in some slight degree by the third day, when he again said he could not stay longer in the hospital, as the junk was going away; on his be- ing remonstrated with for this deception, he said, that he had only promised to stay, that the operation might be performed, as that was all he wanted; he was told that he would not be restrained from going away if he insisted on it, but that if he must leave, he did so at serious risk to his health, and also to bin eyesight, and that he must not suppose that because the operation was easily performed, that therefore he could go about as usual; after much conversation on the subject, he promised to stay, and he was left in the ward in bed; how- ever a few hours afterwards it was found, that he had opened the window, and gone off, taking his bedding with him, and has not since been heard of; and even if he got well, without any untoward accident from inflammation, the wound of the operation, which was four inches long, must, from want of care, have healed very irregularly. This same heedlessness is very frequently ma- nifested by patients with diseases of the eye; they repeatedly apply, being afflicted with severe catarrhal ophthalmis, extensive ulceration of the cornea, &c.; they are attended to, and told that unless they come regularly every day, they will lose one or both eyes. They will attend for a day or two; the dis- ease may perhaps be a little relieved, and then they will not return for five or six days; when the disease having returned with increased violence, and the eye being permanently injured, they are asked, why they did not come every day? and the usual answer is, either that they had not leisure to do so, or it was inconvenient to come so frequently : on being told that their eyes are now seriously injured, and one or as sometimes happens, both, destroyed; they then say, they are sorry they did not do as they were told, but that they had not time to take care of their eyes. This was remarkably shown & short time ago, in the case of a respectable young man, who was in a good situation ; he had severe catarrhal ophthalmia, and was told to come for medicine every day; he came for a few days and the virulence was checked; he was then absent for eight or ten days, and at this time the cornew of both eyes had sloughed away, and the eyesight was completely destroyed; he said that he thought his eyes were better; and though he knew, for he had been told, the consequence of irregular attendance, he had business at some distance from Shanghái, and thought it necessary to attend to it, hoping to be able to return at once. In the mean- while, the disease had returned with increased violence, and now he was comi- pletely blind, and bitterly lamented the effects of his folly and inattention.

In the list of patients, a great number of persons are reported who have sought relief from the habitual use of opium ; more of this class of patients have been seen during the past year than at any former time, no doubt from the means used having been found useful; many of these applicants have not had resolution of purpose sufficient to carry them through the process of treatment, and have relapsed into the use of the drug, but on the other hand, a large proportion of them are believed to have persevered, and wholly broken off the habit which they had acquired. Among these was a young man, the son of an officer at Hangchau, and himself a candidate for office; he applied at the hos pital, and said he wished to stay there till he got well; he had, according to his own account, been in the habit of using eight drams of the drug daily; his health was consequently very much injured by this excessive use of opium, he was wholly unable to fulfill the duties of his station, and thus all prospect of advance. ment was closed to him, while he remained in this state; he steadily prosecut- ed the plan prescribed for him, and in six weeks left Shanghái, much improved in health and able to live without using the drug at all; his chief fear on leaving was, lest he should be attacked with ague on his return to Hangchau, and then he did not know what he should do without the opium pipe; however medicine was given to him, and he was encouraged to resist the tendency to return to his former habit, which he promised to do. On his departure, he begged permis sion to place a tablet in the hospital, expressive of his gratitude for the benefit

310

Reports of Medical Missions.

JUNE,

he had received : he has since written, saying that he was well, and also sent some of his friends to be relieved as he was. It is the custom of Chinese physi- cians to prescribe the use of the opium pipe in cases of obstinate ague and rheu- matisin; and no doubt this means is useful in alleviating distress and pain for a time; but the patient, though relieved of those diseases, is left dependent on opium for the rest of his life; so that the cure is worse than the disease; and in many of the cases, the first incitement to the use of the drug arose from its being recommended as a palliative for the relief of pain or distress of some kind or other, and the habit once acquired, it has become almost impossible to discontinue it.

It may be interesting in this Report to mention the following circumstance. About three miles to the westward of the hospital, at the village called Tsing- yen-sz', there is, in front of a temple, a pit or well, about eight feet square, and ten or twelve feet deep, faced with blocks of limestone, and inclosed by a good substantial paling; there are about three feet of water in this well, and from the bottom bubbles up a large quantity of gas, so that the appearance is an if a large volume of water was being constantly thrown up: the people call it Hai-yen, or Eye of the Sea, and say that the water neither increases nor diminishes, nor ever runs out: the fact is, the water that is in the well is merely drainage, and the gas rises through it ; on descending by means of a ladder to the water and holding a light over the agitated surface, the bubbles explode with a light blue flame, which continues all the time light is applied. The gas may easily be collected by means of a bell-glass and bladder ; the water has a slightly brackish taste, but sinall fish are noticed swimming about in it; the gas is no doubt carbureted hydrogen, and probably emanates from a layer of peat or coal at some distance below the surface. The villagers make no use of the water for any purpose, and appeared to be much surprised when the gas was ignited; they did not seem to be at all aware of its inflammable nature.

In concluding this Report, it may be remarked that while the object of efforts such as this, is to alleviate pain and relieve human suffering in various forms, still there is a further object; this is but a means to an end ; that end is to show to this heathen_people the blessings of the Gospel, and to declare unto them that there is a God who alone is worthy of their adoration; to show them that they are sinners in His sight, and that there is one only way by which they can gain pardon—through Christ who is mighty to save. May the Lord bless all efforts that are made to advance his own glory, and enable us year after year to do more for him, and to be an example before this heathen people of righteousness and truth, that indeed we may be Christians, not only in name but in all sincerity and seriousness.

Abstract of Observations by the thermometer, in the open air, in a shaded situation with a southern exposure; the maximum by day, and the miniinum for the night, taken by a self-registering thermometer.

1849.

Maxm. by day.

Minimm.

by day. by night.

Maxm. Minimum Average

by night. by day.

Average by night.

January February March April May June

July

August

September

October

November

¡December

|899988PF8597

|29868228F837

F8=8588285ma

933522382283

3-2288227895

1850.

Reports of Medical Missions.

LIST OF PATIENTS,

FROM JANUARY 1st, TO DECEMBER 31st, 1849.

311

The bulk of the above cases are out-patients, some of the more serious cases only remaining as in-patients.

Intermittent fever.......

Cough

Asthina

Hæmoptysis

Phthisis...

Dyspepsia. Dysentery. Hematemesis

Hematuria

Anasarca....

Ascites

Rheumatism

636fCaries of lower jaw...

573 Destruction of eye from fall on a cup 1 236||Gun shot wound through the liver

(fatal)....

Do. hip joint (fatal)..

967

Do. abdomen, hip and thigh....

279 Do. hand and wrist (amputation)

Do. various parts of body...

601

6 Large slough of thighs, after the 55 bastinado......

91||Large slough of scrotum, and pro- 30

trusion of testicle............

620 Do. of nates in children.........

Rheumatic enlargement of jointa... 24 Excessive epistaxis.

Scrofulous do.

Paralysis

Epilepsy.

Opium-smoking..

Suicide by opium.

do. 7 Polypus nasi

Attempted suicide by opium....... Surditas

Erysipelas

Abscesses.

Do. in theca....................

...

Ulcers................................................ ................................................

Hernia.

Hydrocele...

Concussion of the brain.......................................... Wounds

Stabs with knives. Contusions.

Accidental amputation of thumb..... Burns

Fistula in ano ...........................................

Do. in perinæo......

Excrescences around anus.............................. Prolapsus ani.. Syphilis...

Soft nodes of bones............................................................ Fractures of spine....

Do. ribs....

Do. ribs and arch of lower jaw

Do. of neck of femur..

Do. of tibia and fibula..............

Do. do. compound....

Do. humerus.....

Do. radius and ulna..............

Dislocation of shoulder.........

Do. irreducible

Disease of hip joint.........

Do. elbow joint..

Do. shoulder joint

15 Popliteal aneurism........................ 26 Psora.......

280

►

734 Psoriasis................................................................................................... 200

Porrigo..

2 Do. decalvens.

21 Do. lupinosa........

4 Lepra....

130 Elephantiasis.

9 Leprosy..

243 Tumors of neck.....

53 Carcinoma of breast.

15 Fungus hematodes on neck..

2||Fungus hæmatodes of eyeball.. 92 Sarcoma testis...................

4 Catarrhal oplıthalınia.. 169 Chronic conjunctivitis.

|||Granular lids... 10 Do. opacity..

Do.

pannus Do. leucoma.

48 Ulceration of cornea.. 25 Conical cornea........ 110 Staphyloma.............

180

197

224

360

279

193

104

164

9 Do. one eye.

2 Contraction of tarsi...

2 Fistula lachrymalis....

4 Trichiasis................................................................................................

150

1 Entropium.

103

|1||Ectropium

195

176

*9,020

6 Amaurosis..................................... 3|Cataract

4 Hypopion 1 Synechia.

1||Irregularity of pupil. 4 Closure of pupil... 3 Hernia iridis..................

Loss of both eyes.

Suppuration of knee joint after a fall||||||Lippitudo.

Necrosis of part of tibia Destruction of lower jaw

Do. bony palate and nose...................

1Pterygium.

1 Malignant ulceration of eyelids 3 Vaccination ...

Total number of individual cases

312

Mythological Notices.

JUNE,

ART. III. Mythological account of some Chinese deities, chiefly those connected with the elements. Translated from the Siú Shin Kí.

or Five Thunder Spirit.

The Wú Lui Shin

The Temple of the Thunder Spirit is situated eight li southwest of Luichau fú. Formerly, the villagers were accustomed to make a thun- der drum and a thunder chariot out of hempen cloth, and place them in the temple; and when they held festivals, and spread out fish and pork, loud reverberations like thunder would be heard. In the Old Re- cords it is said, at the beginning of the reign of Táikien of the Chin dynasty (A.D.578), a woman named Chin, a native of this region, dis- covered an egg when on the hills, a cubit or so in circumference, which she took home with her. One day, it suddenly burst open with a loud noise, and a boy came out, on whose hand were written the characters Luichaui. e. "Thunder region." She brought him up, and called him Wan-yuh, but the country people usually called him Lui Chung, or Thunder Boy. He also became the chief officer of his own district.

After his death he gave responses, and the people reared a temple and sacrificed to him. Whenever it was cloudy, rain, flashes of light- ning, and the noise of thunder, issued from the temple. The monarchs of the Sung and Yueu dynasties repeatedly conferred upon him the ti- tle of prince, and called the temple Hien-chinor Thunder Manifestation. During the reign of Tehyú of the Sung dynasty (A. D. 1277), it was changed to Wei-hwa k

or Awful Changes.

According to the Supplement to National History, there is thunder in Luichau during spring and summer; but during autumn, it enters the earth, in the form of a swine, and men catch and eat it. Moreover in Yácháu fú in Sz'chuen, on Ya-uh Shún, or Tiled-house Hill, there is the Lui-tung, or Thunder Cavern; into which if tiles or stones be thrown, a noise like thunder reëchoes.

The Lui Kung or Thunderer is usually represented by the Chinese as a hunan monster with a horned or peaked head, having a cock's bill, and hands and feet like a bird's; he has hold of a cord to which balls are attached, and is drawn in the act of striking with a bolt. There are temples erected to him in most of the large towns in the south of China, the number of persons destroyed by lightning being so great as to lead the people to worship at them frequently.

The Tien-mú Shin & or Lightning Mother Spirit. According to the legend, Tung-wang-kung was playing at the

1850.

Mythological Notices.

313

game of throwing rods with Yuhnü, when once, having happened to miss the mark, Heaven laughed at him, and light issued from his mouth on opening it,—the same which is now called flashes of lightning.

or Eolus.

Fung-peh Shin 風伯神

He is the same as Fi-lieni. e. the Wind Roc. Yingshau says, Fi-lien is a divine bird, able to cause windy weather. His body is like a deer's, his head like that of a libation-cup, with horus; his

tail is like a serpent's, and his body as large as a leopard's. He is the God of Wind.

Yü-sz' Shin or Jupiter Pluvius.

雨師神

He is the same as Shángyáng,

the divine bird. He has but

one leg, and is able to enlarge or contract as he pleases. He drinks as if he would swallow the sea. This is the Spirit who controls the

rain.

Hai Shinor Neptune.

He is also called Hái-jok

Tradition informs us that Chí Hwangtí of the Tsin dynasty made a stone bridge, desiring to span the sea in order to get a view of the sun. Neptune afforded his aid in driving the stones to their places; Chí Hwangtí begged to see him), and was told, “You must not draw a likeness of me.” To this the en- peror agreed, but at the interview, some clever ones among his attend- ants began to sketch his likeness. The Spirit angrily said, “Your Majesty has violated your engagement;" and immediately vanished. His temple is now in Wantang district in Shantung.

Cháu Shinor the Tide Spirit, also called Tsz'-sü

Men have seen him in his plain chariot with white horses, as he goes forth upon the sea.

The Divine Prince for opening Roads.

He is the same as the Fáng Siáng, spoken of in the Ritual of Chau. Tradition informs us that the Yellow Emperor was accus- tomed to make tours through all parts of his realm; his chief concu- bine Lo-tsú died while upon the journey, and he commanded his second concubine Hávjii to watch and protect the corpse. She bought an image of a warrior to protect her in watching during the night; which was the beginning of this custom. He is vulgarly called Hien- tau Shin

the god of Dangerous Roads; the T'sien-peh shin Divine General of Cross-roads, and

Isiángkiun BT

the Divine Prince for opening Roads. This divine person was a

VOL. XIX. NO. VI.

314

Mythological Notices.

JUNE,

rood in height; his head was four feet broad; his beard was red, and about five feet long; his face was blue; he wore a curled-hair golden crown, and was clothed in a red war cloak and black leathern boots. In his left hand he held a gem seal, and in his right grasped a square, ornamented halberd. When a bier is carried out he gues before it, and drives away whatever is unlucky and noxious, and all foul devils hide themselves from him. He is the Fortunate Spirit for conveyance of coffins, and has thus been handed down to succeeding ages.

The Two Generals, Spirits of Doors.

They are two warriors, Tsin Shuhpáu and Hú Kingteh of the Tang dynasty. According to the legend, the emperor T'áitsung was disturb- ed by the throwing of tiles and playing with bricks outside of his bedroom, and the hooting of demons and spirits. His women and palaces were all in like manner disquieted. His majesty was alarm- ed, and informed his ministers. Tsin Shuhpiu stepped forth, and addressing the emperor said, "Your servant has during his whole life killed men as ne would split open a gourd, and piled up carcasses as he would heap up ants; why should he be afraid of ghosts? Let your servant, in company with Hú Kingteh, arm ourselves, and keep watch standing before the door." T'áitsang granted his request, and truly, during the night he experienced no alarm, at which he was much pleased, but remarked, “These two men watching all night, had no sleep." He therefore commanded a painter to draw two pictures of men clad in full armor, holding in their hands a gemmed battle- ax, and having a whip, chain, bow, and arrows girt on their loins, with their hair standing on end according to their usual costume. These were suspended on the right and left doors of the palace, and the noxious monsters were abated. Subsequent ages imitated this precedent, and have ever since made Tsin and Hú the guardians of doorways.

Tsing-i Shinor the Azure-robed Spirit.

The Azure-robed spirit, is the same as Tsántsung, i. e. Silkworm Bush, who, according to the legend, was originally the earl of Shuh (or Sz'chuen), and afterwards became King of Shuh. It was his cus- tom to clothe himself in blue garments, and travel about the country to teach his people the art of raising silkworms. The country people, moved with gratitude for his benefits, erected a temple and worship- ed him. These temples were erected everywhere in the western parts, and no one implored his aid in vain; all people called himn the Azure- robed Spirit. The district of Tsingshin, in Mei chau in Sz'chuen, is said to have derived its name from him.

1850.

Mythological Notices.

Ling-kwán Má Yuenshwui♣TE ̃

or General Má, the Oracular Officer.

315

On examining the history of this old General from first to last, we find that he has thrice manifested his miraculous power. He was origin- ally no other than Chí-miáu-kih-tsiáng (a Budhist incarnation), who assumed this human body, but Budha, because he destroyed Beelzebub of the Fierce Fire, felt his compassion for him injured, and cast him down into the world. He accordingly, in five balls of fiery light put himself into the womb of Madam Má née Kin; when he was born he had three eyes, from which his title was Sin-yen Ling-kwáng

the Brilliant Three-eyed. Three days after birth he was able to fight, and slew the Dragon King of the Eastern sea, in order to get rid of this pest of the waters; he then went further, and stole the golden spear of the Great Ruler Tsz'-wí, and committed his soul to the daughter of the prince of fire devils to become her son. She wrote the word ling (spiritual) on his left hand, and yáu (bright) on his right, and changed his name to Ling-yau, and put him under the instruction of the Great-beneficent, Entirely-kind, Unusually-joyful Eminence of Heaven, who taught him the heavenly book, in which he learned everything pertaining to the winds and thunder, to dragons and serpents, to the subjugation of demons and quieting mankind. He then presented him a triangular gold tile, with which he could transform himself into any shape. He then received a commission from Yuh-hwang Shangtí to rule the spirits of wind and fire, and order the goings and returnings of the wind-wheel and the fire-wheel; he also put at his service the five hundred fire crows belonging to the Holy Mother. He compelled the great King of the Black Dragon to be his auxiliary; and slew the Dragon of the Yangtsz' Kiáng, by which he made the people happy. In repeated difficulties and numerous dan- gers

he showed himself most faithful. Shangtí conferred upon him a signet in his left hand and a sword in his right, with which to rule the southern heavens; in this he was most expansive. He also honored him with the coral-flower banquet, and the Prince royal Golden Dra- gon acted as cupbearer, in which he showed him great regard. But most surprising, the prince was proud and insolent, which so angered the General that he burned up the passes of the southern heavens, and routed the whole company of celestial generals; then descending to the Dragon Palace [of his father] he gave battle there. Lilau and Sz'-kwáng, with the two genii Ho and Hoh (the Castor and Pollux of the Chinese), then called the prince-royal, and quieted his anger, so that the affair was ended.

316

Mythological Notices.

JUNE,

Again, he transformed himself, and entered the womb, and five bro- thers and two sisters were all at once produced from the body of the Demon Mother. He also, on account of his mother, went down into the abyss of earth, thence into the depths of the Sea, and walked into the land of the genii; after that he passed through hell, and the cave of devils; then he fought with Nochá, and stole the fairy peach. He also made an enemy of 'l'sí-tien-tá-shing (or the Monkey King), but Bud- ha effected a reconciliation. In all these things he showed his filial duty. Afterwards he returned to the left side of the shrine of Kwán- yin, in which he showed his intelligence.

Yuh-hwang Shangtí considering these merits and virtue to be equal to heaven and earth, sent the General to form part of the court of Hiuen- tien Shángtí. He showed his love by making him the controller of the west, to answer all supplications of the people for wives, wealth, children and emoluments. To a hundred acts of worship, he gives a hundred answers. Whenever a person is in great straits, or is cruelly oppressed, all his prayers come to Yuenshwui's department, and forth- with are presented at the gate of heaven. His power is like the thun- der and his flight like the wind.

華光

Note. The common name of this deity is Hwa-kwing or Glorione Light, under which appellation he is frequently worshiped in this part of China, and regarded as the God of Fire. During the autumnal Budhist ceremonies called Tá tsiáu, he is implored for protection against fires during the winter. The following occurrence shows the regard paid to him One of the English officers brought an image of Hwb-kwáng from Chinkiáng fù in 1843, which hẹ presented as a curiosity to a lady in Macao. It remained in her house several months, and on the breaking up of the establishment, previous to a return to In- dia, it was exposed for sale at auction with the furniture. A large crowd collect- ed, and the attention of the Chinese was attracted to this image, which they examined carefully to see if it had the genuine marks of its ordination upon it; for no image is supposed to be properly an object of worship, until the spirit has been inaugurated into it by the prescribed ceremonies. Having satisfied them- selves, the idol was purchased for thirty dollars by two or three zealous persons, and carried off in triumph to a shop, and respectfully installed in a room cleared for the purpose. A public meeting was shortly after called, and resolutions pass- ed to improve the propitious opportunity to obtain and preserve the protecting power of so potent a deity, by erecting a pavilion, where he would have a respec- table lodgment, and receive due worship. A subscription was thereupon started, some of its advocates putting down fifty, and others thirty dollars, until about $1200 were raised, with which a small lot was purchased on the island west of Macao, and a pavilion or temple erected, where Hwa-kwing was enshrined with ponpone parade amid theatrical exhibitions, and a man hired to keep him and his domicile in good order.

Sz' ming Tsáu Shin ♬] âGod of the Furnace who gives orders. According to the Miscellanies of the Western Region, the surname of the God of the Furnace is Cháng, his name is Shen, and his style is Tsz'-kwol. His figure is like that of a beautiful woman.

His

1850.

Topography of the Province of Sz'chuen.

they are the buh kwei nü ★☆★

317

lady was named Kingkí, and bore him six daughters, named Cháh,—— or six virgins. They knew clear- ly the turpitude of the sins of men; and for a heinous sin they shorten- ed the criminal's life two or three hundred days; while for a slighter offense they thwarted his prosperity during one or two hundred months. Therefore, Tsáu Shin, acting as the messenger between hea- ven and earth, became fully acquainted with this lower world. At early dawn on the morning of every sixtieth kichan day he goes out and ascends to heaven, and then descends to his abode; it is lucky to sacrifice to him on the kanday (i.e. those days which appertain to earth); he has eight spirits under him.

Whoever builds a fire-place in his house, should construct it so that the opening is towards the west; and the four sides should extend nine inches beyond the boiler; the bricks should be laid in fine mortar ; when finished, let it not be punched with holes. This is the way to build a proper furnace. The God of the Furnace died on the jin-tsz' day, and a fire-place should not be touched on this day. On any day of the fifth month having a shinin it, sacrificing a hog's head to the fire- place will induce gain a thousand fold; but if a dog be used on this day, it will be very unlucky. If a hen's feather fall into the fire-place, extraordinary misfortunes will happen. If a dog's bone fall into the fire-place, the son who shall next be born will be mad; if a white hen be sacrificed on the ki-tsz' day of the first month, it will secure success in the rearing of the silkworms. On the kichau day of the fifth month, a sacrifice being offered to the Furnace will give a lucky result. To sacrifice to the furnace on the ting-ki day of the fourth month, will prognosticate good luck in all affairs.

ART. IV. Topography of the province of Sz'chuen; its area, rivers,

lakes, mountains, divisions, towns, productions, and inhabitants. THE province of Sz'chuen i. e. the Four Streams is so call- ed from the four great tributaries of the Yangtsz' which water it; the central mountainous districts were known as the kingdom of Kin- chuen or Golden Streams, in the days of Kienlung, when they were possessed by the Miántsz'; in early times the region on the river Min was called Shuth by which name the province is still

318

Topography of the Province of Sz'chuen.

JUNE,

frequently referred to. Lying on the declivities of the lofty mountains and table land of Tibet, Sz'chuen affords a great range of climate, while in the variety of its productions, the facilities of trade afforded by its numerous rivers, and its extent, it ranks chief among the pro- vinces. It is bounded on the north by Shensí, and Kinsuh: east by Hipeh and Húnán; south by Kweichaú and Yunnan; and west by Tibet and Koko-nor, from which it is separated by the Yángtsz' kiing and high mountains. Its area is usually reckoned at 166,800 square miles, but its western frontier has been extended to the Great river, and now includes extensive districts occupied by aboriginal tribes. Its superficies exceed those of Kiángsí, Chehkiáng and Fuh- kien united; but though the first in point of size, it is only the ninth in respect of population, and the twelfth on the revenue list. This province is one third larger than the United Kingdom, is almost dou- ble that of Prussia, nearly as large as Spain or Turkey, and does not differ much from Burmah, Beloochistan, or all the Eastern and Mid- dle states of the American Union, excluding Maryland; the Black Sea also covers nearly the same area as Sz'chuen. Its extreme southern point reaches to lat. 26° N., far into Yunnán, and its northern to 34° N., about 600 miles apart; its eastern limit is in long. 110° 17′ E., and its western frontier in 99° E., about 550 miles distant in a straight line.

The climate of Sz'chuen is rather colder than the eastern provinces, owing to its proximity to the mountains, but the level and sheltered plains are warmer than the sea-coasts. It is considered by the Chinese as one of the most salubrious portions of the empire.

The surface of the country in the west is exceedingly rough, where it is traversed by lofty mountain ranges, between which are narrow valleys, with almost always a rapid river running through them. These chains have received the general names of the Yun-ling Cloudy Mts., and Siueh-shán or Snow Mts., from western geo- graphers, the Chinese writers not applying single names to long ranges. In the north of the province, the Min shán forms the water.

shed between the basins of the Yellow and Yangtsz' rivers; the Kán- tsung lingor Sweet-fir ridge, near Sungpwán, is a high peak in this spur of the Yun-ling. West of Kiáling river, not far from Páuning fú is the Kien-mun shán, another eminence in the saine range; and further east, adjoining the province of Húpeh, is the Wú shnor Magic hill. In the extreme southwest, near Patang, is Ningtsing shina lofty height not far from the

1850.

Topography of the Province of Sz'chuen.

319

Yangisz' kiáng. Near the junction of the Tátú and Min rivers is the or Fairy Eyebrow hill; north of it, about

Ngo-mei shin 娥眉山

fifty miles, is Mung shán; and north of Chingtú fú is Tsing- ching shan or Green Citadel Mt. These are all the peaks

青城山 noted in the native maps, but the whole province is very hilly, and some of the summits rise almost to the limit of perpetual snow.

The rivers of Sz'chuen are so numerous that we can only enume- rate the largest oues, with their principal branches. The whole pro- vince lies in the basin of the Yangtsz' kiáng, which river forms a large part of its western and southern borders, and the others all flow into it from the north. This great stream is called the Plutsu

after it enters the province in the northwest, until it passes into Yunnan, when it takes the name of the Kinshá kiáng, which it retains till it receives the river Min; from thence eastward it is called Tá kiáng or the Great River. The first affluent of the Yangtsz' commencing in the west is the Wúliáng E

★ *

or Measureless river, but why this name is given we know not; Li- táng, a town on the road from Tibet lies on its banks. The next is the Yálung kiáng, a large stream, whose headwaters are drawn from the Bayenkara Mts. in Koko-nor, between the Yellow river and the Yangtsz'; it joins the main trunk after a rapid course of more than a thousand miles, through a region very thinly peopled near where it reënters the province; the Ngán-ning ho

contri- butes its waters just above their confluence, but the Yalung receives few tributaries.

The R. Min

is the third large stream. It rises in the north

of the province in two principal branches, the Tátú and Min, which together drain the centre of the province in a course of about 700 miles; the upper part of the former is called the Tá Kin-chuen ✯✯ 川 or Great Gold stream; it joins the Min at Kiáting, and their unit- ed waters enter the Yángtsz' at Süchau fű. Proceeding eastward, the next river is the R. Loh, which carries off the superfluous waters of the districts between the Pei and Min rivers; it is about 300 miles long. The fifth large river is formed by the union of the Pei

the Kiáling and the Kii, whose numerous brauches afford access to most of the towns in the eastern parts of the province, some of the sources rising in Kánsuh over 800 miles from the junction with the Yangtsz' at Chungking fú. Besides these five principal streamis in Sz'chuen, there are twenty other small tributaries of the Great river mentioned on the Chinese maps, but hardly one of thein is over a hun- dred miles in length.

320

Topography of the Province of Sz chuen.

JUNE,

All the lakes found in Sz'chuen are small. One of the branches of the Wúliáng R. called the Toktsu R., flows out of a small lake near Patang, called the Shaluts; and there is another sheet of water in the northwest of the province called Lake Kushia

, from which a small stream runs into the Yalung River. This absence of lakes is somewhat remarkable, as the mountain regions of other lands are usually adorned with inland sheets of water.

If the increase of territorial divisions is any evidence of an increase of inhabitants, the population of Sz'chuen has greatly risen since the survey of 1710. It now contains twenty-six departments, comprising 125 districts-more than any other province except Chihlí. In Du Halde, only ten departments, divided into ninety-eight districts, are enumerated. Upwards of two hundred other places are inserted in the maps, ruled by native authorities under the Chinese superintendence, which are not included in the above. The names of these depart- ments are here given.

1. Chingtú fú, or the Department

of Chingtú, contains sixteen districts,

viz., three chau and thirteen hien.

1 成都 Chingtú, 2華陽 Hwayáng, 3 雙流 Shwángliú, 4 温江 Wankiáng, 5 新津 Sintsin,

6 新繁 Sinfán,

7 新都 Sintú,

8 金堂Kintáng,

9 th gi Hán chau,

10 簡州 Kien chau,

Shihfáng,

11 t

Páng hien,

Tsungning,

14灌縣 Hwán hien, 15 | ik Pí hien,

16Tsungking chau.

II. Páuning fú, or the Department

of Páuning, contains nine districts,

viz., two chau and seven hien.

1 la o Liángchung,

2 南部Nanpú,

3 巴州 Pá chau, 4 ij L Nánkiêng,

Tungkiáng,

6 蒼溪 Tsángki,

7 4 7 Kwangyuen, 8 昭化 Cháuhwa, Kien chau.

1850.

1 *

Topography of the Province of Sz'chuen.

III. Kiáting fú, or the Department of Kiáting, contains eight districts, viz., one ting and seven hien.

Lohshán,

5 洪雅 Hungya,

321

2犍為 Kienwei,

3 威遠 Weiyuen,

4 ) | Kiáhkiáng,

Yung hien.

Ngomei,

Ngopien ting.

IV. Shunking fu, or the Department

of Shunking, contains ten districts,

viz., two chau and eight hien.

Nánchung, 6儀隴〔lung,

2岳池 Yohchí,

3鄰水 Linshwui,

4蓬州 Pung chau,

5營山 Yingshán,

7海鯀 Kü hien,

8大竹 Táchuh,

9西充 Sichung,

10 là k l Kwáng-ngán chau.

廣安

V. Süchau fuor the Department

of Süchau, contains thirteen districts, viz., two ting and eleven hien.

1 宜賔Ípin,

Kung hien,

3 長寧 Chángning,

8筠連 Yunlien,

9 南溪 Nánki,

Fúshun,

Hingwan,

11 K = Lungcháng,

Pingshán,

Luipo ting,

慶

Kingfú,

Mápien ting.

7 Ễ

VI.

Lan Káu hien,

Chungking fú I. or the Department of Chungking, contains fourteen districts, viz., one ting, two chau, and eleven hien.

1巴縣 Pá hien,

2 Nánchuen, 3 # }L Kíkiáng,

8涪州 Pei chau,

Yungchuen,

4 I Kiángtsin,

6 榮昌 Yungcháng, 7 長壽 Chángshau,

Pihshán,

Tungliáng,

Tátsub,

12 合州 Hoh chau, 13 定遠 Tingyuen,

Kiángpehting.

322

Topography of the Province of Sz'chuen.

JUNE,

VII. Kweichau fú, or the Department

of Kweichau, contains six hien districts.

1奉節 Fungtsieh,

2巫山 Wúshán,

3 雲陽 Yunyáng,

4 萬縣 Wán hien,

5大寧 Táning,

6 Hi Hà Kái hiền.

VIII. Suiting fu, or the Department of Suiting, contains three hien districts.

Táh hien,

3. U lập Tunghiáng.

2 新寧 Sinning,

IX. Lungngán fú, or the Department of Lung-ngán, contains four hien districts.

Pingwú, Kiángyú,

3彰明 Chángming,

4 石泉 Shihtsiuen.

X. Tungchuen fú, or the Department of Tungchuen, contains eight hien districts.

1三事 Sántái,

Tsiéhung,

3 遂寧 Suining,

4 蓬溪 Pungki,

5 安岳 Ngányoh,

7 鹽亭 Yenting,

6樂至Lohchí,

8 } Chungkiáng.

XI. Ningyuen fú, or the Department of Ningyuen, contains five districts,

viz., one ting one chau, and three hien.

1 西昌 Sicháng,

2鹽源 Yenyuen,

3 會理州 Hwuilí chau,

4 冤寧 Mienning,

5 越嶲廳 Yuehsui ting.

XII. Yáchau fú, or the Department

fu雅州府

of Yáchau, contains seven districts,

viz., one ting, one chau, and five hien.

1 HỀ | Yá-ngán,

5 清溪 Tsingki,

2蘆山 Lúshán,

3 Mingshán,

4 榮經 Yungking,

Tientsiuen chau,

Tátsienlú ting.

Topography of the Province of Sz'chuen.

1850.

XIII. Süyung ting

or the inferior

Department of Süyung, contains the single district of

永寧縣 Yungning.

Department of Shihchú.

XIV. Shihchú ting

or the inferior

XV. Táiping ting

Department of Taiping.

or the inferior

XVI. Sungpwán ting

or the inferior

Department of Sungpwán.

XVII. Tsáhkuh ting

or the inferior

Department of Tsáhkuh.

XVIII. Máukung ting

or the inferior

Department of Máukung.

XIX. Tsz' chau H, or the inferior Department

of Tsz', contains four hien districts.

1内江Nuikiáng,

2 #Tsingyen,

3仁壽 Jinshau,

4 Tsz'yáng.

XX. Mien chau, or the inferior Department

of Mien, contains five hien districts.

1 羅江 Lokiáug,

2 德陽 Tehyáng,

3綿竹 Mienchuh,

4**Tsz'tung,

5 t o Ngán hiện.

XXI. Máu chau, or the inferior Department

of Máu, contains the single district of

汶川縣 Wanchuen.

XXII. Yúyáng chau, or the inferior

Department of Yúyáng, contains three hien districts.

1 秀山 Siúshán,

3 s 7 Pangshwui.

2 TA ỞI Kienkiáng,

XXIII. Chung chau

or the inferior Department

of Chung, contains three hien districts.

1酆都 Fungtú,

3垫江 Tienkiáng.

2梁山 Liángehan,

324

Topography of the Province of Sz'chuen.

JUNE,

of Mei, contains three hien districts.

H. or the inferior Department

XXIV. Mei chau

1青神 Tsingshin,

2 # 4 Pángshán,

3 丹

Tánling.

XXV. Kung chau I, or the inferior Department of Kung, contains two hien districts.

1大邑 Táyih,

2蒲江 Púkiáng.

XXVI. Lü chau, or the inferior Department of Lü, contains three hien districts.

1辆溪 Náhki,

2 AI Hohkiáng,

3江安 3 Kiángngán.

I. The department of Ching-tú lies in the valley of the Min, its chief town being in lat. 30° N., in one of the most fertile regions in China. The river here is divided by nature and art into numerous branches, between which are towns and villages almost without num- ber. The capital lies on the eastern side of the valley, and though it is still one of the most important cities in the western provinces, it has Jost much of its former renown. It has had many names, and was for many reigns the capital of the principality of Shuh, and for a short time the seat of imperial government under the Hán. During the wars of the Manchu conquest, it was held by a patriot general, and was al- most ruined before it was subdued. The plain around Chingtú is the largest one in the province, and according to the testimony of travelers presents one of the most charming landscapes in the kingdom when viewed from a lofty eminence. The population has increased greatly, so that the larger towns have been set off as independent jurisdictions. The mountains furnish many animals and birds for the hunters, and also herbs for the druggist; among other remarkable products are apes of great size, and “fowls with wool instead of feathers "—the latter be- ing doubtless the silke ncock, specimens of which are found in Canton. These birds are even mentioned as wonders by Sir John Maundevile, who remarks, "In that contree ben white hennes withouten fetheres : but thei beren white wolle as scheep don here.”

II. The department of Páuning lies in the north-eastern part of the province, north of Shunking fú, along the valley of the Kiáling; the chief town lies at the junction of the East R. with the main branch. Páuning fú is mountainous, especially on the north, along the borders of Shensi, where is a high range separating it from that province,

1850.

Topography of the Province of Sz'chuen.

325

and forming the division between the basins of the Yellow and Yang- tsz' rivers. These mountains are the refuge of musk and other deer, and from their bowels are dug a variety of minerals, especially the yuh or nephrite, of which the Chinese make ornaments. Some of these mountains are almost inaccessible by reason of their steepness, and their defiles were the resort of brigands and outlaws during troubled times, and are more or less so to this day.

III. The department of Kiáting lies along the R. Min, between Sii- chau fú and Chingtú fú, separated from the latter by three inferior departments, in one of the most fertile parts of Sz'chuen. Its chief town is a place of considerable importance, situated at the junction of the Ta-tú river (here called the R. Yang) and the Tsing-i kiáng

or Green-Clothes river, with the Min, whose waters afford abundant supplies to irrigate the plains, and convey their har- vests to remote regions. Musk deer are also found in the hills. But the greatest source of employment and profit is in the vast quantities of salt obtained from Artesian wells bored in the earth in the district of Kienwei, whose waters are evaporated to furnish the mineral. Λη account of these wells is furnished by M. Imbert, in Annales de la Foi, Vol. III. page 369, from which we make the extract :—

Some tens of thousands of these salt-pits occur in an area of about ten. leagues in length and four or five in breadth. Every private man who pos- sesses a little capital seeks a partner, and in company with him digs one or more pits at an expense of more than a thousand taels. The manner of digging them is not such as is usual among ourselves; for this people do everything on a small scale, and know not how to perform anything great, rather contriving to accomplish their ends with time and patience, and with less expense than we. They have not the art of piercing the rocks by mining, and all the pits are found in rock. The pits are ordinarily from five to eight hundred French feet in depth, and only five, or at most six, inches in diameter. If the soil on the surface be three or four feet deep, they fix in it a wooden tube, and place a stone on the top having an orifice of the same diameter, through which they work a rammer or head of steel of three or four hundred pounds weight. This head of steel is indented at the end, being made a little concave beneath, and rounded above. A strong and agile man mounts upon a scaffolding, and treads all the morning upon a sweep, which raises this rammer two feet high, and lets it fall with his feet. They pour water into the hole from to time, to pulverize the bits of rock and better reduce them to a jelly. The rammer or head of steel is suspended from the sweep by a well-made rattan cord, small as the finger but strong as a catgut, to which they attach a triangular piece of wood; another man seats himself beside the cord. As the sweep is elevated he seizes the trian- gle, and turns the cord half round so that the rammer may fall in a contrary way. At inid-day, he mounts the scaffolding to relieve his comrade, and continues the work until evening; at night, two other men take their places. When three inches have been hollowed out, they draw out the rammer with all the matter that has accumulated about it, (for I have already mention- ed it was hollow on the under side) by means of a great windlass which serves for winding up the cord.

326

Topography of the Province of Si'chuen.

JUNE,

In this way these small pits or shafts are made perpendicular, and smooth as glass. Sometimes they come to the bottom without meeting with rock, passing through layers of earth, coal, &c. The operation then becoines more difficult, and is sometimes fruitless; for as these substances do not present an equal resistance, it is found that the shafts lose their perpendicularity. But such cases are rare. Sometimes it happens that the thick iron ring to which the rammer is suspended is broken, and it then requires five or six months to succeed with other rammers in breaking the first, and reducing it to powder. When the rock is tolerably favorable for working, two feet are dug through in twenty-four hours, and at least three years are consumed in exca- vating a single pit.

For drawing out the water, a tube of bamboo twenty-four feet in length is passed down into the pit, at the bottom of which there is a valve. When it comes to the bottom of the pit, a strong man who is seated by the cord, gives it a jerk, each shake causes the valve to open and the water to ascend. When the bamboo is full, a great cylinder, fully fifty feet in circumference, upon which the cord is wound, is turned around by two, three or four buffaloes or oxen, and the tube of water is thus raised. This cord is also made of rattan. The poor animals are not able to endure this labor, and many of them die in consequence of it. If the Chinese could avail themselves of our steain-engines they would be at much less expense; but some thousands of laboring people would then be thrown out of employment. The water is very brackish. On being evaporated, it yields a fifth or more, sometimes a fourth, of its weight of salt. This salt is very pungent, and contains a large portion of nitre. People who do not smoke (inen and women, rich and poor, all smoke), lose their teeth. There are here many blind and deaf persons, which circumstance I attribute to the use of this salt. Sometimes it affects the throat so as to produce ailments, in which case they make use of salt brought from Canton or Tungking made from sea-water.

The air which issues from these pits is very inflammable; if a torch be presented at the mouth of a pit when the tube happens to be nearly filled with water, it will send out a great flanie from twenty to thirty feet in height, and illumine the boilery with a suddenness and explosion like that of thunder. This happens sometimes by the imprudence or the malice of a workman who wishes to commit suicide in company. From some of these pits they are not able to obtain salt, only fire coines from thein; and they are called pits of fire. A small bamboo tube closes the mouth of the pit, and con- ducts the inflammable air wherever it is wished. They light it with a can- dle and it burns incessantly. The flame is bluish, three or four inches high, and an inch in diameter. Here this flame is too feeble to evaporate the salt. For evaporating the water and getting the salt, they make use of a sort of large boiler of cast metal, which is five feet in diameter, and only four inches in depth. The Chinese have learned that by presenting a larger surface to the fire, the evaporation is more rapid, and that there is also a saving of coal. The basin is at the least an inch in thickness. There are several other caldrons of greater depth placed about it, containing water which boils at the same fire, and serves to replenish the great boiler. The whole process is completed in such a manner, that the salt, when the water is evaporated. entirely fills the vessel and assumes its form. This block of salt, of two hundred pounds weight or more, is as hard as stone; it is broken up into three or four pieces in order to its being transported as an article of commerce. The fire is made so hot that the great boiler becomes absolutely red, and the water bubbles up in the centre nine or ten inches. When the fire is made from the pit gas, the water is thrown up still more, and the boilers are calcin- ed in a very little time, although those which are exposed to this fire are at least three inches in thickness.

1850.

Topography of the Province of Schuen.

327

Such a large number of pits requires also a large supply of coal, and various sorts of it exist in the country. The beds vary from one to five inches in thick- ness. The subterranean descent which conducts to the interior of the mine is sometimes so rapid that the workmen convey themselves into it by means of ladders made of bamboo, and it occasionally happens that a workinan in order that he may commit suicide without perishing alone, lets himself fall from the top of the ladder, by which means he kills a dozen or more of the unfortunate persons who follow him. The coal is found in large pieces. These mines contain generally a large amount of the inflammable air of which I have al- ready spoken and lamps can not safely be lighted in them. The miners grope their way along in the dark, their path being imperfectly lighted with a mix- ture of punk-wood and resin which burns without flame and is not easily extinguished. In boring the small pits of salt, they find sometimes, at the depth of several hundreds of feet, beds of coal of considerable thickness. but they are afraid to open these great mines, because they are ignorant of the method of making use of powder for this purpose, and because also they fear that they shall meet with so much water, that their labor would be useless, When the salt-pits have reached the depth of a thousand feet, a bituminous oil is usually met, which burns in water. Between four or five jars of it can be collected in a day, each weighing a hundred pounds. This oil is very offensive; it is used to illuminate the place where the pits are, and heat the caldrons of salt water. The magistrates frequently purchase some thousands of jars of it for calcining rocks under water which endanger the navigation of the rivers. When a boat is shipwrecked, they dip a flint-stone in this oil, then set it on fire, and throw it into the water. Then a diver, or quite as of- ten a thief, goes down to seek for what is of most value in the boat, for this submarine lamp shines with perfect facility under water.

If I were better acquainted with natural science, I would give you an account of this inflammable and subterraneous gas; I can not think that it proceeds from a subterranean volcano, for it must be kindled itself; and when once lighted, the flame can not be put out except by means of a ball of clay laid on the mouth of the tube, or by a violent and sudden gust of wind. Mountebanks fill bladders with this gas, and carry them to other places, where they pierce a hole in one with a needle, and light them with a candle to amuse the simple people. I think that this air is a gas or bituminous ex- halation, for the flame is very offensive, and gives off a black and thick smoke. The Chinese, Christians as well as pagans, believe it to be the fire of hell, and have a great horror of it; and in fact, it is much more intense than ordinary fire. These coal mines and salt-pits furnish labor to an im- mense number of people. There are some wealthy individuals who own as many as a hundred pits; but such colossal fortunes are soon dissipated. The father accumulates an estate, and the children speedily squander it in gam- ing or debauchery. What better can we expect of heathens ?

The people at Canton have learned from the English the art of employing salta in their glass-manufacture, but the glass is inferior, and delicate as a musical glass. These salts are also used for dyeing. The Chinese of Sz'chuon have only one good color, viz. blue, in which inen and women all clothe them- selves; they have no colored or flowered stuffs. The indigo of the province is very good: cloth is dipped only once, and then put into a solution of salts, and the tint is set so well that our garments may be washed again and again, and the color is not washed out, or only very slightly. The salt is used also in the manufacture of porcelain, but none of this is made in this province, it being imported from Kiángsi. The salt is obtained by cutting up small trees and bushes, and burning them green as they are, for dry wood produces a much less quantity of salt. The ashes are then leached, and the water collected and evaporated.

(To be continued).

328

ART. V

Showers of Sand.

JUNE,

Remarks on showers of sand in the Chinese Plain. By D. J. MACGOWAN, M. D.

THE phenomenon of falling sand is occasionally observed through a great extent, if not the entire portion, of the vast Plain of China. It is of such frequent occurrence that the Chinese regard it with no more surprise than they do the flitting meteor. Probably no year passes without several of these showers, though frequently so minute as to escape general observation. Perhaps as often as once in three years they are very heavy, but it is seldom that sand falls in such a large quantity as during the last shower. The phenomenon was wit- nessed three times during the present year, within a period of five weeks; the last and greatest commenced on the 26th of March, and continued four days without intermission, varying however in intensi- ty. The wind blew from the north, northeast, and northwest, frequent- ly shifting between these points, and varying in strength from a perfect calm to a brisk breeze. The altitude of the barometer was from 29.40, to 30.00 (rather lower than before and after the shower). The thermometer ranged from 36° to 81° F. No rain had fallen for six weeks, and the hygrometric state of the atmosphere was very high. Neither cloud, fog, nor mist obscured the heavens, yet the sun and moon were scarcely visible, the orb of day appeared as if viewed through a smoked glass, the whole sky presenting a uniform rusty hue. At times this sameness was disturbed, exhibiting between the spectator and the sun the appearance of a water-spout, owing to the gyratory motions of the impalpable mineral. The sand penetrated the most secluded apartments; furniture wiped in the morning would be so covered with it in the afternoon, that one could write on it legibly. In the streets it was annoying, entering the eyes, nostrils and mouth, and grating under the teeth. My ophthalmic patients generally suffered a relapse, and an unusual number of new cases soon after presented. Were such heavy sand storms of frequent occurrence, diseases of the visual organs would prevail to a destructive extent. The effect was the same when observed from the Ningpo Tower, and from the summit of the low mountains in the neighborhood of the city.

The specimens I gathered fell on a newspaper placed on the roof of a house. The whole quantity which fell was about ten grains to the square foot.

It should be remarked, however, that during the four days the dust seemed suspended in the air for several hours at a time, scarcely an appreciable quantity falling during these intervals. The Chinese call it yellow sand; it is an impalpable powder of that

1850.

Showers of Sand.

329

color, and wholly unlike the dust which fell throughout this aud the adjoining province of Kiángsú, March 15th, 1846. (See Jour- nal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and Chinese Rep., Vol. XVII. page 521). It was observed at sea, at Hingchau, and at Shang- hái. Whence did it originate! The opinion of the Chinese on this subject may, I think, be regarded as correct. They assert that it comes from Peking. We know that the sand of Sahara is sometimes elevated by whirlwinds into the upper currents of the air, and deposited in the Atlantic twelve hundred miles, sometimes directly opposite to the trade winds. Over against the vast alluvial Plain of Eastern Asia is the ocean of sand-the Desert of Gobi or Shamoh, extending from near the sea westerly 2,300 miles, and 3 to 400 broad-including the con- terininous sandy districts. Like its counterpart in Africa, it is subject to whirlwinds which raise its fine dust like the waves of the sea, and doubtless at times waft it into the upper currents of air, and trans- port it to distant regions. I have been informed by intelligent natives of Kiángsí and Honán, that the phenomenon occurs in those provinces also. Assuming the Mongolian steppes to be the source whence these showers descend, the amount of sand which is annually conveyed hither must be prodigious to cover such an extensive area. Regard- ed in a meteorological and in a geological point of view, these showers possess no small interest; but if my conjectures respecting the part which they play in the economy of nature be well founded, they are of higher interest to the agriculturists of this most densely populated region. I would premise the suggestion with the remark that the Chinese, who from remote antiquity have been close observers of every- thing pertaining to agriculture, all agree in asserting that a shower of dust indicates a particularly fruitful season. They, it is true, never refer to the dust as the cause of good harvests, but such invariably following its fall. The humus of this great alluvial tract is extremely compact, and to some extent is probably segregated and loosened by the sand of Gobi being scattered over its fields. Those two great rivers, with several sinaller ones which drain the Plain, are ever bearing to the sea the lighter portions of the soil, and so tinging it as by its hue to give name to that part which laves these shores. These remark- able showers then are replenishing and diluting the soil which raius and rivers are ever impoverishing. It is not supposed that all the de- tritus which is conveyed to the sea is the sand which by these remar- kable showers is brought from the sterile wastes of the North, but there can be no doubt that much of the matter of the Yellow Sea is from that source, and also that the sand acts favorably on the soil.

VOL XIX. NO. VI.

330

What I have Seen in Shanghai.

JUNE,

The extraordinary rains of the previous year, the injury to the crops and soil, and consequent famine, lead us to hope that the anticipations of the husbandmen may not be disappointed, whether the theory here propounded be correct or erroneous.

Ningpo, April 26th, 1850.

Note. It has been ascertained by Ehrenberg that the dust or yellow sand which falls like rain on the Atlantic near the Cape de Verde Is., and is sometimes transported to Italy, and even the middle of Europe, consists of a multitude of silicious shelled microscopic animals. Perhaps," says Humboldt, "many of them float for years in the upper strata of the atmosphere, until they are brought down by vertical currents, or in accompaniment with the superior current of the trade-winds, still susceptible of revivification, and multiplying their species by spontaneous division, in conformity with the particular laws of their organiza- tion." Further research may show too that the sand in the Chinese Plain contains animalculí.-Ed. Ch. Rep.

ART. VI. What I have scen in Shánghái: Protestant missions; the late Mrs. Wylie, Mr. Southwell, and Mr. Spalding; notices of each mission; distribution of alms; chaplaincy in Trinity church; Bethel flag ; Chinese version of the N. Testament; article on Elohim and Theos.-Letter to the Editor by E. C. B. My Dear Sir: To those details respecting Christian missions, pub- lished in your last volume, permit me now to add others, showing the progress and present condition of these benevolent institutions. Certain as I am that such information will be acceptable to every intelligent reader, no apology is offered for writing to you again on this subject. The more accurately we can describe the progress of revealed truth, the more will every good man admire this system of religion, the more highly appreciate its blessings, and the more zealous and steadfast we may expect him to be, in purpose and action, for its speedy and universal extension. Accurate information is essential for the successful prosecution of every enterprise, and especially is it so where great ends of a benevolent nature are to be attained. This principle, so generally acknowledged and acted upon, in commercial, political and scientific matters, is happily beginning to be equally recognized in the great scheme of promulgating true religion, the noblest and the greatest of all enterprises. Not to speak of other parts of the world yet to be blessed with true religion, look over these eigh- teen provinces of China Proper, and carefully estimate and sum up the grand total of men and means here most thoroughly and basely alienated from the service of Jehovah, the only true God, and prosti- tuted to the service of those who, in the emphatic language of inspi

1850.

What I have Seen in Shanghái.

331

ration,-

‚—are no gods—but idols and demons? And how are all these, both men and means, to be reclaimed to their rightful allegiance? Here then, questions of great moment arise,-touching the eternal wellbeing of this whole nation. How can missionaries, coming into this field, best acquire the dialects of the people? How best collect auditors, and preach to them the gospel? What amount of labor shall

be given to making a faithful version of the Scriptures in the language? Some first principles, some leading questions, respecting the Chi- nese, their character and religion, must be better understood than they are at present, unless men will be content to beat the air and fight windmills. Take a single question, for example, and one quite in point: Is it extremely doubtful, whether any Being, worshiped by the Chinese, is by them regarded as Divine? This topic is alluded to merely to show how much need there still is for acquiring more accurate knowledge of what the Chinese are, and what are their systems of ethics. Connected with the Protestant Missions in this city, are the follow- ing persons:

1. With the London Missionary Society, the Rev. Dr. and Mrs. Medhurst and one child; Doct. and Mrs. Lockhart and one child; the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Milue and two children; the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Muirhead; the Rev. Mr. Edkins; Mr. Wylie; and Miss Philip.

2. With the American Episcopal Board, the Rt.-Rev. Dr. and Mrs. Boone and three children; the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Syle and one child; Miss Jones, and Miss Morse-the latter now absent on a visit in America.

3. With the (English) Church Missionary Society, the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. McClatchie and two children; and the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Hobson and one child.

4. With the American Baptist Southern Convention, the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Shuck and two children; the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Pearcy; and the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Yates and one child.

5. With the American Seventh Day Baptist Missionary Society, the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Carpenter, and the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Wardner and one child.

6. With the American Methodist Episcopal Church, the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Taylor and one child, and the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Jenkins and five children.

In connection with these six Protestant missions, the whole number of foreigners is fifty-six, viz. 17 gentlemen, 18 ladies, and 21 children. Since last July the number connected with them has been reduced by the return to their homes of the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Toby and of

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Mrs. Southwell, and by the decease of the Rev. Messrs. Southwell aud Spalding and Mrs. Wylie.

In the death of Mrs. Wylie the cause of missions lost one who had zealously and successfully toiled in the service of the good Shep- herd: seven years she labored among the dark colored and dark ininded descendants of Ham, searching after and gathering together and teaching little children, following the example and obeying the commands of that Great Teacher who himself, when on earth, showed his tenderest love to such little ones. Her mission to Africa was the result of an ardent desire to do something in the Redeemer's kingdom among the perishing heathen; her previous career had been of a checkered character ; the vicissitudes through which she had been called to pass, no doubt having done much to establish that decision and firmness of character for which, in later years, she was eminently distinguished; being deprived in infancy, of the tenderest of all earth- ly relations, she was, by her dying mother, committed to the special guardianship of a pastor, who has ever since taken a deep interest in her proceedings; her father also was removed while she was yet young; and being thus deprived of her most affectionate protectors, she was exposed more than is the common lot of children to the frowns of an unfeeling world. However, notwithstanding these disadvantages, the spiritual life early became developed in her, giving evidence of a renewed heart, and this was fostered by a large circle of pious relatives. Whilst she ever conceived the most humble thoughts of her own worth, she invariably and most unreservedly committed her. self to the guidance of God. So strongly was that feeling of confidence in the divine Will impressed upon her heart, that she seems to have had no anxious thought for the future in this life, but to have been solely and most ardently desirous to be instrumental of advancing Christ's kingdom in the world. While in Africa her sufferings were not inconsiderable; her work was abundant; and some of those under her care gave satisfactory evidence of their conversion to God." Having been compelled by the war of 1845 to leave Caffreland, she returned to England; and, when opportunity offered, with the same zeal for the missionary work, she came to resume it among the more polished children of this land. Her love for the African was very ardent; had she lived to labor for the Chinese, her regard for them doubtless would have been the same. In the mysterious providence

of God it was ordered otherwise. At the prospect of death she was calm, and with great resignation committed her little babe and her afflicted husband to her Heavenly Father's care.

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Mr. Southwell was regarded, by those who knew him best, as a man of rare attainments. No one could associate with him long, or listen even to a single one of his sermons, without being conscious of his charming spirit and powerful genius. He was deservedly much esteemed, much loved; and very high expectations were entertained regarding his future usefulness. To whatever he put his hand, his whole soul went with it; and neither was withdrawn till some lasting and favorable impression was made. With much gentleness there was blended great intensity of action. He worked with all his might. His mental labor was too much for his physical frame. Though my own personal acquaintance with him was not long nor very intimate, yet many opportunities were afforded me of seeing him and of knowing his character. I saw him in public and in private, in health and in sickness, in times of joy and in seasons of sorrow. Often there were cast over his mind gloomy shadows, softened usually by humble sub- mission to the Divine will, but sometimes thickening to a darkness that was painful. It seemed, and I believe it was indeed so, that in his professional course, previously to coming to this country, he had injured his health by too hard and too long continued study, the effect of which left him ill prepared to endure this climate and sustain the fatigues of a missionary life. His mind, however, was fixed upon this enterprise; but his feeble frame was not equal to the demands made on it. He relaxed from study and sought recreation. Still firm health was wanting; and instead of regaining strength, and becoming ar- clinated, he grew weaker and was less able to withstand disease. Violent disease refused to yield to the most skillful and assiduous me- dical treatment, and in a few days it terminated fatally. During this last struggle, those leading traits of character already mentioned, were now still more prominently developed. It was my privilege to watch with him only a night or two before his death; his sufferings were ex- treme, and occasionally distressing doubts filled his mind The alter- nations were strongly marked. At one time, heaven's joys seemed to fill his soul; then again all was darkness. Just after awaking from a little refreshing sleep, when the first rays of the morning sun shone in- to his room, he spoke a few words to me; and then, assuming a de- votional attitude, he addressed himself to the throne of all grace in a strain most solemn and sublime. The scene is well described by those beautiful words of the Poet :-

The chamber where the good man meets his fate,

Is privileged beyond the common walk

Of virtuous life, quite in the verge of Heaven.

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Mr. Spalding arrived in Shanghái, August 24th, 1847, and embark- ed for Hongkong, on board the Coquette, August 30th, 1849. His missionary course, therefore, was short. It was only during this and while sojourning in Shanghái, that I had the pleasure of knowing him; and having been my nearest neighbor, I saw him almost every day, and may perhaps be allowed to speak confidently respecting his missionary character and labors. A large share of common sense, sterling piety, and apparently a firm constitution, marked him out as one well fitted for missionary service. Though of humble pretensions, he knew how to choose and act for himself, and how to gain influence with and over others. Before coming to China, he had learned to per- form the duties of the Christian pastor, and had, as he believed, been instrumental in leading some of those who attended on his ministry, to a faith in Christ. On arriving here, he at once marked out his course. One thousand characters of the language, and those in most common use among the people, he selected and committed to memory, having had them arranged into such sentences as were most needed in conversation. In a few weeks he began to go among the people and to converse with those he met. Steadily persevering in this course he daily increased the number of his familiar phrases, and extended the circle of his acquaintances, who soon looked upon him as their friend. In about a year, he commenced preaching. He had also a Bible class, composed principally of the poor of different ages, to whom were distributed the alms collected at the sacramental services in the mission to which he belonged. His audiences were respecta- ble, both for numbers and character; and a few persons were regular in their attendance, and he constant in visiting them at their homes; he called them "his parishioners."

In this delightful course, his zeal and love for the people led him to presume too much on his robust constitution. In study and in preaching, he labored too hard, too many hours were daily occupied in poring over the written characters of the language. His public dis- courses, at this stage of his missionary labors, were too frequent and protracted. The tax on his strength, physical and mental, was too heavy. Though warned of his danger, he still labored on, till he was forbidden by his physician. A slight cold and cough had increased to what, even then, it was feared might be the incipient stages of con- sumption; medical treatment had little effect, and a voyage was deter- mined on as the only course likely to afford relief. He embarked ar- cordingly, as already stated, expecting, on reaching Hongkong, to proceed immediately to the United States.

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Short as Mr. Spalding's course was, it resulted in manifest good. Some, I know, who heard him preach and who witnessed his deport- ment, were thereby favorably impressed. In his conduct, the Chris- tian missionary was faithfully exemplified and to good effect. Of the few who formed his Bible class, and constantly listened to his preach- ing, one has publicly confessed Christ and joined himself to the Church of God.

Let these brief notices suffice; less I was unwilling to say; your limits, I suppose, will hardly allow me to add more concerning those who, having finished their course below, are now witnesses before the throne of God and the Lamb in the heavenly world.

The mission from the Methodist Episcopal church South was com- menced in the autumn of 1848. Mr. Jenkins reached Shánghái in the spring of 1849. Both gentlemen have made such progress in the acquisition of the language, that they are able to preach in it. For residence, each has selected a site close on the south bank of the Yangking Páng, contiguous to the “Consular Grounds," and are now erecting houses thereon. A small chapel has been built for Mr. Taylor, and rooms to accommodate his family completed. Two na- tive schools have also been collected, regarding which he has given me the following menioranda :-

"The first was opened about six months ago, and contains twenty pupils. It is situated not far without the North gate. Thesecond has been in opera- tion less than two months, and has sixteen pupils. It is in the midst of the thickly settled little neighborhood just across the Xúngking Pùng, north of my house, and scarce a stone's throw distant. I pay the teachers four dollars a month each for their services. The rent of one school-room is twelve hundred cash a month, and of the other eight hundred. Tuition, books, and stationery are furnished to all the scholars gratis, besides my paying a barber to shave their heads and their queues twice a month. The mode of instruc- tion is precisely the same as in all other native schools, and the books used are also the same, with the addition of such Christian books as I put into their hands. On Sundays I require the latter to be studied exclusively. As yet the pupils have been confined to the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles' Creed, with explanations. Six or seven of the boys can repeat all these from memory, and their answers to my questions show that they have some correct ideas of what they learn.' I must not out to mention that there are five little girls among the number of pupils receiv- ing instruction. As my new clmpel is of convenient access from both schools, I require the teachers to assemble all the children and attend my regular Sabbath service, at the close of which, I catechise them on the Commandments and on simple points of Christian doctrine.”

The Mission of the Seventh Day Baptist Missionary Society was commenced in June 1817, by Rev. S. Carpenter, who was joined by Mrs C. and Rev. A., and Mrs. Wardner in August of the same yet. The progress of then mission may be expressed in their own words,

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Hitherto their attention has been directed mainly to the study of the language; yet preaching has been regularly maintained since the first of January 1849, in a chapel connected with their residence. The attendance has been variable; for some months past it has increased. Their residence being within the walls of the city, although attended with some sacrifice of personal confort, secures to them the acquaintance of many who otherwise might be inaccessible. In their walks in the country, the missionaries also often find opportunities of imparting instruction. Many and discouraging as are the obstructions to the success of their efforts, they have the satisfaction of be lieving that their incipient labors have not been in vain. A few have given evidence of faith in Christ; one has received baptism, and appears to be growing in grace and in the knowledge of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.”

The mission from the Southern Baptist Convention has been re- duced by the return to America of the Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Toby, and to Canton of two of the native assistants, and by the exclusion of one of the three converts baptized last year. But notwithstanding these things, the mission has continued its labors, extending its influence by preaching, by schools, and by the distribution of Christian books. It has two free day-schools one in the city near the South gate, num- bering twenty-three pupils, and one over fifteen miles from it, having twenty-two pupils: among these there are a few girls. Near the school in the country, the mission is building a brick house, about 22 feet by 40, in gothic style, designed to be used as a chapel and school-house : it has two small rooms connected with it, so arranged as to afford a convenient temporary residence for a missionary. Residing there, in the midst of a dense population, and in connection with the school, the missionary will enjoy excellent opportunities for reaching the na- tive families; preaching is maintained there.

Within the walls of this city the mission has two chapels : in the old one, situated on the scuth of the Chinghwáng Miáu, there is preach- ing three times each Lord's day, and once on each Tuesday and Fri- day, and occasionally at other times in the week, especially in the evening when the people, being at leisure, can be most numerously assembled. The new chapel, the most conspicuous object in Shanghái, is situated on the east side of the Chinghwáng Miáu; preaching twice each Lord's day and once on each other day in the week, the auditors averaging from 300 to 700. This new house, called Church Chapel, or Shinghwui Táng, was opened March 3d with appropriate ser- vices before a very large assembly. The funds for its erection ($5,500) were collected by the Rev. Mr. Shuck among the Baptist churches in America.

The new church, built under the direction of the missionaries of the English Church Missionary Society, was dedicated January 4th, the Rev. Mr. McClatchie officiating, assisted by the Rt.-Rev. Bishop

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Boone and the Rev. Mr. Syle. The following services are maintained by Mr. McClatchie. Sunday, at 101⁄2 a. m. and 21⁄2 г. M. preaching ; between these hours, his day-school is assembled in the vestry and catechised: on Monday, a class, consisting of ten blind people, is in- structed; on Tuesday, at 24 P. M., services as Sunday; the same again on Friday; on Wednesday, a class of inquirers is examined and in- structed; on Thursday, his school teacher, who is a candidate for baptism, is carefully instructed; the poor in considerable numbers are assembled on Saturday, and addressed by Mr. McClatchie and Mr. Hobson, and afterwards supplied with a small quantity of rice. This church is situated in the western part of the city, not far from the West gate; its name, Yésú Táng, 'Jesus' Church,' written in large capi- tals over the front door, indicating that the house is appropriated to the worship of Jesus, attracts attention, and induces people to enter.

The day-school connected with this church is small, and the atten- dance very irregular, a suspicion having gone abroad that the pupils are to be taken away from the country. Mr. Hobson has commenced a boarding-school in his own house, which at present contains only four pupils.

The labors of the mission of the London Missionary Society have been continued without any very material change, excepting the af flictive Providences to which allusion has already been made. Such afflictions are doubtless designed, while they teach us our frailty, to incite us to greater diligence and purer devotion. The Hospital under the care of Dr. Lockhart, has become more and more an object of in- terest, as the benevolent labors connected with it have been multiplied.

Public religious services are sustained by the Mission in the Hospi- tal, in two chapels within, and one without the walls of the city. In this latter, the preaching is in the Fuhkien dialect. One of the cha- pels in the city has been fitted up this year on a site recently purchased for the Society, in a very eligible position on one of the main streets, and not far from the magistracy. In these two city chapels, as also in the Hospital, there are daily services, in which both Mr. Muirhcal and Mr. Edkins take part with their senior brethren. The native church now numbers seven communicants, of whom five have been baptized in Shánghii, two of them recently. In his day-school, Mr. Muirhead has now twenty boys, and a small number of boarding scholars, a part of whom are girls under the care of Mrs. Muirhead. Mr. Wylie's time is occupied principally with the care of the mission press, as that of Dr. Medhurst and Mr. Milne is with the Chinese version of the New Testament.

VOL. XIX. NO VI.

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What I have Seen in Shanghái.

JUNE,

The mission from the American Episcopal Church nas received both affliction and blessing from the Lord's hand. In addition to the loss of Mr. Spalding, and the temporary absence of Miss Morse, the state of Bp. Boone's health has prevented him from sitting with the Committee of Delegates, and limited his preaching to occasional ser- vices in the school-house chapel. At Wangka Moda, consequent up- on the death of Mr. Spalding and the opening of the new church, preaching has been discontinued, and the mission chapel there closed. The new church, called Kituh Túng, i. e. Christ's Church, was public- ly dedicated on the first Sunday in January. The services on that occasion were conducted by Bp. Boone, assisted by the Rev. Messrs. Syle and McClatchie. Since that time, Mr. Syle has sustained them alone; he restricts his preaching to one occasion each week, at 3 o'clock Sunday afternoon, but gives systematic instruction almost daily; then on each Tuesday a class of candidates for baptism is as sembled, and he converses with them one by one; so on Friday, a class of poor people, pensioners on the communion alms receive instruction ; and so again on Sabbath morning, the pupils of a day-school, about twenty in number, together with the two above named classes and others, are all brought together to hear the doctrines of the Bible, on which occasion the people in the neighborhood and those who inay chance to be passing the church, are invited to attend. At specified hours daily Mr. Syle opens the vestry for whoever may wish to receive religious instruction.

The boarding-school of this mission, numbering forty-six boys and six girls has been of late the scene of more than ordinary interest. The system of education is the same as that pursued formerly by Mr. Brown in the school of the Morrison Education Society in Hongkong. This is the only school in Shánghái in which the education of the pu- pils is conducted in both the English and Chinese languages. For many months past unusual seriousness has prevailed among the pupils, and has extended to other Chinese connected with the mission, the result of which has been a considerable increase in the number of na- tive converts. The number of those admitted to the native church is now fifteen-teachers, pupils, servants, and others, among whom is the one already mentioned as having been a member of Mr. Spalding's Bible class. Nine of the fifteen were members of the school; of these two have died, both leaving behind them the most pleasing evidence of genuine faith in the Lord Jesus. Of this little company of believers, six came forward at the same time to make their public avowal of dis- cipleship and faith in Christ. It was in the school-house chapel, and

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one of the most solemn and impressive scenes I have ever witnessed. The oldest of the six is a teacher, about forty years of age; another is perhaps thirty, a servant woman of Mrs. Syle's; the others are pu- pils in the school. At my request, the following memoranda have been furnished me :—

"The eldest, Chung Cháng, who was baptized by the name of Wái Kiung, was among the first of our pupils. He was at the time the school was first organized, more than sixteen, and too old to enter it; but his entreaties prevailed on us to take him, and his father signed the required bond for ten years. His attention seems to have been first arrested by an observation of Bishop Boone, "that if one of their temples was on fire, the cats, rats, &c., could make their escape, but the wooden gods they worshiped must be burned, unless some one removed them, for they could not save them- selves." He thought this was very true, and it shook his faith in such help. lesa deities. The first change for the better, observed by us was after he had been in the school nearly two years-he and two other boys who slept in the same room with him had singing and prayer before retiring for the night. It could not be ascertained that he felt himself a sinner at this time, but he thought the foreign custoin of praying to the true God a very good one. With the other two associated with him, we trust it was something more→ they have both been disciples of our Lord more than a year. May we not also believe that God was even then leading Chung Cháng by a way he knew not. He was betrothed in childhood, and when the time of his marriage arrived he showed a tenderness of conscience about the ceremony being performed after idolatrous customs, and persuaded his parents to allow him to be married by Bishop Boone in the school chapel. About that time, there was evidently a conflict going on in his mind, but he had many temp- tations, and yielded to them-even the school became irksome to him, and he was anxious to leave and go into business; however, after remaining at home nearly two weeks he returned to his studies. Shortly after this there was much feeling shown by several of the scholars on the subject of religion, and he was among the first to acknowledge himself a sinner. He said he could not sleep at night when he thought how long he had read about Jesus dying on the cross to save sinners, and had not repented; he feared he might die and go to the place of everlasting trouble, and at last he determined no longer to harden his heart but be willing to bear reproach for Christ's sake,

Yu Zung, or Ya Kwing, the next oldest, now seventeen, was also one of the first scholars and a very bad hoy; indeed, alinost up to the time of his conversion he showed very little amendment in his moral conduct, tho' there had been a gradual improvement in his studies. He gives no reason for the great change in him, but that he felt himself a sinner; his own words are 44 my heart felt so very dirty, and I pray to God to send his Holy Spirit to clean it, and I want to become a disciple of Jesus, because he was so good to die for sinners." Now he says he is very happy, and as far as man can judge he gives evidence of the new birth; there is certainly a decided change in him. "Fuh Sü, or Aloe, is naturally of an indolent disposition, and nothing striking with regard to his religious feelings is apparent he has not been ă bad boy, and his conviction of sin does not seem to have been at any time strong, but there is no reason to believe that he is not entirely sincere. His age is sixteen.

་་

"Hia Ding or Niah Fung is the youngest of the four in years, but in intellect in advance of all. He is a decided character, and as far as can be discerned, likely to be stronger in the faith than any of the others. He dates his first religious impressions to witnessing the baptism of one of his mates last November, which he says made him feel that lie too was a miserable sin-

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ner, and nothing but God's almighty power could change his heart. His conviction of the heinousness of sin in God's sight is I think stronger than in the others, but long observation seeins to justify the conclusion that the heathen generally suffer much less from a troubled conscience than convict- ed persons do in Christian lands. Niáh Fung is not yet sixteen.

These boys, with one of their teachers, and a woman servant of Mr. Syle, have been under careful and constant instruction from Bishop Boone for five months preparatory to receiving baptism, and he was often much grati- fied with the earnest and thoughtful attention they paid to the instruction they received.”

During the past winter all the missionaries have taken part in the distribution of alms to the multitudes of poor and distressed people, who, coming hither from neighboring towns and hamlets, have throng- ed the streets of this city, where hundreds have died. In this distribu- tion the missionaries have acted, principally, as almoners for the foreign community, who, with their usual liberality, have subscribed for this object. The full sum of these charities I do not know; they are not, I suppose, less than eight hundred dollars, if the subscriptions that have been taken up by the Romanists be included, who have shared in these benevolent works.

Since the sudden death of the late Rev. Mr. Lowder, the duties of the chaplain in Trinity Church have been performed, and very acceptably too I believe, by the Rev. Mr. Hobson of the English Church Missionary Society. This community is fortunate in having the services of one so faithful as Mr. Hobson; and no one can doubt his perfect willingness temporarily to occupy such a sphere of useful- ness. It is to be hoped, however, that there will be no very long delay in securing the entire services of a successor to Mr. Lowder. 'The chaplaincy here is an important sphere, especially when viewed in connection with the increasing number of seamen coming to this port. Our friends at the South have done well in providing a chaplain and Bethel for the thousands of seamen annually visiting Whampoa. Erelong those coming to Shánghái may be equally numerous. less than 137 sail entered this port last year. At present, as the ship- ping is contiguous to the town, and the number of foreign residents not very large, the chaplain here (if he have his whole time for this office) might often extend his services to seamen.

The Bethel Flag during the last month, has been repeatedly hoisted on board the Horatio," and other ships in port; considerable numbers of seamen, too, have occasionally attended the services in the church.

The Committee of Delegates here employed on a version of the New Testament in Chinese—reached the end of that work on the 20th ult. A

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and for

review of the whole is now in progress; and it is understood that as the delegates proceed therein, copies of each book will be sent im- inediately to the missionaries at the other stations with a view to obtain criticisms and suggestions for further consideration. For translating so and IIvEupa there is still a tie in the votes of the de- legates: for @sos, one part preferring shin, and the other a transfer of the Hebrew term, which they write Aloho P ПIvsupa, one part preferring ling and the other shin.

In your April number is an article “On the term proper to be employ- ed in translating Elohim and Theos into Chinese," by a Missionary. The views advocated therein do not differ materially from those which have appeared in former papers on this difficult subject, but I wish to draw attention to the article, for the purpose of correct- ing what I believe to be an erroneous statement on page 203, viz., that Shin was not regarded by Dr. Morrison as an adequate term for translating Elohim and Theos. This statement is put forth with some reserve by the writer as what "seems to have been." By others however, it is boldly affirmed that both Morrison and Milne discovered, towards the end of their career, the inadequacy of the old term, and resorted to various modifications of the same in order to express what they thought was included in the original words. I have sought in vain for any such statement as this, or any facts warranting it, in Dr. Morrison's own writings. It is contrary to repeated declarations I often heard from his own lips during the last four years of his life; and moreover I have documentary evidence that he did regard shin, and it alone, as an adequate translation of the words in question. Up to the very day of his death, he never, for one moment, that I am aware of, doubted the correctness of his translation of cog. That some called it in question, he did not complain; but that others, and those too who were in no better circumstances than himself to judge correctly in this matter, sought to bring it into discredit, was to him (and not to him alone) a cause of sorrow.

During the long interval between his arrival in Canton, September 7th, 1807, and the day of his death, August 1st, 1834, Dr. Morrison enjoyed excellent advantages for acquiring an accurate knowledge of both the language and opinions of the Chinese-advantages such as few of his successors have yet enjoyed. His Chinese library was large and well selected; his reading in native literature, extensive and thorough; his assistants in the language were men of no mean abili- ties; his intercourse with the common people constant; and often he was brought into contact with men of high literary attainments, az

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was especially the case while on his journey from Peking to Canton. He was always a careful observer, and independent thinker; few men expressed their sentiments more freely, or in plainer terms than he; and for their sentiments, their learning, and their piety, few missiona- ries have enjoyed a better reputation. His opinion on this question, supported as it is by those two able translators, the Rev. Drs. Milne and Marshman, is worthy of high consideration. In his Domestic In- structor, I know he used a variety of terms to designate our adorable Creator. So did the inspired writers; True God, Most High God, Possessor of heaven and earth, King of kings, blessed and only Po- tentate, etc., were terms used by thein. The writers of the New Testa- ment used ɛog to designate other beings beside Jehovah; and so in the Old Testament, the inspired penmen have applied the name

to idols, to men, and to the ghost of a dead man, a mere spirit ; but all this, in their estimation did not render the term inadequate for other and higher purposes. Thus Dr. Morrison reasoned ; did his own prac- tice, his “experience" clash with this? I rather think it did not; and since Dr. Morrison's day, it so happens that many have reasoned and acted in the same way,—not “because” he did thus, but because they believed this reasoning and acting to be correct. So it is, at present, with a very large number of missionaries, and I am among that num- ber. I am very glad this writer has published his views; and they will, I trust, be candidly and thoroughly read, and if found to be cor- rect, be firmly maintained by every one. If any people ever had “ gods many," it is undeniably so with the Chinese.

In the hope expressed on page 185, 'that contending parties may be led to see and feel as one man on this subject,'-I heartily join. Under any circumstances, the translation of the inspired volume is a work of difficulty. For a weak erring mortal,' says an eloquent wri- ter, 'to propose to himself to furnish, in another language, an exact representation of all that Jehovah has revealed for the instruction of mankind-nothing adding, nothing abating, nothing discoloring-is a task of most appalling magnitude.' Nowhere else in all the world, if we consider the circumstances of the case, especially the difficulties of the language, and the multitudes to whom the Bible is to be given,—is the work so appalling as here. Nevertheless it is a work that must be done; all difficulties must be overcome or removed. When the cou- vention to form the constitution of the United States, after long debates, found itself unable to proceed, you doubtless remember what that suggestion was, which is believed to have brought relief in that emer- geucy. So in this case; I firmly believe that prayer to Almighty God

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will bring relief. He giveth understanding. With his blessing, the truth will be " seen and felt,” and the right way, the right word be

chosen.

On the difficulties of translating Elohim and Theos, it were easy to enter and to write at great length. That there is a right way, a mani- festly true method, attainable in this case, I hold to be undeniable. I do not believe that a large body of intelligent men, such as are now en- gaged in our Chinese missions, will be doomed to perpetual doubt and conflict about matters of this sort. If the views I have held for years past, and still hold, be erroneous, I believe they will be corrected; but sustained and made to triumph if they are in accordance with truth. Every missionary will, I trust, investigate the question for himself and form his own opinions. That they may do this faithfully, and with the guidance of Divine wisdom, is the ardent wish of your's very sincerely,

Shanghái, May 1st, 1850.

E. C. BRIDGMAN.

ART. VII. Journal of Occurrences; epidemic at Canton; H. E. governor Sü; arrival of the governor of Macao; canonization of the late Empress Dowager; Gov. Bonham's visit to Shánghái ; emigration of Chinese to America.

THE epidemic, of which mention was made in the last number, has nearly disappeared, its cessation caused, as hundreds and thousands of this supersti- tious people believe, by the celebration of the festival of dragon-boats with unusual devotion. This disease has in many places in this region exhibited many of the symptoms of the yellow fever which prevailed in Hongkong in 1843, in some cases carrying off the victim in two days; no foreigner in Can- ton has been attacked, but hundreds of natives have died. The festival of dra- gon-boats, which occurred on the 14th inst. was prolonged for four days, and more than a hundred boats appeared on the river, penetrating in every creek and canal, beating drums and waving flags, in order to dissipate the noxious distempers. It is a melancholy spectacle to see the mercy of God in removing a severe sickness thus made an occasion of honoring devils. Truly this people is "alienated from the life of God through the ignorance that is in then, because of the hardness of their heart ? and we can but express the wish that they may soon be taught better.

H. E. Gov. Su has been ordered by his imperial master to remain at his post in Canton, in order to manage the important concerns of the frontier. He applied, as is the usage, to be allowed to pay his respects at court in person to the new emperor. The lieutenant-general of the Manchu garrison, Orun- tai, has left for Peking; and a few days since a special messenger, dispatched by the Manchu cominandant to the capital, returned to Canton, having lost his dispatches and about two thousand dollars' worth of baggage by the upsetting of his boat in crossing the Poyang lake.

3-14

Journal of Occurrences.

The new governor of Macao and its dependencies, arrived in the Portuguese man-of-war Dom João 1°, 22 guns, Capt. Guimaraens, on the 2th ult. His appointment has been announced in a Decree published in the Boletim do Governo :-

The Governor of the Province of Macao, Timor, and Solor, Joao Maria Fer- reira do Amaral, Captain in the Royal Navy, having been atrociously assassin- nated by Chinese subjects, and it being necessary to fill up the vacancy prompt- ly by a person whose zeal, intelligence, and firmness may guaranty the preser- vation of the establishment of Macao in the difficult situation in which it was placed by the death of that worthy officer, and who may secure the permanence and stability of the nieasures adopted by him: We are pleased to nominate to the aforesaid office of Governor of the Province of Macao, Timor, and Solor, Pedro Alexandrino da Cunha, Captain in the Royal Navy, in the hope that in the exercise of this important commission he will justify the trust which We have reposed in him. The Viscount de Castelloens, Minister and Secretary of State for the affairs of the Marine and Colonies will see this Decree carried into effect.

Palace das Necessidades, 2d November, 1849 -China Mail.

THE QUEEN.

THE VISCOUNT DE CASTELLOENS.

A frigate, the D. Maria II. 32 guns, Capt. Silva, also reached Macao on the 3d inst. bringing part of the land force designed for the protection of the settlement. There is a third vessel of war on the way, and when she arrives we suppose the programme of proceedings on the part of the Portuguese go- vernment will be made public. Since the lamentable tragedy of last August, the settlement has been quiet, but the business which formerly thronged its strects has not returned, nor is there at present much probability of Macao rising to its former importance and traffic.

The late Empress-dowager has been canonized-or, what amounts to the same thing in China,—her tablet has been placed in the hall of imperial an- cestors, and she is henceforth to receive the same homage as the departed em- perors. An imperial edict was issued April 13th, couched in the most ful- some and recondite style of the Hanlin doctors, announcing her apotheosis, and describing her character and virtues. Her name in the Ancestral Hall is Hiáu-ho-kung-tsz'-káng-yú-ngán-ching ying-tien-hishing Jui hưởng-hau 孝和恭慈康豫安成應天熙聖睿皇后 or the

Filial-harmonious-reverent-affectionate-healthy-cheerful-placid-accomplish- ed-Heavenly-conferred-prosperous-holy Empress of Kiáking. The document is written in such a labored style, that we venture to say not more than one in ten thousand of the people can understand it. Throughout the paper Her Majesty's name is placed on an equality with Heaven, and one step above the emperor who issues it.

H. E. Gov. Bonham left Hongkong for Shanghai in the P. & O. Co.'s steam- er Lady Mary Wood, April 27th; H. B. M. steaner Reynard has been dis- patched from Shanghái to the mouth of the Pei ho and Tientsin with a com- munication for H. M. Hienfung; Walter H. Medhurst Jr. Esq., the interpre- ter to the Shanghai consulate, is the bearer of the dispatch. The object of this mission has greatly interested the provincial authorities at Canton.

The emigration of coolies for working on the plantations in Peru has lately attracted some notice. Already several hundreds have been engaged, collect- ed chiefly in the vicinity of Cumnsingmoon, who have been sent to Lima, and the demand for them is extending. Almost none of the men take their fami- lies. Nearly a thousand Chinese have, we are told, found their way to Cali- fornia, where they have formed themselves into an association similar to those made by them in the Straits Settlements, and engaged an American lawyer to attend to their interests. The emigration of Chinese to the western coasts of America is likely to increase during the coming years.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-JULY, 1850.-No. 7.

ART. I Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and Gɛ05 into the Chinese Language. By W. J. Boone. It is now two years and a half since my Essay, advocating the use of the word shin to render Elohim and Theos into the Chinese lan- guage, was written. Soon after its publication, Dr. Medhurst replied to it in a painphlet of 107 pages, taking up, as he tells us, every succes- sive paragraph that seemed to call for remark.

In England, the "Inquiry" of Dr. Medhurst, and my Essay, drew from Sir George Staunton a small volume, in which he urges the pro- priety of using Shangti

to render Elohim and Theos, when

these words are used proprié, and opposes the use of shin for this pur- pose. This volume is written in so very kind and courteous a tone, that we feel much indebted to its accomplished author for his contri- bution to our discussion. We are also indebted to Dr. Bowring, H. B. M. Consul at Canton, for a spirited article “On the manner of ex- pressing the word for God in the Chinese language," which appeared in the Chinese Repository for 1849, Vol. XVIII., page 600.

On the 30th January last, Dr. Medhurst and five of his friends ad- dressed a letter of 21 pages "To the Protestant Missionaries labor- ing at Hongkong and the Five Ports of China," in which they give up the native terms for which they had hitherto contended, and advo- cate as the rendering of Elohim and Theos in our Chinese version the transfer of the Hebrew word Eloah by the three Chinese characters

BUT KEEPS Aloho.

More recently, a writer who signs himself “an American Mission- ary in China,” and the Rev. Dr. Legge, have published pamphlets on this controversy, and have commented on my Essay.

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That the first-mentioned of these publications has been left so long without an answer, has not arisen from a conviction that no defence of iny Essay was needed, but from several causes, the principal of which has been the state of my health, which has rendered writing very irksome to me. Instead of encountering the labor of preparing another pamphlet, I have hitherto preferred keeping the Bible socie. ties acquainted with my views by correspondence; and I confess it is with extreme reluctance that I now set myself to the task of writing another pamphlet for publication; I would so much prefer spending the little strength I have in other work. The question however, which is under debate, is one of such vital importance to the progress of the Gospel in China, that I can not excuse myself from the task, however unpleasant, and I fear that should I refrain longer from printing, it might prove disadvantageous to what I regard as the truth, as many who feel a lively interest in the controversy may have no access to the papers of the Bible Societies, and few who have such access, like to encounter a heavy mass of manuscript. It is due, too, to my mission- ary brethren in China that I should make then acquainted with what I have to say in defence of an Essay, in the views of which so many of them have concurred. I will therefore, without further prelimina- ries, address myself to the task which is before me.

In this defence, I shall not endeavor to follow the above-mentioned writers through their several treatises, but shall endeavor to present, as fairly and as fully as I can, all the objections to the arguments offered in my Essay that are of weight, and discuss these objections in that order, which will serve best to set forth clearly the whole matter in dispute.

The positions taken in my Essay may be expressed briefly as follows: The Chinese are polytheists, not monotheists; they do not know the true God, or any being who may truly and properly be called God; therefore the highest being known to them is to be regarded only as the chief god of a pantheon, and not as the Being we call God. Under these circumstances, we can only choose, I contended, between "the name of the chief god of the Chinese, and the name by which the whole class of gods is known in their language." It is derogatory to Jehovah to call him by the proper name or distinctive title of any false god; we cannot, therefore, use the name of the chief god of the Chinese to render Elohim and Theos, and must, according to the al- ternative above presented, use the generic name of the Chinese gods. We must embrace this alternative, because the use of this generic is necessary to the correct rendering of the First Commandment, and

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many other passages of Scripture; its use is absolutely necessary to forbid the reigning polytheism. This generic name is Shin; therefore we must use this word Shin, malgré all objections, to render Elohim and Theos into Chinese.

On looking at the above abstract of my argument, it will be seen that the conclusion, “We must use shin to render Elohim and Theos,” rests on the following propositions :

1st. The Chinese do not know any being who may truly and proper- ly be called God; they have therefore no name for such a being, no word in their language answering to our word GOD.

2d. That, this being the state of things, we must seek the general name of their gods, and content ourselves with the use of the word in Chinese that answers to our words a god, gods, as the best that can be done under the circumstances.

3d. That shin is the general or generic name of the Chinese gods; and therefore it follows, That this word should be used to render Elohim and Theos into Chinese.

From the nature and connection of the above propositions, it will also be seen, that, to invalidate this conclusion, one of the five follow- ing propositions must be sustained.

(a.) The Chinese do know a being, who is truly and properly God; or in other words, the highest being known to them is not a false god, but is the very Being whom we call God, whose name is therefore the proper word by which to render Elohim and Theos in all cases; or,

(b.) Admitting that the Chinese do not know the true God, contend that we should use a relative, not an absolute or generic term to render Elohim and Theos, because these words are relative, and not absolute

terms; or,

(c.) Admitting that the highest being known to the Chinese is not truly and properly God, yet affirm that his name or title, and not the generic name of the Chinese gods, should be used to render Elohim and Theos in all cases; or,

(d.) Admitting the facts to be as stated in Prop. (b.), affirm that, we should render Elohim and Theos only when these words are used propriè, by the name or title of this highest Being, i. e. Shángth; and when used impropriè, they should be rendered by Shin, or Shin-ming, or, lastly,

(e.) Admitting that under the above-mentioned circumstances, the generic name of the Chinese gods should be used, if such can be found, deny that Shin is this generic name, and affirm, on the contrary, that as the Chinese have neither a name for any being who is truly

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and properly God, nor any generic name of their gods, and the words Elohim and Theos must be rendered by a generic term, we have no resource but that of transferring the original word.

All the objections that have been urged against the use of Shin, will come naturally under one or other of these heads; and it will pro- mote, we think, a clear understanding of the questions that have been raised, and of all points at issue, to discuss them in this order.

Previous however to the discussion of these heads, I will recur to a point, on which much stress was laid at the commencement of my Essay. I refer to the importance of determining, definitely, at the very outset, "what we should seek for, before our minds become engaged in the examination of the multifarious evidence that may be submitted." The settlement of this point, as a preliminary, is the more important from the fact that all parties admit that there is no word in the Chinese language that answers to the Hebrew Eloah, Flohim, the Greek Theos, Theoi, and the English God, god, gods.

On this subject Dr. Medhurst thus expresses his opinion on p. 4. of his "Inquiry:" "Having discussed the meanings of Elohim, and Theos, as these words were understood by both Hebrew and Greek writers, to indicate the Supreme, as well as inferior deities, we now come to consider what term in Chinese is most nearly equivalent to them. And here it may be premised, that, after most studious research, we have not been able to find any one term that fully answers to the words as employed in the Old and New Testaments." Dr. Legge, after quoting this, adds his own opinion in the following words: "The conclusion to which my researches, equally studious probably, though not so extensive, have brought me, is substantially the same." We shall see presently that Sir George Staunton, Dr. Bowring, and the "American Missionary," all concur in this opinion.

Of the word God, the several parties writing on this question, take widely different views in many respects; but it seems to me there is one error which has chiefly misled Dr. Medhurst, Sir George Staunton, Dr. Bowring and Dr. Legge, and which we must be careful not to fall into, if we would keep the real point of search clearly before us. The error, to which I allude, is that of regarding the word God as the "symbol of an idea," to use Sir George Staunton's expression, instead of regarding it, as it really is, as the name of a bond fide Being, of whom, after we have exhausted all the ideas of which we are capable, we can form but very inadequate conceptions.

Dr. Medhurst commences his Inquiry with these words: "In dis- cussing the proper mode of rendering a word out of one language into

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another, we should first ascertain, from lexicographers and standard writers, the meaning of the word which is to be translated; and then, by means of the same process, the meaning of the word or words proposed as the representative of the idea, in the language into which we are translating." He afterwards appears to feel conscious that many ideas must concur to make up our conception of what is includ- ed in the word God; the next stage is therefore to content himself with the leading idea, and this leading or principal idea he decides is power or authority.

Dr. Bowring writes (see Chinese Repository, Vol. XVIII, page 600): How indeed should they (i. e. the parties who have written on both sides of this controversy) have succeeded? They have been struggling through incompetent means for an unattainable end; they have been seeking in the Chinese mind, and in the Chinese language for what was never there. In order that an idea should exhibit itself by some external symbol, some expression, some formula-the idea itself must have a previous existence," &c. He then proposes to treat God as he would an unknown quantity in algebra, i. e. represent the unknown quantity by a symbol, viz:. When I read this, the thought occurred to me, Could Dr. Bowring kneel down and seriously pray to , “O, ℗ ! have mercy upon me!" I surely could not.

Sir George Staunton writes, "In the Chinese language there neither is, nor could there be expected to be, any word which fully and cor- rectly conveys the idea, which we Christians attach to the word God, Words are but the symbols of ideas, and we have not yet implanted the idea itself in the Chinese mind." How much clearer to say,— "We cannot expect to find any name in Chinese for the Being whom we Christians call God, as we have not yet taught the Chinese to know this Being, God."

To show how fatally this regarding the word God as the symbol of an idea, will mislead us, we quote from Sir George's “Inquiry" his method of meeting this difficulty. Having stated that the Chinese have no word answering to our word God, he proceeds to say, "I think I have shown that the term Shángti has from time immemo- orial been employed in Chinese in a sense more nearly approaching to that which we attach to the word God than any other which at present exists in the language of the country." What is this but saying that, the Being whom the Chinese call Shángti comes nearer to the Being whom we Christians call God, than any other Being the Chinese know. But this is a case surely in which the rule nullum simile est idem applics. To come short of the Infinite Being whom

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we Christians call God, is to come infinitely short : to come ouly near to, and not to be quite one and the same with Him, is to be wholly another Being, a false god.

To clear this matter, we must remember that the word God is always the name, not of an idea, but of a being; that, when used (1st) propriè, by monotheists, it is the name of the self-existent, spiritual Being, who created the heavens and the earth, and all things visible, and invisible: that when used (2d) impropriè, by polytheists, or by monotheists in accommodation to the views of polytheists, it is still, in every instance, the name not of an idea, but of a Being or Beings, (ima- ginary Beings it is true, yet still beings, not abstract ideas) to whom their ignorant worshipers betake themselves for aid in trouble, look up to for protection, and endeavor to propitiate with religious worship.

The importance of keeping this distinction in our minds arises from the difference there is between those nouns which are the names of beings and abstract nouns, in the facility with which we can use abstract nouns that are very similar iu meaning for each other, which interchange can not be made in the case of such concrete nouns as those mentioned above. E. g. the use of the word that comes nearest to expressing the idea we desire to convey, if this word is the name of an abstract idea-of a mere mental conception-is unobjectionable, and is often the best expedient we can adopt in conveying our thoughts to another. But in the use of concrete nouns we can not do this. Suppose that I were telling another of a duty or service he owed to a given Being, and I should from forgetfulness of the name of this Being, direct him to render the service or duty to the Being, whose name came nearest to his in sound or signification, or who most nearly resembled him in person or character; the resemblance in any of these respects is not of the slightest importance: on the contrary, being only resemblance, and not sameness, it proves him to be another Being than the one designed, and therefore that by using his name I have defrauded "the Being," to whom the service or duty was due.

If we desire to ascertain whether the Chinese know God, we should not inquire, what the leading or principal idea conveyed by the word God is, that we may see if the Chinese have any word that conveys this principal idea; but rather ask, do they know any Being, who, from what they predicate of him, can be known to be the same Being we Christians call God; then the next question is, by what name do they call this Being, and if we can find, in answer to this query, the abso- lute term, which in the Chinese language designates this being, we shall have found the word in Chinese, that answers to our much sought

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word God, when it is used propriè. The first point, however, is to decide, Is the being the same? it will be time enough, after this point is settled, to inquire for the name. If the being be not the same, no matter what the principal idea suggested to us by his naine may be, this name will be but the name of a false god, and nothing more.

The principal idea suggested by the word God, (if what this idea is, could ever be decided) takes in only a very small part of the ideas, which go to make up our conception of the Being we call God; and a being, the meaning of whose name conveyed this principal idea, might want those physical attributes, e. g. self-existence, omniscience, &c.; or might fail to sustain those relations of Creator, Upholder, Sustainer of the universe, &c., or want those moral attributes, with- out which a being can not be truly and properly God.

If I am correct in what I have said above, then the first question for us to consider is, do the Chinese know any being, whom we can re- gard as the same with "the Being" we call God? That they know no such being was taken for granted, and not discussed in my Essay, because, as I there said, I understood this was admitted by all the Protestant missionaries in China. The discussion of this point has become necessary from the fact of its having been distinctly affirmed by Dr. Legge, and from the indefinite manner in which other parties have expressed their opinions about it.

To the position taken by me, that, "under these circumstances," i. e. the Chinese not knowing the true God, we can only choose between the name of the chief god, and the name by which the whole class of gods in their language is known," I understand Dr. Legge to reply in substance as follows. "There may be no middle course be- tween the alternatives, allowing the case to be as you state it; but I deny the correctness of the statement: the Chinese do know the true God. I rejoice to acknowledge in the Shangti of the Chinese Classics, and the Shangtí of the Chinese people, Him who is God over all, bless- ed for ever p. 32. But even should we admit that the Chinese do not know the true God, 'there is a real tertium quid,' a course altogether different. God is not a generic, but a relative term; and relative terms are defined to be “words which imply a relation, or a thing considered as compared to another. They include a kind of opposition between them; yet so, as that the ONE cannot be without the OTHER.

Such are father and son, husband and wife, king and subjects, &c. To these instances I have no hesitation in adding that of God and creatures,” p. 5. “God does not indicate the essence, or express anything about the being of Jehovah,” p. 24. “Should the Chinese therefore have no word

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that auswers to God, in having been actually used as one of the many names of the Supreme Being (i. e. the true God)," we should not under these circumstances seek for an absolute generic, but a relative term to render Elohim and Theos, because these words are relative and not absolute."

The first point made by Dr. Legge's argument, as expressed above, coincides with the proposition marked a ; the other points come under propositions b. and c. We shall postpone the discussion of them until we take up those propositions.

Dr. Medhurst, in his "Inquiry," expresses himself very indefinitely on the point whether the Chinese know the true God or not. We have seen above that he acknowledges, at the outset, that he has been unable “to find any one term that fully answers to the words" Elohim and Theos as employed in the Old and New Testaments." He then proceeds to mention the important particulars in which "the Chinese ideas of God fall short of the truth.' These are, that the "creation of heaven and earth are not ascribed to any being," the highest being known to them, variously designated Tien, T, or Shángti E

, is never said to be self-existent, nor described as existing from eternity." He then, after mentioning several attributes of the being styled Ti, proceeds to say, “There can be no doubt that, the Chinese use the word Tí in the same way in which western writers use the word God; that they ascribe to Ti such attributes, as were usually ascribed to the Divine Being by the Pagans of Greece and Rome.” "We therefore conclude that, by Ti, the Chinese mean the Supreme God, so far as they are acquainted with him. They also use the word Ti when speaking of inferior spiritual beings, who have some superin- tendence over different parts of the universe, and who, in the estima- tion of the Confucianists, were entitled to religious worship; while the word was applied by both Táuist and Buddhist writers to beings, whom they considered as gods. The inference therefore is that Ti is descriptive of a class of beings, beginning with the highest and passing down to inferior divinities, and is therefore generic for God in Chinese." See "Inquiry" pp, 5,6.

Dr. Medhurst here clearly advocates the use of the word. Ti to ren- der Elohim and Theos on the ground that it is the “generic for God in Chinese." It is not so clear, however, what he means by the sentence, "We therefore conclude that by Ti the Chinese mean the Supreme God, as far as they are acquainted with him." This last seems a very unsatisfactory and indefinite phrase, and it is much to be regretted that Dr. Medhurst did not express his opinion more clearly.

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In his "Reply to the Essay of Dr. Boone," on page 2d, he ex- presses the opinion that the Chinese may be regarded as Cudworth regards the Greeks, viz. as both monotheists and polytheists at the same time; that is, understanding the word Theos combined in the two terms in different senses; in the first, as conveying what he calls the na- tural idea of God, viz. an all-perfect Being, the Ruler of the universe; and the other, as alluding to certain supposed invisible intelligences, who were the objects of religious worship, but subordinate to one Supreme." On the next page he gives his opinion on what should be the object of search, as follows: Dr. Boone says that it is necessary to determine what we shall seek; and thinks that seeing the Chinese do not know the true God, we must either seek for the name of the chief god of the Chinese, or the name by which the whole class of gods is kno:vn in their language. To this we reply, that as the true God was as little known among the Greeks as among the Chinese, it is cer- tainly necessary, in order to express the idea of God to determine what we shall seek; for Dr. B. thinks we must seek for one or other of the two things specified by him, viz. the name of the chief god, or the generic name for god. In our estimation we should seek for a name which will convey to the mind of the Chinese the same idea which was conveyed to a Greek by the use of the word Theos; if the same be likewise that by which the whole class of worshiped beings is known in the language, so much the better. Now it so happens, that the name used for the chief object of worship, or God by way of eminence, and the whole class of worshiped beings, was one and the same terin among the Greeks: among the Chinese these two ideas are represented by different terme, which constitutes the difficulty."

If I understand his meaning, the view here expressed seems to be, that the Being called by the Chinese Shúngti, answers to the monadic Theos of the Greeks, but that neither the one nor the other of these be- ings is the Being the Christians call God, i. e. the true God. As the argument in my Essay was based wholly upon the assumption that the Chinese do not know the true God, observing the indefinite manner in which Dr. M. spoke in his “Inquiry," where he seems to imply that the Chinese Shangti is to be regarded as truly and properly God, to draw out a full discussion on this point, I under the signature of “ A Brother Missionary," addressed "A few plain questions to those mis- sionaries who in preaching or writing teach the Chinese to worship Shangti." This paper was written previous to the appearance of Dr. M.'s “ Reply,” and was published in the Chinese Repository Vol XVII, page 357. It gave great offence, I am sorry to say, to Dr. Med

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hurst and his friends; they called upon me, and insisted upon my re- tracting the position taken in that paper, viz. that those who exhort the Chinese to worship Shángti, violate the first Commandment. I took great pains to assure them that I did not suppose they intended to violate the first Commandment, but contended that, as the phrase Shángtí designates a single individual, and the Chinese who heard them understood by this phrase another being than Jehovah, I must maintain that the Commandment was broken. To inform all who read the Repository that I have no intention of intimating that any of my Brother Missionaries designedly broke the first Commandment, and to divest the matter of every shade of personality, which unhappily, from want of sufficient care on my part, attached to the communica- tion of a "Brother Missionary," I addressed a letter, under my own signature to the Editor of the Chinese Repository (see Vol. XVIII., page 97), to which I beg leave to refer the Reader. This paper I sent to Dr. Medhurst and his friends, as my answer to their demand for an apology, that they might see it before it left Shanghai for the printer's hands. From his note addressed to me on the receipt of this letter, it will appear that instead of maintaining that Shángti is the true God, Dr. Medhurst's habit and that of Messrs. Stronach and Milne was carefully so to explain their use of the phrase to the Chinese, as to prevent them from understanding it, as even alluding to any being with whom they were acquainted. His note is as follows:-

"Shanghai, January 13th, 1849.

My dear Sir, "Your letter has been read by Messrs Stronach, Milne and my- self. We all think it unsatisfactory; principally with respect to the omission of any statement, that it was quite probable that the mission- aries using Shángti for God would accompany it with such explanations as would in their estimation, prevent the Chinese from understanding the term as alluding to any being with whom they had been previously acquainted, but to one whose being and attributes are revealed in the S. S.

"Such statement was distinctly required by us, and we fully expect- ed that it would accompany your explanation.

“I am, Dear Sir,

Yours truly

(Signed) W. H. Medhurst."

In the letter of 30th January 1850, Dr. Medhurst and his friends give up all the native terms as untenable, and propose to use the transferred term Aloah, as the rendering of Elohim and Theos in all cases. They

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give us an account, in this letter, of the steps by which they were led to the adoption of the transferred term. They tell us p. 3, that on the reception of Mr. Weller's letter of the 20th Oct. 1849, "both parties. took up carefully, "first the consideration of the proposition thrown out by Mr Weller, to employ one term for false gods, and another or the same term modified for the true God,” and in the next place considered "the employment of the transferred word Eloah, to be em- ployed in every instance in which the true God was intended, and Shin for false gods." These propositions were rejected "as unphilo- sophical." "For," they add, "in the First Commandment, in John X. 35, 1. Cor. VIII. 5, together with 1 Kings XV. 21, 27., it was felt that the same term ought to be used for God whether true or false, because the force of the passages mainly depends on the employment of the same term: this objection would apply to Sháng-shin also, if used for the true God, and Shin for false gods; and as there were many other passages of Scripture in which different terms could not be used, it was agreed that it would be better to use the same term throughout. pp. 4, 5."

After this they tell us, that, on a suggestion having been made, to put on the title page of the N. S an explanation of the sense in which Shin was used in said book, it occurred to them “that if skin could be used with a definition, so could Tí." Accordingly this proposition was submitted to their Chinese teachers, and upon being disapproved of by these teachers, the use of tí was abandoned by them, pp. 6,7. When urging the use of the transferred term, they tell us, those Chinese who have become most familiar with our Scriptures and views of The- ology, being at the same time intelligent men and independent think- ers, frankly confess that they have not a term so generic, and capable of so wide an extension as the one we are seeking for," while the same Chinese "conceive that when foreigners have to introduce new ideas they must expect to bring with them new terms." p. 8. They make the proposal to transfer Eloah, therefore, not merely on the ground that the Chinese have no word answering to our word God, as main- tained by Dr. Bowring, but on the ground also that they have no gene- ric term for god in their language. I will however give the statement in their own words. "To the general strain of Dr. Bowring's remarks, there can be little or no objection. One idea not touched upon by him is that the Chinese language not only wants a proper term where- by to represent the perfections of the true God, but it wants also a generic, which, while it is capable of being used for the highest being of which they have any conception, includes all worshiped beings,

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and goes no farther. As they have, therefore, no appellative for God. in the Scriptural usage of the term, we must introduce one, and the one we propose is Aleah, accompanied by the following translation, Whenever Aloak is used, it refers to the beings whom men sacrifice to and worship. They do not know however that the most honorable and without compare is only one Jehovah, besides whom no other o ght to be worshiped. Jehovah is the proper name of Aloak.”

In direct opposition to the ground taken by Dr. Legge, the six signers of this letter regard their transferred word as a generic term, "as the generic for all worshiped beings." They say, p. 12, "It will be proper to remark here that we intend to use the transferred word generically, as the representative of El, Eloah, Elohim, Theos and Theoi, whenever they occur, whether for the false gods or the true. Should any object that we are calling the contemptible divinities of the heathen by the same appellative, which we use for the true God; we can only say that we feel safe in following Scriptural example. The Apostles had the option of calling the true God Theos, and the false gods daimones, in every instance, if they chose; but they did not choose; and in alluding to the heathen deity Remphan, they have called him Thoes with the article before it. So in recording the false views entertained by the Lycaonians in regard to Paul and Barnabas, whom they supposed to be Jupiter and Mercury, the term hoi Theoi is used with reference to those beings." On p. 13 they say,

"We by no means admit however, that, we cannot as effectually oppose polytheism by a transferred word, as by using a native term. We call our God Eloah, we use Eloah as the generic for worshiped beings, and we tell them that they are not to worship any other being that may be called Eloah, but the one who made heaven and earth.”

From the above it will be seen that Dr. Medhurst and his friends agree with me in opposition to the two main propositions of Dr. Legge, viz. that the Chinese Shángti is not the true God, and that the word God is generic and must be rendered by a generic term. The only issue they make with me is that stated in proposition e; i. e. they ad- mit that under the above mentioned circumstances, the generic name of the Chinese gods should be used, if such can be found, but deny that Shin is this generic name; and affirm, on the contrary, that, as the Chinese have neither a name for any being who is truly and pro- perly God, nor any generic name of their gods, and the words Elohim and Theos must be rendered by a generic term, we have no alternative, and must transfer the original term.

Sir George Staunton, as we have seen above, admits that the Chi-

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nese language has no word which fully and correctly conveys the idea which we Christians attach to the word God." He advocates the use of Shangti, on the ground that "it has from time immemorial been employed in China in a sense more nearly approaching to that which we attach to the word God than any other, which at present exists in the language of the country." I am very sorry that, from the over- sight of friends in England, I have never received a copy of Sir George's pamphlet. I only had the loan of the copy I read for two or three hours; I am afraid therefore to attempt to sketch the draft of his argu- ment lest I may unintentionally misrepresent him. From a quotation in Dr. Legge's pamphlet, p. 35, I learn however that he only contends for the use of Shángtí to render Elohim and Theos when these words are used propriè. His words are, "It is always to be borne in mind that it is only when the true God is intended to be signified, that Shangtí is contended to be the most appropriate term. Whenever the false gods of the heathen generally, or any specific false god by name is in question, the word Shin is not only proper but necessary. On the one hand, the word Skin is too low and too wide in its accep- tation to be applicable to the True God; and on the other, the phrase Shángtí is too high and too exclusive in its meaning to be applicable to any purpose less exalted." From these extracts, I conceive Sir George maintains the views expressed in the proposition marked d

above.

The “American Missionary in China” advocates the use of Ti

with an adjunct, as either Shung T or F✯ Tien Fi.

He does this on the ground that Shángti (see p. 3) especially in moral character resembles far more the true God than does any of the Theoi of the Greeks. He is a being, to whom no beginning is attributed, a being of perfect moral rectitude, and is represented as rewarding the upright and punishing the wicked; a being too of universal sovereign- ty and providence. The distinguishing title, by which this being and all other entities supposed to resemble him are known among the Chinese, is

Sháng T. This too is a title used by way of eminence to distinguish Deity, long before the Chinese were led by their pride either to assume or apply it to mortal man.

This was likewise at a time when it is clear, from their ancient books, the Chi- nese possessed a purer theology and more correct notions of the Div- ine Being and character than they do now." This writer, it will be seen, only contends here for resemblance to the true God. On p. 27 he says, "That it is extremely doubtful whether any being worship- ed by the Chinese is by them regarde l as divine. At most there is

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but one, the Shang-tí of antiquity, and he worshiped only by the Emperor." From which he concludes that, "the Chinese mythology, in which there is only one, recognised at all as divine, does not con- tain, and can not furnish, a proper generic term for Deity. Not having the idea of such a class of beings, the language assuredly will not af ford a generic term for such a class.”

It is very much to be regretted that this writer does not manifest more care in his use of terms, and that he does not define the sense in which he uses the words upon which his whole argument turns : e. g. he answers the question "Is T used as a generic term for Deity by the Chinese?" by another question, viz. "Is it appellative for a class of beings regarded divine, and not the name merely of an indivi- dual?" Upon this we would remark, that the word Deity without an article is abstract, and that of all the words he could have chosen, that have any connexion with the point under debate, the adjective "divine" seems to me the most indefinite. We are all familiar with “the divine Homer sometimes sleeps," and I have even seen “the divine Fanny Elssler," &c. Throughout his pamphlet the "American Missionary" appears to me to confouned polytheism with what has been styled di- or tri-theism; i. e. a belief in the existence of more gods than one, using the word propriè in the sense of self-existent, almighty, &c., &c.

In the result he arrives at, the proposal to render Elohim and Theos by Shangti and Shin-ming, and in the admission he makes that Shángti only resembles the true God, and the doubt he expresses whether the Chinese really regard him as divine, his views approach nearer to Sir George Staunton's than to any other: they will be most suitably discussed under proposition d.

Having thus indicated, in general terms, the positions maintained by those, whose painphlets I propose to answer, I shall now proceed to discuss the issues made between these several writers and iny Essay in the order above set forth.

The first question for our consideration is that involved in proposi- tion a, Do the Chinese know the true God, or any Being who may tru- ly and properly be called God? To this question Dr. Legge answers,

'They do: Shángtí is God over all, blessed for ever."

To put this opinion in the most advantageous way for Dr. Legge, it may be thus expressed: "The Chinese do know the Being we Christians call God, they really know him, though only in an imper- fect manner. The Being is the very same, the difference is in the clearness with which he is known." We agree with Dr. Legge that if this point can be made good, viz., the Chinese know the Being we

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call God, we ought to take the Chinese name of this Being to render Elohim and Theos in all cases, though we should find that the Chinese have never used this word, as the general name of their objects of worship. We should only differ from him, in contending that we must seek for, aud use, the absolute name of this Being, and not content ourselves with one of his titles, such as Sháng ti, which is a mere relative term. I should agree to this; for if the Chinese really know the Being we call God, and have in their language a name for Him I do not see how we could be justified in neglecting this name, or using any other word to render Elohim and Theos. We should be bound, I think, if these were the circumstances in which we found the Chinese, to tell them that Jehovah—the revealed God—was the same Being they had all along worshiped under this Chinese name, and that we now merely proposed, by the light derived from the Sacred Scriptures, to make Him more fully and perfectly known unto them. This I never would have denied ; but when my "Essay” was written, I supposed that this was not contended for by any mis- sionary in China; therefore my argument is conducted, from the beginning to the end, upon the supposition that the Chinese know no being who can truly and properly be called God.

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Dr. Legge being the affirmant in this case the onus probandi is with him; this however he is so far from perceiving, that he very amus- ingly sets us the task of finding an instance in which Shángti can not be rendered God (propriè), when in my Essay," which was before him, I had already denied the Chinese had any word in their language which could be so rendered, which made it clearly Dr. Legge's duty to furnish us with the grounds which would justify him, in so translating Shángtí, in a single instance. This was the more incumbent or Dr. Legge, as Dr. Medhurst, in his "Inquiry," admitted, as we have shown, that Shángti is never said to have created the heavens and the earth, or to be selfexistent ; and in his “Reply," that the Chinese were ignorant of the true God; and as Dr. Bowring, who also wrote previously to Dr. Legge, so unhesitatingly affirms that the Chinese do not know God. Instead of giving some good and approved definition of the sense, in which the word God is to be understood when used propriè, (which is the only sense in which the word God is ever used as he contends, and in which sense Shángti corresponds to it) and using this as a test to prove that Shángtí is properly God, he contents himself with the following petitio principii.

"The proof of this assertion is to he sought by making the largest possible collection of examples, in which the expression is used, and

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trying whether God will be an appropriate, or rather the appropriate. rendering of it. The absurdity, of saying that means God, was demonstrated by a process of this kind. Instances were adduced, which made it plain that to say that has such a signification, only affords matter for astonishment. Will Dr Boone, or any other oppo- nent of descend into this arena? Let them bring us forward passages, in which it is inadınissible to translate Shángtí by God. Till they do this, I must tell them, that they only hover about the field of conflict, and are surprisingly averse to "the tug" of the battle. Here is an experimentum crucis. I have taken their metal, and put it into the crucible—may I be pardoned the play on the words—and it has turned out to be base substance. Let them take this metal and sub- ject it to the same test. If the two words do not mean God, those who contend that they do are merely setting up a straw." It is not asking too much of Dr. Boone and his friends, to walk up to such an object and handle it. Let them give it a push, and it will fall down at once. The slightest application will prove that it has no life in it. Why have they not done this, and adduced some specific examples in which Shángti, can not be translated God? The fair and just way of accounting for their not having yet done so, doubt- less is, that such a course has not occurred to them. Having thus suggested it to them, and shown them by what an easy process they may achieve a victory—if it can be achieved—some of them will sure- ly act on the maxim, Fas est ab hoste doceri.”—pp. 26,27.

man of

On the above, we shall only observe, that Dr. Legge wastes his labor, when he endeavors to prove it absurd to say that shin means God, as we have never contended that, by the usus loquendi of Chinese writers, it had any such meaning, much less that the word has this meaning in all cases, which is the only point that could be proved absurd by such a test. We contended that shin meant a god, gods; we furnished our definition of the sense, in which these words are understood, by heathen nations, from authors of high standing, and endeavored to prove by the tests thus furnished, that shin was the generic name of the Chinese gods: would that Dr. Legge could be induced to proceed in this orderly method in making out his proof that the Chinese Shúngti is the being we call God, or that he is truly and properly God. If he will prove that the being called Shángti, in any one of the quotations he gives us, is truly and properly God, we wilt admit that the Shángti mentioned in all the other passages is God too, as we have no doubt that they all refer to the same being. This is the point that Dr. Legge should have proved, and it is so clearly his

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duty, that we might content ourselves with this auswer until Dr. Leg- ge furnishes us with his proofs; but, as the object, which we all have in view, is to develope fully the facts of this case, and to have it correctly and speedily decided,—to contend for truth, not victory -I shall gather the best definitions of God from the books within my reach, and then from these definitions and the cosmogony of the Chi- nese, exhibit the reasons why I dissent from Dr. Legge's proposition, “The Shángtí of the Chinese people is God over all, blessed for ever."

1. “I shall inquire what kind of idea, or notion, scripture and Christian antiquity give us of one that is really, and truly God. If we trace this matter through the Old Testament, we shall find that the scripture notion of a person that is truly God, and should be received as such, includes in it power and might irresistible; perfect knowledge and consummate wisdom, eternity, im- mutability, and omnipresence; creative powers; supremacy, independence, and necessary existence. These are the distinguishing characteristics, under which God was pleased to make himself known, and it is upon these accounts that he, in opposition to all other gods, claims to be received and honored as God. These therefore are what make up the scripture idea of a person who 18 truly, really, and strictly God.” Waterland's works, Vol. 2 p. 37.

2. Knapp says, “But the best definition of God.—the one in which all the others are comprehended, is the following; God is the most perfect being, and is the cause of all other being.” Knapp's Theol., Vol. I. p. 156.

3. Cudworth says, "The true and genuine idea of God in general is this. A perfect, conscious, understanding being (or inind) existing of itself from eternity and the cause of all other things." See Intel. System, Vol. I. p. 297.

If Dr. Legge will take Waterland's representation "of one that is really and truly God,” he must prove that the Shangti of the Chinese people has "power and might irresistible; perfect knowledge and consummate wisdom, eternity, immutability and omnipresence; cre ative powers; supremacy, independence and necessary existence." Or if he likes Knapp's short definition better, prove that he is

a per- fect being" i. e. a being possessed of all physical and moral perfec- tions, and that he is "the cause of all other beings," the creator of the world i. e. of every thing extrinsic to himself.

•

But to this it might be replied, these are definitions of God given by Christian men, who had in view all the perfections of Jehovah, the revealed God, and it is not necessary to prove that every thing we know of him is predicated in the Chinese books of Shingts, in order that we should admit that he is the same Being as he whom we call God. As was said above, the being might be the same, the difference only arises from the clearness with which he is known. It may be maintained by some that the monadic Thros of the Greek philosophers, is entitled to be regarded as truly and properly God, notwithstanding all of them conceived of matter as eternal. The consequences that follow, from allowing a being, who is not the absolute creator of all

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things, to be truly and properly God, are such that few, we believe, will be found to contend for it. Even Cudworth in his great zeal to bring in the heathen philosophers of Greece as good theists, is obliged to rank those among his imperfect theists, who do not hold that God “is the cause of all things," as stated in his definition above given.

Of what he calls imperfect theism he thus speaks; “and though in a strict and proper sense, they only be theists who acknowledge onc God perfectly omnipotent, the sole original of all things, and as well the cause of matter, as of any thing else, yet it seems reasonable that such consideration should be had of the infirmity of human under- standings, as to extend the word further, that it may comprehend within it those also, who assert one intellectual principle self-cristent from eternity, the framer and governor of the whole world, though not the creator of the matter."

“The American Missionary" and others also, build much on the traditionary knowledge of God, which the Chinese possessed in high antiquity. Let it be shown then from the Yih King, or the Shú King or the Shi King, that Shángti is God, according to this defini- tion of even imperfect theism; i. e. that he is asserted in a single passa- ge, to be self-existent from eternity, or that he out of preëxisting matter inade the heavens and the earth and all things that exist. That those unacquainted with the Chinese classics may be able to form some judgment on this matter, we shall give the cosmogony of the Yih King from the pen of M. Visdelou.

Tái Kih,

"This book (i. e. the Yih King) informs us what they consider the first principle to be.

(1) generated the two figures; these two figures generated the four forms, and these four forms generated the eight diagrams. This statement is very enig- matical, and therefore it is necessary to explain it. Tái-kih signifies the great summit (grand comble), a metaphorical expression derived from the roof of a house, of which the transverse part, which is at the top, is called kih, because it is the highest part of the roof. Now, as all the rafters are supported on the top of the roof, so also are all things supported on this first principle. We must here carefully observe that this first principle is said to generate (engendrer), and

not to make (faire).”

"The Chinese explain alegorically the two figures yang and yin by the two kinds of matter, or the universal matter divided into two

“(1.) Tái kih is the primary air, which by motion and rest. from which result heat and cold, moisture and drought &c., generated the five elements, vhich compose all things.”

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(2); but properly they signify Heaven and Earth. The four forms denote the perfect matter, which is divided into solid and fluid, and the imperfect matter, which is also divided into solid and fluid. Thus by the help of this twofold distinction of perfect and imperfect (3), the two kinds of matter produce four. The eight diagrams of Fuh-hí denote everything in the universe; e. g the heavens, the earth, fire, water, mountains, thunder, and still two others, under which all the rest are comprehended."

“But the philosophers explain this axiom more clearly. The fol- lowing is the account of what they, without any allegory say, viz. The great summit, (Tái kih) generated the five elements, and the five elements generated all things. This axiom is the abyss, into which those philosophers, called the Atheo-political, have plunged themselves; for they pretend that this great summit is the primitive Reason (ie. Tau), which, although without understanding or will, is absolutely the first principle of all things. They consider that this Reason, although destitute of understanding and will, nevertheless g werns all things, and that the mɔre infallibly, because it acts neces- sarily. Finally, they pretend that all things emanate from it as the term generate (engendrer) seems to indicate. These philosophers also do not hesitate to give to this reason the title of the ruling power; and as Confucius in the canonical book of changes [the Yih King] has, more than once, made mention of Shángti, that is to say,

the su- prene emperor, and of Tɩ, that is, the emperor, and yet we do not see in any part of this book, nor in any other, that Shángti generated the matter, that is Heaven and earth, the philosophers conclade from this, that the title Shingtí is not applicable to the primitive Reason, except when it acts merely in the government of the world. Hence it is that many among then acknowledge besides the primitive Rea- son, a celestial Genius (Genie-celeste-shin, no doubt) that belongs to hewen; at least the Interpreters of the emperor Káng-hi, when ex- plaining the diagram of the dispersion, where mention is made of sac- rificing to Sháng, searching into the cause why, after the troubles of the empire were appeased, they sacrificed to Shángti, render the following reason, viz that during the times of the dispersion, when the sacrifices to Shángtí were often neglected, the spirits of Shangtí had been scattered, and it was necessary therefore to re-collect thein by sacrifices.

“(2.) The perfect yang and the imperfect yin, the subtle and the gross, the celestial and the terrestrial, light and darkness, heat and cold, dryness

and moisture, and all the other qualities of matter.'

插曲

3) Strength and weakness, or extension and contraction."

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If M. Visdelou here gives us a correct account of what is said in the most ancient of the Confucian classics of the “first cause,” how hopeless is the attempt to make out Dr Legge's point, that the Shangti of the classics is " God over all, blessed for ever." So far from regarding him, as a necessary, self-existent, independent being, the learned men of K'ánghí's reign fancied, from what they read of him in the Yih King that the spirits of Shangti had been dispersed because of their neglect to offer sacrifices to him during the troubles of the empire, and that they must be re-collected by sacrifices.!!!

We beg Dr. Legge also to observe that M. Visdelou distinctly says, that Confucius never affirins in this book or in any other, that “Sháng- ti, i. e, the supreme Emperor, ever generated the Heavens and the earth," and either, reconcile this with his position that Shangtí is God (propriè) or, show that M. Visdelou is mistaken.

Of the famous diagrams which are used in divination he gives the following account :—“ It is time to pass on to the production of the dia- grams. The (primary) matter divided itself into two, the two divided into four, the four into eight, the eight into sixteen, the sixteen into thirty-two, the thirty-two into sixty-four; here it stopped, for there are only sixty-four diagrams. This is in fact, a geometrical progression, which may be continued ad infinitum. But what is there solid in all this? what is this generation of elements? And what are the five clements which generate and compose all things? Notwithstanding two of them, wood and metal, certainly neither of them ever enter into the composition of all things, still they believe that they do enter, and that so thoroughly, that they even impress some of their qualities upon the human soul. For, this is a dogma, received from all the Inter- preters, and even from the Ancients, that the five virtues, viz. be- nevolence, rectitude, propriety, wisdom and fidelity, spring from the five elements; e. g. benevolence from wood; rectitude from metal; and so of the others. How much is there in all this, which only serves to estrange the mind from the knowledge of the true God, and of the first cause! The eight diagrains of Fuh-hi merely present to the mind. eight things; viz, heaven, earth, fire, water of two kinds, mountains, and other things of like nature; but there is not one word about God, or the first principle of all things.”

Of the immediate principle of all things he says;—"The Chinese philosophers lay it down as an incontestable fact that the fire elements, wood, fire, earth, metal and water, are the immediate principles of all things, and that the five genii (shin), who govern them, extend their dominion over the dynasties, which ought in turn to possess the

viz,

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empire of China; they likewise preside over the five portions which form the entire heavens, and the five seasons of which the year is composed." These Genii are the five shin, who preside over the five elements who are styled, Azure Ruler, Vermilion Ruler, Yellow Ruler, White Ruler, and Black Ruler.

•

While quoting the opinions of others on this subject, I will cite again a few passages from Dr. Medhurst's “China, its State and pros- pects" that were quoted in my Essay;—“There are in the works of the Philosopher (Confucius) some allusions to heaven as the presid- ing power of nature, and to fate (li) as the determiner of all things, but he does not appear to attribute originality to the one, or rationality to the other; and thus his system remains destitute of the main truth which lies at the basis of all truth, viz, the being of a self- existent, eternal, all-wise God." Again; "From these expressions about "Heaven", the "Supreme Ruler", and the " "principle of order”, we might infer that the Chinese had some knowledge of the Ruler of the universe, and honored him as such, were we not baffled by the very incoherent manner in which they express themselves, and shock- ed at the propensity to materialism which they constantly exhibit.” Again; "No first cause ” characterises all the sects, and the supreme self-existent God, is scarcely traceable through the entire range of their metaphysics; and yet the Chinese manage to combine the appar- ently irreconcileable principles of atheism and polytheism. 'Gods many and lords many' are adopted by every sect, and it is more easy to find a god than a man in China. Though they account no divinity to be eternal, yet they discover a god in every thing."

I quote these words as furnishing important testimony on the point now under discussion, and also to afford me an opportunity of com- menting on Dr. Medhurst's observations on my quoting from the State and Prospects" in my Essay. Dr. Medhurst had been a stud- ent of the Chinese language for twenty years, and was justly consider- ed an excellent Chinese scholar at the time that work was written. 'There could be surely therefore no impropriety in quoting from such a work. The fact that it was written as Dr. M. alledges, in a po- pular style, has nothing to do with the object for which it was quoted, which was, to show that the Chinese were polytheists and that they did not know any being who is truly and properly God. These are facts, which one narrates according to the best of his knowledge and belief, whether he writes in a philosophical, or easy flowing popular style. Had I quoted this work, on any nice point of Chinese criti- cisin, some complaint might have been made, but as it is, we think

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Juty.

Dr. M's complaint wholly gratuitous. My quoting all Dr. Medhurst's Dictionaries against him has been thought by some, I have been told, an unjustifiible ad hominem inethod of arguing; the reason for doing so I have distinctly stated in my Essay. Dr. Medhurst has a great peculiarity for a controversial writer, in not referring to his past writ- ings, however much he may contradict what he has written before on the same subject. Of this he has given many instances since this controversy commenced. His Dictionaries, as I showed in my Essay, all render shin, a god. In a communication addressed to the editor of the Chinese Repositary, dated Shanghai Sept. 14th 1846. (Vol. XVI, p. 34) he writes, "You may say

but that means a god, not the one God. Shin means without doubt the gods, or the beings of the invisible world, and not God, the only living and true Jehovalı, who made all things.” In his “Theology of the Chinese”, written im- mediately afterwards, he renders shin always spirit,-not god, denies that it means god, and yet does not refer to either his Dictionaries or this letter, or inform his readers in any way, that he had formerly, yea, so very recently held the opinion. he was opposing; nor does he condescend to mention a single reason for his change of views. This was the reason, to inform those who had to study this controversy, of this important fact, why I thought it incumbent on me to quote his dictionaries and other writings. If Dr. Medhurst had made his readers acquainted with these facts, I should have been very glad to have been spared the task of doing so; the facts I thought then, and still think, too important to the interests of truth, to be unknown. Dr. Medhurst, I fancy, both thought and wrote much more dispassionate- ly on this subject fifteen years ago, than when penning his “Theology of the Chinese,” and his “Inquiry." He was then shocked with the Chinese materialism, and found the Confucianists, and all the other sects, without a first cause, and counting no divinity eternal. In his "Theology of the Chinese" at p. 82 et seq., because he finds the primordial substance which dividing itself into its purer and grosser parts produced heaven and earth, called “the · ', supreme one, and the great extreme, which including three, consists of one," i. e. Heaven, earth and man, which make one universe, he rejoices

"that the Divine Being has not left himself without a witness in this dark land? thinks the Chinese must have derived these ideas by traditiona- ry knowledge from the sons of Noah, aud remarks that the phrase “in- cluding three consists of one" see:ns to bear some allusion to the mysterious Doctrine of the Trinity, which may have been derived by nadition from the Patriarchal age'

He afterwards doubts the cor-

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rectness of this hypothesis, but could not bring himself to blot out what he had written. The extreme improbability, that the Patriarchs were acquainted with the mysterious mode of subsistence of the Di- vine Being, we should suppose would have deterred any one from re- garding such a supposition; but Dr. Medhurst was at that time car- ried away with the idea of proving that Shangti was the true God. Most persons will, I think, agree with me, that if the Chinese in their high antiquity really derived a knowledge of the doctrine of the Tri- nity by tradition from the Patriarchs, they must have had a much bet- ter and fuller tradition of what the faith of the Patriarchs was than we have in the Bible, for certainly no man can deduce the doctrine of the Trinity from the Pentateuch, or shew from it that the Patriarchs held this doctrine. We think this a striking instance to show the impor- tance of our being acquainted with the mood in which Dr. Medhurst is, and the point he is proposing to prove at the time he is writing, to enable us to form a just estimate of the value of any opinion advanced by him. We have in this instance a clear statement of the very materialism which shocked Dr. Medhurst when he wrote his "State and Prospects of China." In the passage quoted by Dr. M. from the Li Ki, or Book of Rites, the k'i, primordial substance, is consider- ed as the great extreme, or first principle, instead of Li B, which is frequently, perhaps most frequently, so regarded; and yet Dr. Med- hurst rejoices at the knowledge of God there displayed.

The difficulties in the way of regarding the Chinese Shangtí as en- titled to be called God (proprié) are, to my mind insuperable.

Ist. I have never seen any assertion, produced from any Chinese writer, that states his self-existence from eternity. Dr. Medhurst ad- mits in his "Inquiry" p. 5, that he has never found such a passage, but seeks to do away with the effects of this fatal admission on Shángt.'s claim to be regarded as truly and properly God, by adding that “ We nowhere meet with a single passage which speaks of his origin.” But this surely is not enough. Self-existence from eternity is not such a matter-of-course appendage to a Ruler, that it must, if writers only keep silence about it, be inferred. This is an inadmissible escape from the proof manifestly demanded of a point essential to the support of the cause of Shangti. It amounts to this, nobody has predicated this of Shángti, therefore we will infer it; or in other words, as the point is essential to us, we will beg the question. But to this we can not consent. The Chinese may never have conceived of, or spoken of any being or thing as existing from eternity, in which case the in- ference would be against the supposition that they regarded Shangh

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as self-existent from eternity. Or, they may have conceived of, and spoken of, eternally existing principles, and not mentioned Siangli among them; in which case the inference against Shangti's self-exis- tence from eternity would be ten-fold stronger. This last is the fact; the Chinese have speculated about eternally-existing first principles, but Shángtí is not mentioned among them. These principles are táu and li, which are the same, i. e. the primitive Reason, destiny. fate, “which neither wills nor wishes, plans nor makes," and Ki the primordial substance, which "can settle and collect together, make and do.”

2d. In regard to the making of the heavens and the earth, Chinese writers are not silent. They do not regard heaven and earth as eter- nal; they are made, and made in time; but Shangti had nothing to do with the making of them. Take as an instance the account given in the 49th section of Chúfúlsz's Entire Works, of the making of heaven and earth. The eternally-existing principles are Li and Ki He sometimes calls Li the Tải kih, Great Extreme, and sometimes K'i.

Li neither wishes nor plans nor does,

£Œ 計度無造作;

1; "it is without form or trace, it can not make or do any thing";無形迹他却不會造作: but K'i 氣 he

affirms, as I said above, Can settle and collect together, make and do." "Ki can ferment and settle and generate things."

能醖釀凝聚生物也. The Ki or primordial substance he

views under the two aspects of Yin and Yúng, i. e. as passive or active. Of the Yin k'í, or primordial substance, which has ris iner-

tia, Kwei is the ling spirit, or p'eh anima: and of the

Yang k'i or primordial substance which moves, or is active, Shin 神 is the lingspirit, or hwan soul, animus.

From these materials how are heaven and earth made! This

primordial substance, so informed by Shin and Kwei, commenced revol- ving: but I will give the account of the actual making of the heavens and the earth in Chúfútsz's own words, closely rendered. Hi 初間只是陰陽之氣這一箇氣運行磨來磨去磨急了便機多渣滓裹面無處出便

結成的地在中央氣之清者便爲天為日月只在外常周環運轉地便在中央不動不是在下 In the beginning of heaven and earth there only was the Yin-ned and Yang-cd K (ie the primordial substance

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of which we predicate yin and yáng, or passivity and activity). This one primordial substance (k'í) revolved, grinding round and round. When the grinding became rapid, then was pressed together much sediment: in the inside, there being no place for it to get out, it was collected together, and became the earth in the centre. The finer part of the primordial substance then became the heavens, and the sun, moon and stars, which externally around (i. e. the earth) constant- ly revolved. The earth is in the middle at rest ; it is not below."

This scheme of the generatio. of all things is by no means peculiar to Chú-fútsz'; he derives it from the Yih King, the source from which all the literati derive their views on this subject, and who do not therefore differ much from Chú-fútsz' in their interpretation. To show the concurrence of other distinguished Chinese writers in his views of cosmogony, I will quote a few paragraphs from a paper by Mr. Gutzlaff, in the Chinese Repository, Vol. III., p. 55.

"The account given by the Chinese of the mythological era is less extra- vagant than that given by any other nation, though comprising according to some writers a period of many thousands of years, like the Indianı kulpas." In assigning a cause of the existence of the world they are greatly at a loss. Ignorant as they are of the true God, they are carried away by their imagine- tions, and speak of a cause capable of moving inert matter by which the male and female principles, Yang and Yin, were called into being, whose continual revolutions produced heaven and earth. For this they are 'without excuse,' though they never read that, 'in the beginning God created the heaven and the earth; but if, after hearing of his wondrous works, they deny the Author of their being, the Creator of the universe, they will be found still more guilty at his bar. The Roman Catholics have repeatedly given them an account of the creation of the world, but they have rejected this reasonable doctrine with disdain, and continue to believe in the absurd pantheism of the Yáng and Yin. In geography and astronomy, they have condescended to be instructed by foreigners, but to the science of all sciences, the knowledge of the Divine Being, they as a nation, have never given their attention.

"Hwai Nán-tsz', a celebrated Chinese author, discoursing upon cosmo- gony says, Heaven was formuless, an utter chaos, and the whole mass was nothing but confusion ; order was first produced in the pure ether; out of the pure ether, the universe came forth; the universe produced the air; the air the milky way. When the pure male principle, Yàng, had been diluted, it formed the heavens. The heavy and thick part coagulated and formed the earth. The refined particles united very soon, but the union of those that were thick and heavy went on very slowly; therefore the heavens came in- to existence first, and the earth afterwards. From the subtle essence of hea- ven and earth, the dual principles, Yang and Yin were formed. The joint operation of Yang and Yin produced the four seasons; and the four seasons putting forth their generative power, gave birth to all the products of the earth. The warın air of the Yang, being condensed, produced fire; and the finest parts of fire formed the sun. The cold air of the Yin, being likewise condensed produced water, and the finest parts of the watery substance form. ed the moon. By the seminal influence of the sun and moon, the stars were formed. Heaven was adorned with sun moon and stars; the carth has re- ceived rain, rivers, and dust.”

VOL. XIX NO. VII.

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This is perhaps,” says Mr. Gutzlaff, “the most rational theory of cosino- gony the sages of China have been able to furnish. The orthodox creed taken from the Yih King, teaches nothing but absurd materialism. Heaven operates, Earth produces, and all things come into existence, &c. Sz'tsz' tell us that ⚫ail that has shape, heaven and earth included, was produced by something shapeless, and that the visible world was produced by successive revolutions.' The Wu-yun Lih-nien ki is still more curious in its theory. 'When the pri- meval vapors and ether germinated, there was a commencement of things; heaven and earth were separated; the male and female principles came into existence; the Yáng scattered the primeval ether, the Yin conceived, and man was produced by their union. The first born was Pwánkú. At the approach of death, his body was transformed: his breath was changed into winds and clouds; his voice into thunder; his left eye into the sun, and his right into the moon; his limbs became the four regions (poles); his blood and serum rivers;

his sinews and arteries, the earth's surface; his flesh fields; his beard, the stars; his skin and hair, herbs and trees; his teeth and bones, metals and rocks; his fine marrow, pearls and precious stones; his dropping sweat, rain; en the insects which stuck to his body became people.”

These several schemes will be found to vary considerably from each other in details; but they, and all the schemes of cosmogony I have ever seen from the pen of Chinese writers, agree in being entirely godless. No "conscious mind, itself self-existent," creating the primary matter, or even out of chaotic matter, producing order by the for- mation of the heavens and the earth. The following short expression of the doctrine of the Yih King is that in which probably all the literati would agree.

It is from the 49th section of Chú-fútsz's

entire works.

“All things, the four seasons and the five elements, come only from the Great Extreme (t'ái kih). The Great Extreme is the primordial substance (k'i) which, moving along, divided and made two k'i; that which in itself has motion is the Yang, and that which had rest, or is inertiæ, is the Yin. It (the k'i) divided and made the five elements. It also further divided and made all things."

萬物四時五行只是從那太極中來太極只是一箇氣迤邐分做兩個氣裏面動底是陽靜底是陰又分做五氣又散為萬物

This is the same scheme of making all things, as that referred to in the Li Ki, quoted by Dr Medhurst and commented on just above. If this be the doctrine of "the learned" on this subject, they must be ignorant of the true God, for if Shángtí stood quietly by and permitted the Yin and Yang to grind on until heaven and earth and all things were made, we can not regard him as God (propriè ) ; and if he did not exist at that time as an idle spectator, he is not self-existent from eter- nity and this is equally fatal to his claim to be regarded as truly and

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properly God. If the Chinese were entirely silent about the making of heaven and earth, and clearly asserted Shángti's self-existence from eternity, it might with some more show of propriety be inferred that he who rules over all things, must have made all things-heaven and earth included in these ‘all things'—but it would have been a mere in- ference carrying no conviction along with it; but as the case is, there is no room left for such an inference: Shángtí is not mentioned among the eternally-existing principles that are spoken of, and the making of the heavens and the earth is assigned to the Yin Yáng chí 'the primordial substance of which Yin and Yáng are predicated.

If it be asked, why does not the cosmogony of Confucius in the Yih King, that of Chú-fútsz', and of all the Confucianists ascribe the making of heaven and earth to Shángtí, I answer, the reason is, I fancy, that they so identify heaven and earth with Shangti, in their minds, that it would be to them like making a being the cause of itself; and as they never regarded heaven as eternally existent, and looked upon Shángti and Heaven as the same being, they never conceived of Shángti as self-existent. Whether this be the reason or not, it seems certain that none of them ascribe the making of the heavens and the earth to Shángti. I can not believe in the existence of a tradi- tional knowledge of God among a people, who had forgotten this fundamental fact, that God was their Creator—at least their Maker, and that of the world they live in. If Shángti is neither self-existent, nor eterual, nor the maker of the heavens and the earth, what then, it will be asked, is asserted of him, on which his claim to be considered as truly and properly God is founded?

The first sentence quoted by Dr. Legge is, "The majestic God (Shángli) conferred the just medium of perfect virtue on the lower people." In this whole investigation nothing is more puzzling than the predicating words which indicate intellectual and moral qualities of things which we regard as devoid of both from our habits of thought and modes of expression, we can sarcely avoid regarding the names of the things which have such qualities predicated of them metaphorically, while the Chinese on the contrary feel no difficulty at all, and use them in their strict and appropriate sense. Take, for instance, the words just quoted, "the just medium of perfect virtue :" this, in Chinese, is called the wú chàng, five cardinal virtues, which are given as follows: jin, í, l, chi, sin,

viz., benevolence, rectitude, propriety, wisdom, and fidelity. From these five cardinal virtues, both men and things, jin wuh,

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obtain at their generation sang, and these constitute their sing , nature, and this sing is explained to be lí, which is one of the two eternally-existent principles, out of which heaven, earth, men, and all things were made. We have seen from M. Visdelou above, that these five cardinal virtues are derived from the five ele- ments, viz, wood, metal, &c. What a strange mixture have we here! Things (wuk) have by nature, benevolence, rectitude, propriety, wisdom and fidelity, and these moral qualities are derived from wood, metal, &c.

In the Yih King the inatter is thus stated: "One Yin and one Yáng is called táu; the connection of these two constitutes goodness; the perfection of them constitutes sing, nature."

Of these terms, the commentators give the following explanation: "The ceaseless revolutions of the Yin and Yang refer to the k'i,” the primary air of M. Visdelou, and what we have rendered above, primordial substance.

The (h) order in which these revolve, or fate which determines their revolutions-is called Tau, the primitive Reason of M. Visdelou. Another writer says, "Tiu has no voice nor form, and is invisible ; that by which men act is Táu, Reason. One Yin and one Yáng are the Táu of heaven and earth; things (wuh) are by this generated, (sang 4(and perfected."

The word "goodness" in the phrase, "the connection of these constitutes goodness," is explained to be the work of transforming and nourishing things, "which is the business of the Yang, the moving or active primordial substance."

The word sing nature, is thus explained:

受。言物生則有性,而各具是道也陰之事也

"Nature means that which things (men included) receive. It means that when things are sang, generated, they have sing, nature, and that each thing is so arranged, is owing to Táu, and is the business of the Yin, the non-moving, or passive primordial substance." This sing, nature, is also explained by the character li. Put all to-

gether, and it amounts to this: men and things obtain ki, and thus they have Jhing, form; they obtain lí, and thus they have sing, nature.

The great question is, what sets this primary substance, k'i, in mo- tion?

Tái kih is If you answer Tái kih, then what is T'ái kih? Li, Thái kih is Tin, Thái kih is Ki: A most vicious circle, from which there is no escape.

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If you say, " Heaven confers this nature,” the 天命, the celestial

decree is merely li or táu. If you say, Shángti confers this nature, Shingti is Heaven, and so you run round the circle again. No won- der that Dr. Medhurst found himself “baffled by the very incoherent manner in which they express themselves, and shocked at the pro- pensity to materialism which they constantly exhibit."*

* I shall throw together in a note here the proofs of all I have advanced in the text, and give the Chinese characters along with the translation. These extracts are all from the 49th section of Chú-futsz's works, the whole of which section is devoted to the consideration of Lí and Kí.

1. “ This Great Extreme is merely Li, the principle of order." 太極只是一箇理字

2. « This character táu

is the Great Extreme of the Yih King, or Book

of Diagrams. One is the odd number, and belongs to the active primordial sub- stance (yang); two is the even number, and belongs to the passive primordial substance (yin); three is the odd number and even, added together. When it ic said two produced (sang 牛 ) three, it means that two and one make three. If we merely consider one as the Great Extreme, there is no need to say further that Reason (Táu) produced one. This puts an extinguisher upon the idea

of a first Cause in the Yih King 此道字印易之太極。乃陽數奇。二乃陰之偶。三乃奇偶之其日二生三者。猶所謂二與一為三也。若直以一為太極則不容復言道生一矣

3. “ All things, the four seasons, the five elements, only from the Great Ex- treme come. The Great Extreme is merely a Kí, a primordial substance."'

萬物四時五行。則是從那太極中來。太極只是一箇氣:

4. " The Great Extreme is Li-the principle of order; it is the active-passive

primordial substance viz., ki.” 太極理也動靜氣也

5. "The Great Extreme is not a separate individual thing; if we speak of it with respect to the Yin-yang-active-passive primordial substance, then it is in the Yin-yang; if with respect to the five elements, it is in the five elements; if with respect to all things, then it is in all things; it is merely a Lí principle of order (i. e. inherent in all things.) Because it goes to the extreme (of every. thing of which it is predicated), it is called Tui kik, the Great Extreme.” This excludes all idea of its being a first cause distinct from Li and Kí.

太極非是別為一物郋陰陽而在陰陽。即

五行而在五行。郋萬物而在萬物。只是管理而已因其極至故名曰太極

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From the inability to produce any proof that Tien, or Shángti, produced the heavens and the earth, recourse is had to passages where heaven is said to generate all things, and "all things are said to come from Shángti, as men from their parents." But the Chinese phrase here used, win wuh, never includes, according to the

6. “Should any one ask an explanation of the assertion that the principle of order (li) exists first, and the primordial substance (kí) afterwards; I answer there is no need to speak thus ; but now that we know they are united, whether the Li was first, and afterwards the Ki, or the Lí afterwards, and Kí first, all this is a matter into which we can not search; but should we endeavor to form some idea of it, then we may suppose that (kf) the primordial substance relies upon (lí) the principle of order, when it acts, so that whenever the primordial substance is collected, there (4) the principle of order is present : for the pri- mordial substance (kt) can coagulate and collect, act and make, but the prin- ciple of order (4) neither wishes, nor plans, nor does; but where the primor- dial substance (kl) coagulates and collects, the (4) principle of order is in it. Just as between heaven and earth (i. e. in the world), men and things, grass, trees, birds, and beasts, in their generation sang) all of them require a seed, and certainly there can not without a seed (omnia ex ovo?) from nothing be ge- nerated a single thing; this is (illustrates) the primordial substance (kf), i. e. the kd performs the part of the seed. "With respect to the principle of order (lí), it is a pure, empty, wide world, without forin or trace, it can not make or do any- thing; but the primordial substance can ferment and settle and generate things.”

問先有理後有氣之說。曰。不如此說。而今知得他合下是先有理。後有氣耶後有理.先有氣耶皆不可得而推究然以意度之。則疑此氣是依傍這理行及此氣之聚則理亦在焉盖氣則能凝結造作。理却無情意無計度無造作。只此氣凝聚處理便在其中。且如天地閒人物草木禽獸其生也莫不有種定不會無種了。白地生出

物事。這箇都是氣。若理,則只是個潔净空濶底世界無形迹。他却不會造作。氣則能醞釀凝聚生物也

7. "With respect to the constitution of man, his lf (i. e. the principle, or law of order which determines his form, constitution, &c.), is the principle of order (li) of heaven and earth; and his kt (i. e. the primordial substance of which his body, soul and anima-the whole man is made), is the primordial substance (kí) of which heaven and earth are made. The 6 (inherent principle of order) has no trace and is invisible; we must therefore look for it in the kt-prinmor. dial substance. In the world we have both the principle (law) of order (lí), and the primordial and substance (kt). The principle of order (1) is the [pri- mitive] Reason (tíu) which is inherent in material bodies, and is the root of

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usus loquendi of Chinese writers, the heavens and the earth; and this t'ien tí wán wuh is used as a periphrasis

1st, because for the universe, but 2d, and still more conclusively, because the ge- neration of all things,

sung wán wuh is throughout the

Yih King and all the Confucian classics, constantly referred to

their generation (or the principle from which they emanate). The primordial substance (kí) is the material-the substance out of which things are generat- ed. Hence, when men and things are generated, they must received this If,

(emanation from the primitive Reason), and then they have 性 sing, nature; they must receive this kf (primordial substance), then they have king 形 form." 人之所以爲人。其理則天地之理。其氣則天地之氣。理無迹不可見。故於氣覬之天地之間有理有氣理也者形而上之道也。生物之本也。氣也者,形而下之器也。生物之具也是以人物之生必禀此理。然後有性。必禀此氣然後有形.

8. “That which is called the Great Extreme is only in the Yin-yáng. And what is called the Yin-yáng-active-passive primordial substance-is only in the Great Extreme. What people at present say, about there being, above the Yin- ying, a separate, incorporcal, shadowless thing, which is the Great Extreme, is

incorrect. 所謂太極者,便只在陰陽裏。所謂陰陽者。便只在太極今人說是陰陽上。别有

箇無形無影裏是太極非也

9. " The meaning of the Great Extreme just is, the extreme point of the prin- ciple (law) of order (f); having Lí you have this thing, i. e. the Yin-yang; priority or posteriority of order can not be predicated of them (viz. of Li, and the Yin-ed-Yang-ed Ki, active-passive primordial substance); therefore we say, that when in the Yih King (or Book of Diagrams) we read of the Great Ex- treme, it means that the Great Extreme is in the midst of the active-passive pri- mordial substance (Yin-yáng); and that it is not exterior to, or separate froin the Yin-yáng. Now if we explain it (the Great Extreme) as the Great Centre, or regard it as having existed before heaven and earth, prior to the division of the great expanse, I fear it is not safe. That which is inherent in material bodies we call tiu-primitive Reason; the subtance out of which things are formed we call Ki, the material; now to speak of the Great Extreme as Divine -or as a Divine thing, or to speak of it as existing before the division of the heaven and the earth, when the primordial substance was all united in one

(shin神

) mass; these propositions we also fear have no basis." 太極之義。正謂理之極致耳。有是理即有物無先後次序之可言故曰易有太極則是太極,乃

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t'ien tí, heaven and earth; e. g. in the Yih King we read, under the

乾 lkien diagram,大哉乾元萬物資始“how great is the

originating virtue of heaven; all things receive their commencement

from it !” And again, under the 坤 diagram, 至哉坤元萬物資生 “ how great is the originating virtue of earth; all things receive

their birth (or consummation) from it!" On these two sentences, M. Visdelou thus remarks: "Hence it is that Heaven is called by the Chinese the Father of all things, who gives the commencement to all;

在陰陽之中。而非在陰陽之外也今以大中訓之。又以乾坤未判。大衍未分之時論之。恐未安也。形而上者謂之道。形而下者謂之器。今論太極。而日其物謂之神。又以天地未分元氣合而為一者言之。亦恐未安也

10. « If it be inquired what s meant when we rcad in the Book of Re- cords, such sentences as the following, viz, that Shangtí confers the virtuous nature on the people;' that 'Heaven is about to impose great duties on man ;' that, Heaven to protect the people makes for them princes;' that, 'Heaven having produced things treats them according to their capacity;' that, 'upon those who do good it sends down a hundred felicities, and upon those who do ill it sends down a hundred calamities;' that, 'when Heaven is about to send down some uncommon calamity, it first produces an uncommon man to deter- mine it :' in expressions of this kind, is it meant that above the azure heavens, there really is a Ruler who acte thus ? or is it that Heaven has no mind? (i. e. no controlling mind so that things happen by chance?) or is it merely, if we seek the origin (or cause) that according to the principle (law) of order (lí) it is thue? I answer, these three points have but one meaning, viz., according to the principle of order (f) i. e. the eternal fitness of things-destiny, fate it is thus. In the revolutions of the primordial substance hitherto, fulness has always been succeeded by decline, and after a period of decline there has been one of fulness, just as if things were caused to go round in a circle. There never has been a period of decline that was not followed by one of fulness.”

問上帝降衷於民。天將降大任於人。天祐民。作之君。天生物因其材而篤作善降之百祥。作不善降之百殃。天将降非常之禍於此世。必預出非常之人以擬之。凡此等類是蒼蒼在上者。具有主宰如是耶抑夫無心。只是推原其理如此日此三段。只一意這箇也只是理如此。氣運從來一盛了又一衰。一衰了又一盛只管恁地循環去無有衰而不盛者

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and that the earth is named the Mother, who nourishes, nurses, per- fects and consummates all things. However they can not be either the one or the other, the alone, or the first principle of all things; and besides, as we have already said, the absolute first principle is the grand summit, t'ai-kih, which generated the heavens and the earth. In the table of Fuh-hi, there is no mention in any part of it of a first principle of all things; nevertheless, many interpreters formerly took heaven for the grand summit, t'ái kih, and especially its virtue kien

; no doubt, because heaven is the most grand, most elevated of all bodies, and because in it the power and splendor of the first principle most shines forth.”

"Heaven and earth unite, and

produced." "Heaven and earth nourish

in wuh, all things are

yang, all things

soán tr “Heaven and earth exert their influences, and all things

wán wuh, are generated." "First, you have heaven and earth,

and then all things are generated,

wán wuh sang."

"Heaven and earth are the Father and Mother of all things

H 萬物之父母” We must not suppose that heaven and earth

are here used merely by metonomy for the producing power, because each does its part. We read - t'ien yih sang shwowi “heaven is one, and generated water; earth is two

and Ø±ØEŮ

generated fire. We also meet with the phrase

“the heart (wish or disposition) of heaven and earth is to generate things." This is one of the instances in which we are quite thrown out by what I mentioned above-the predicating intellectual and moral qualities of material, physical objects. The first thought on reading this sentence is, that the words heaven and earth must be un- derstood metaphorically; but if we will take the trouble to look up the native comment, we shall find that the expression is resolved into the famous word lie. g. Chú-fútsz' gives the following ex planation of the Z, the heart of heaven and earth. 問天地之心天地之理。理是道理心是主宰底意否。曰心固是主宰底意然所謂主宰者。即是理也。不是心外别有個理。理外别有個

“Should any one ask whether in the phrases, the heart of heaven and earth,' and 'the (li) principle of order of heaven and earth,' if the character li does not mean táu li, principle, and sin, heart, mean Ruler ; I answer, heart certainly has the meaning of Ruler, but what we call 43

VOL XIX NO. VIL.

378

Defense of an Essay, &c.

JULY,

Ruler, is just this l, i. e. the principle of order; it is not, that besides

the heart there is this li, principle of order, or besides this li, principle of order, there is a heart."

And so in the Yih King, when we read that ★★^* 天地合其德 "the great man with heaven and earth unites

his virtue," we fancy heaven and earth must be used metaphorically, but the word "t'ien heaven," in the phrase "heaven and earth” refers, the commentator expressly tells us, to its form and substance." He also says, the virtue in which heaven and earth and the great man unite, is Táu.

The generation of all things is also ascribed to the yin and yáng, to theurh k'i, the two primordial substances, which are the same as the yin and yang, and to the wú hing, the five ele-

ments. While the generation of all things is thus ascribed to so

many different agents, the generating of the heavens and the earth is

never ascribed to Shángti. This generation however is ascribed to Yin Yang chí ki; as for instance in the following th

陽之物。依舊是陰陽之氣所生也“ Heaven and

earth are only a thing or creature of the Yin and Yáng; they are what the Yin-ed and Yang-ed k'i, (i. e. the primordial substance of which we predicate Yin and Yang, activity and passivity) generated of old." To pursue this argument from the Chinese cosmogony any farther, we think useless. What Cudworth maintains is necessary to con- stitute imperfect theism, is certainly the minimum that we could consent, should be used as a test to prove whether Shángtí is truly and properly God or not. That he can meet the requirements of this test is not pretended on Shángti's behalf by Dr. Medhurst, as we have seen, and I am persuaded can not be shown from the Chinese classics by any one. So far from proving Shangtí to be God (propriè) he can not, judging from all that is predicated of him, (as far as I am in- formed,) be shown to be even a Demiurge. And to this assertion I beg to call Dr. Legge's attention particularly.

If Dr. Legge gives up the point of Shángti's self-existence from eternity, he can not abandon that of his having made the heavens and the earth, and still maintain that he is "God over all, blessed for ever,” without the greatest inconsistency. This last point he must prove, for, if he fails to make it good, we must regard Shángtí as one of those gods, whose doom was long ago announced by the prophet: "The gods that have not made the heavens and the earth, even they shall perish from the earth, and from under these heavens." Jer. x. II.

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Before taking our leave of this point, I can not refrain from quoting some excellent advice which M. Visdelou gives to those who maintain that the Chinese are worshipers of the true God.

He says:-

"The Chinese are certainly in advance of other nations in the care and accuracy with which they have written their histories. Besider what we call history in general, they write also particular historical accounts of all things, amongst which religion holds the chief place.

"Each dynasty possesses a history of its religion. Thus it will not be difficult, instead of vainly disputing about their canonical books and about detached portions of passages, to gather from history, a decided opinion con- cerning the religion of each dynasty, and finally to decide if the religion of the Chinese be the religion of the true God.”

If we act on this suggestion of M. Visdelou, and test Shángti's claim to be regarded as the true God by the historical account of the reli- gious worship of each dynasty, the conviction produced on our minds that "the Shangti of the Chinese people" is not the Being we call God, is as decided as that derived from a consideration of their cos- mogony. For an account of the objects worshiped in the Chau dynasty B.C. 1100, I must beg leave to refer the reader to my "Essay," in Vol. XVII, pp., 30, 31, 48, 49, 50.

In his "Inquiry," Vol. XVII, p. 175, Dr. Medhurst gives the fol- lowing account of the worship of the present dynasty: "At the great sacrifice by the rulers of the present dynasty, at the period of the winter solstice, an altar is elevated at the southern side of the Capital, of a round form, three stories high, the top of which, or the principal place of honor, is intended for the shrine of Shángti or Ti; having the shrines of the Imperial Ancestors arranged on the right and left hand; while those of the attendant shin, such as the spirits presiding over the sun, moon and stars, clouds, wind and rain, are placed on the second story, and are honored with medium sacrifices. When the sacrifice is to take place, the shrine of Shángtí is escorted to the high altar; and while the fumes of incense are ascending, the emperor greets the approach of the shin or spirit of Ti; after which he ascends the steps, and in the presence of Shángti and of the imperial ancestors, offers incense with three kneelings and nine prostrations: this done, he goes towards the shrine of the imperial ancestors, arranged on each side of the high altar, and offers incense with three kneelings and nine prostrations. The same ceremonies are gone through with regard to the offerings, which are first presented before the shrine of Shangtí, and then before those dedicated to the Imperial Ancestors. When the service is completed, the spirit of Ti is escorted on its departure by music, and the shrine conducted to the temple, where it is deposit. ed as before."

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It will be observed here, that the respect shown to the imperial an cestors is as great as that shown to Shangli, nothing but precedence being given to him. They are elevated to the same height, and they, as well as Shángti, have incense offered to them, and are saluted with “three kneelings and nine prostrations." If the emperor had any, even the slightest, knowlege of the self-existent Being who is "God over all," could he thus elevate his deceased ancestors, the mere creatures of this Being, to equal rank and honors with him?

To illustrate further the Chinese worship, we refer also to a paper on "the State Religion of China" from the pen of Dr. Morrison. This paper was communicated by him to the Chinese Repository in 1834, after he had enjoyed intimate intercourse with the Chinese people and the officers of government for twenty-six or seven years.

"The Chinese have no generic name for religion. The word kiáu, which roeens to teach, or the things taught, doctrine or instruction, is indeed applied by them to the religious sects of Tau and Budha, as well as to the ethical sect of Confucius. But they do not apply it to the State Religion; for that does not consist of doctrines which are to be taught, learned and believed, but of rites and ceremonies. It is entirely a bodily service, which, how- ever, tacitly implies the belief of some opinions; though to have correct opinions according to some prescribed rule or articles of faith, forme no pert of the systent. The state religion, as practiced by the Court of Peking and by the Provincial governments is contained in the code of laws called Tá-tsing Huui-tien and in the Tá-tsing Liuh-li under the head I, rules of propriety and decorum, or rites and ceremonies, and in the subordinate division tei-sz," sacrifices and offerings. From these two works we shall briefly specify; 1st, the persons or things to whom there sacrifices are presented, or the objects of governmental worship; 2d, the ministers or priests who offer these sacrifices, and the preparation required of them_for_the_performance of this religious servico; 3d, the sacrifices and offerings, the times of presenting them and the ceremonies accompanying them; and 4th, the penalties for informality, or defective performance of the state religion."

* First, we are to speak concerning the objects of worship, or things to which sacrifices are offered. These are chiefly things, although persons are alan included. The state sacrifices are divided into three classes; first, the ká sz', or great sacrifices; second, the chung sz', or medium sacrifices; and third, the riáu sz', or little sacrifices. These last are also denominated kiun sz', the crowd or herd of sacrifices; the word kiun, a flock of sheep, being used as a noun of inultitude. In the following list, the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th, are the objects or classes of objects to which the great sacrifices are offered; from the 5th to the 13th are those to which the medium sacrifices ere offered; those of the 14th and onward, have right only to the little sacri- fices.

1. Tien, the heavens or sky. This object of worship is otherwise called the azure heavens ; and hưởng k'ung yü, 'the imperial concave expanse.'

2. Ti, the earth. This, like the heavens, is dignified with the epithet im- perial.

3. Tai minu 'the great temple' of ancestors. This title is used to in- clude all the tablets contained therein dedicated to the manes, or shades of the deceased emperors of the present dynasty. This triad of titles, t'ien, ti, tải mìáu, always placed together on a level in respect of dignity at the

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381

grand sacrifices, are also worshiped apart. The lines or columns of Chinese characters being read from top to bottom, dignity is always denoted by the height of the title, which corresponds in some degree to our use of capital letters. Inferiority of rank or dignity is marked by the title being placed one or more characters lower. Heaven, earth and ancestors, as objects of worship of equal dignity, are placed on a level, and one or more characters higher than other objects, as the sun, moon, stars, &c. An idea of this may be conveyed to the reader by the position of the words in lines, thus;—

Heaven, Earth, Ancestors,

Sun, moon, stars, &c.

4. Shié tsik, the gods of the land and grain; these are the special patrons of each existing dynasty, and generally located in the fourth place.

5. Jih, the sun, called also tá ming, the great light.

6. Yuch, the moon, called also yé ming, the night light.

7. Tsien tai ti wáng, the manes of the emperors and kings of former ages. 8._ Sien sz' K'ungtiz', the ancient master, Confucius, &c., &c.

*From this specimen it is apparent that in the Chinese state religion, the material universe, as a whole, and in detail, is worshiped ; and that subordin ate thereto, they have gods celestial and terrestrial, and ghosts infernal; that they worship the work of their own hands, not only as images of persone or things divine, but human workmanship for earthly purposes, as in flags and banners, and destructive cannon. That the material universe. is the object of worship, appears not only from the names of those several parts which have been given above, but also from other circumstances. Thus, the imperial high priest, when he worshipe heaven, wears robes of azure color, in allusion to the sky. When he worships the earth, his robes are yellow to represent the clay of this earthly clod. When the sun is the object, his dress is red, and fer the moon, he wears a pale white. The kings, nobles, and cen- tenary of official hierophants, wear their court dresses. The altar on which to sacrifice to heaven is round, to represent heaven; this is expressly said. The altar on which the sacrifices to the earth are laid, is square; whether for the same wise reason or nut, is not affirmed. The “ prayer boards,” chuh pán, are of various colors, for the same reason as the emperor's robes. In the worship of the heavens, an azure ground with vermilion letters is used; in the worship of earth, a yellow ground is used with black characters; for the wor- ship of ancestors, a white ground is required with black characters; for the sun, a carnation, with vermilion characters; and for the moon, a white ground with black characters,” &c., &c.

“The times of sacrifice are specified as follows: Those to heaven are offered on the day of the winter solatice; those to earth on the day of the summer solstice; and the others at regular appointed times which it is not important to detail in this sketch.”

"The ceremonies of this grand worship of nature, this natural religion, consist in bowing, kneeling and knocking the head against the ground, or in Chinese pai, kwei kau PR In those sacrifices in which the emperor officiates in propria persona, he never knocks his head against the ground. What he requires of the greatest monarch on earth, he will not give to the greatest, ‘supremest' thing that he worships. The three kneelingu and nine knockings of the head against the ground, he turns into three kneel. ings and nine bows. The kau or the pai, i. e. the knocking or the bowing, seems to make a material, or rather a feeling difference in the estimation of his Majesty." See Chinese Repository, Vol. III, p. 49.

To show that the view expressed by Dr. Morrison is not peculiar to him, we shall quote again from M. Visdelou. "The Chinese philoso- phers," he says, “speak of revering Heaven, but they understand by

382

Defense of an Essay, &c.

Jety.

Heaven, Reason ; not that which belongs to man, and which is but the effect of that, but the primitive, which is the first principle and the necessary cause of all things. To respect this Reason, is to follow it; just as we respect fate (le destin), not by prayers and honors, but by submitting ourselves to its laws. Fate (sc. i) say they, is marked out by Heaven; i. e. by the primitive Reason (sc. táu

, which is the first principle of all things. In truth it (Reason) acts blindly; but the same necessity which renders it blind, renders it also infallible. It in it which is fate, inasmuch as it acts necessarily. This is the doctrine which the Missionaries (of the Church of Rome) have called the atheo-political." In his account of the state religion, he specifies the objects of worship as follows:-

"It is well here to observe, that the religion of the philosophical sect of China (i. e. the Confucian, or state religion) does not exclude sacrifices, which on the contrary are quite numerous. To speak here only of the principal or Imperial sacrifices, there is one for Heaven (le Ciel), for the Earth, and the ancestors of the emperors; for the tutelary spirit (Shin) or Genius of arable lands, and for the tutelary Genius (Shin) of the grains of the empire; these are sacrificed to at the same time. There are also sacrifices for the five principal moun- tains of the empire; for the five tutelary mountains, for the four seas, and the four rivers. They sacrifice at the sepulchres of the illustrious emperors of past dynasties, and at the temple dedicated to Confucius in the place of his birth, and to other sages and heroes. All these sacrifices are made by the emperor himself, or by his orders. More- over when the emperor is about to march himself on any military expedition, he sacrifices to the spirit (shin) of the standards, and they stain the standards and drums with the blood of the victims."

No one, from this account of the state religion of China, as given by Dr. Morrison and M. Visdelou, can make out that the Chinese are worshipers of the true God; nor, we should think, after reading it, could resist the impression, that his imperial Majesty and those who join with him in this worship, are wholly ignorant of the being we Christians call God.

But, it is said, in high antiquity, the Chinese had much more knowledge of God than they have at present. Of this assertion I have never seen any proof produced from the ancient books that have come down to us. We have already seen what is to be found in the Yih King, which treats of physics and metaphysics, on this subject. Its uniform doctrine is, that heaven and earth generated all things; I say ‘uniform doctrine,' for in the sentence quoted from

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Defense of an Essay, &c.

BEB

the 5th chapter of the 4th section of the Book of Diagrams, "The [Supreme] Ruler [causes things to] issue forth under the Chin Diagram (See Dr. Medhurst's "Theology of the Chinese," p. 234), the words "Supreme" and "causes things to" are added by the trans- lator. The text should be translated, “The Ruler issues forth under the Chin diagram," which answers to the commencement of spring. Some interpreters understand the word Ti of Shángti; but the an- cient interpreters, M. Visdelou tells us, understood by it the Emperor Fuh-hí.

If recourse is had to the Shú King, the Historical Classic, for proof of the assertion that, in high antiquity, the Chinese had a purer knowledge of God than they have at present, we shall find the account of what took place on the occasion, when the first religious worship was offered in China, in the Canon of Shun, which is the second book of the Shú King. It reads as follows: “Shun then offer. ed the sacrifice called lui, to Shángti; he presented a pure offering to the six venerables Ones, he looked with devotion towards the hills and rivers, aud glanced around at the host of Shin." See Medhurst's Shoo King, p. 17.

What is this sacrifice called lui? The word means, to correspond to, and the explanation given of the name is this: “The kiáu sacrifice (see Ch. Rep. Vol. XVII. pp 34-42.) was the sacrifice constantly presented to the expansive heavens, at the border of the country; but this not being one of the seasons for the regular sacrifice, and there being occasion for a sacrifice to announce to heaven, (Shun's as- sociation with Yau on the throne) the ceremonies used were like those of the kiáu or border sacrifice; therefore it is called lui, a corres- ponding sacrifice."

Here it will be seen, the Supreme Ruler worshiped is “the expan. sive heavens," the accustomed sacrifice to which was offered at the winter solstice; which sacrifice, called kiáu, is imitated on the occa- sion of this worship to Shángti, who is evidently, merely "the expan- sive heavens" worshiped under the title of Supreme Ruler. Of this ancient sacrifice called kiáu, it may be asked, Was it so set apart to the worship of " the expansive heavens," "the Supreme Ruler," that no other being or thing was ever permitted to share it with him? The answer is, that the expansive heavens, the Supreme Ruler, has never enjoyed among the Chinese from the earliest times, of which their histories inform us, any such preëminent distinction. Following out the view presented in the Yih King of Earth's participating with Heaven in generating all things, so that they together became "the

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Defense of an Essay, &c.

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Father and Mother of all things," this highest sacrifice was always offered to Earth as well as to Heaven, the only distinction between them being, that this sacrifice was offered to Earth at the summer solstice and at the northern border of the country, whereas it was of- fered to Heaven at the winter solstice and southern border of the country. Some greater deference to Heaven is no doubt designed in these slight distinguishing circumstances, but not greater than the Chinese would accord to the father over the mother.

I hope that those who find in the Chinese classics proof that the ancient Chinese knew and worshiped the true God, will produce it. I do not think tradition could have done much for Shun, when he thus worshiped “the expansive heavens," under the title of the Su- premne Ruler, and added to this the worship of the six venerable Ones, i. e. 1. the four Seasons; 2. Heat and cold ; 3. the Sun; 4. the Moon; 5. the Stars; and 6. Drought; and not content with all this Sabianism, descended to earth and worshiped the hills and rivers, and hosts of deceased worthies.

The onus probandi is with Dr. Legge, and the nature of the case is such that we are constrained, "for conscience sake," to call upon him to give us the clearest proof, before we can go with him. A mistake here is most fatal. While we have a single doubt that "the Shángti of the Chinese people” is God, truly and properly God,—the very identical Being we are taught in the Sacred Scriptures to wor- ship—we dare not teach others to worship him. Where love and affiance are due, we must be cautious and jealous; for God is jealous. The wife must have no doubt that "her man" is her husband: if she have the shadow of a doubt, and yet lives with him, she commits adultery. God uses this very relationship to illustrate his own jealousy: we therefore say, our God," the God we worship, must be Jehovah. If there is a single doubt that “the Shángti of the Chinese people" is Jehovah—the very same identical Being, and not merely the most like Jehovah of any of the Chinese gods-and we proceed, notwith- standing this doubt, to worship him, we are guilty of spiritual adultery.

We can not but think that Dr. Legge has a very difficult task before him, whether he appeals to the Chinese cosmogony, or the Chinese ritual, to prove that the Shangti of the Chinese classics and the Shángti of the Chinese people is God over all blessed for ever." But if Dr. Legge should succeed in proving to our satisfaction that the being whom the Chinese designate by the phrase Shangtí is to be regarded as truly and properly God, I would still object to the use of this phrase to render Elohim and Theos.

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Because Tien

385

1st.

not Sháng tí, is the absolute term by which the Chinese designate this Being, “as a whole and without reference to anything of which it is a part;" while Shángti is merely one of the titles of Tien, which expresses only one single, definite relation that Tien bears to men and all things. This title is therefore unsuitable for rendering Elohim and Theos, because we must use the word by which they are rendered, to speak of Jehovah as he exists in and of himself— e. g. when it is used to speak of his nature, his existence from eternity before there were any creatures to stand in any relation to him, or to express the doctrine of the Trinity; and also, because the Being we call God sustains not one merely, but many relations to us, and therefore the word by which we render Elohim should be an absolute term-the name of the Being viewed as a whole—and not a relative term, which can suggest only one relationship.

2d. Because Shangti is a compound term, consisting of an ad- jective "Supreme," and a noun "Ruler," and we want a simple, uncompounded word-God. These points will be best discussed under propositions b. and c.

(To be continued.)

ART. II. Notices of Coal in China. By D. J. MacGowan, m. D.,

Cor. Mem. of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

COAL deposits exist to a greater or less extent throughout the different mountain ranges which girt the great Plain of China. Ou its northern boundary this mineral is met with in numerous localities, on the Celes- tial Mountains, on the Mongolian steppes, and various offsets of the Altai range, the most productive of which are in Shingking and Shansi. There are several smaller deposits in Chihlí and Corea. Un- skillful mining, and the want of suitable means of transport, enhauce the cost of the mineral, and limit its consumption. Except for culinary and manufacturing purposes, it is little used, the inhabitants trusting to furs and skins for protection from the extreme rigor of their winters.

The best coal brought to the Capital, is from Pingting chỉu in Shín- sí. Anthracite of good quality is brought from Káichau in Li ́utung. Chinese cosmogonists, drawing on mythology, gravely state, that in one of the Pingting mines the furnace still exists, in which Niúkwá fused stones for repairing holes in the heavens, and that it is the original

VOL ΧΙΧ NO. VIE

386

Notices of Coal in China.

JULY,

of furnaces now in use. Those deposits which have been mined for the longest period, with which we are best acquainted, and are the most productive, lie in the middle and southern parts of the empire.

That branch of the Himalayan range, known as the Yun-ling, forming the prominent topographical feature of the provinces of Sz'chuen, Yunnan, Kweichau, Húnán, Kwángtung, Fuhkien, Kiángsí, and Chehkiáng, has the carboniferous system superimposed on a granitic base through a great part of its extent, in numerous sections of which the coal measures exist, generally interstratified with beds of slaty clay and limestone. Those best known lie in the basin of the Kán in Kiángsí, reposing on old red sandstone and gray compact limestone, in close connection with deposits of iron ore. Those in the valleys of the Siáng, Tsz', and Yuen in Húnán, the western slope of the terminal ridges of the Yun-ling in Chehkiáng, at the sources of the Tsientáng, and the southern aspect of the same range in Kwang- tung at Nánhiung, all present analogous geological relations. This vast carboniferous tract appears to be continuous in a measure, with that of Assam and Burmah.

The coal most in demand in central China is called "the Kwang coal." It is brought from various districts in Húnán. Súchau is the entrepôt for all that is consumed in Kiángsú and Chehkiáng. It is black, very compact, specific gravity 1.34, columnar structure, oc- casionally iridescent, and from the large quantity of carbon it contains is analogous, though inferior to the American anthracite; it burns intensely with a small blue flame, its ashy residuum being of a red- dish color. That in use at Shinghái is of this description. It is brought from Súchau, viâ Chapú to Ningpo, where it costs $12 per ton, about one third more (the dealers say) than at Shánghái. Its consumption is very limited, being almost wholly confined to the manufacture of brass tobacco pipes. The best quality of this coal, that which most resembles anthracite, is well adapted for grates and stoves, being free from fumes of sulphuretted hydrogen, and is more wholesome than the bituminous coal usually imported from Liverpool and Sydney.

Numerous varieties are produced in the province of Kiángsú, slaty, cannel, bituminous, and anthracite. Portions of the latter are sold at Súchau as the kwáng coal. A considerable quantity from the mines in Kwangsin is carried over the mountains into the province of Chehkiáng. It is found abundant also in Fungching and Ching. kiáng. The proximity of the coal measures in this province to ferru- ginous orc and linie, facilitates the manufacture of iron. Some of the

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Notices of Cual in China.

397

mountains which support the subterranean treasures, afford disinte- grated granite, of which the celebrated porcelain is fabricated. The furnaces in Kingteh-chin, the great seat of this branch of industry, are chiefly heated by coal procured from adjacent mines. The generic designation for the mineral produced from the Chehkiáng mines, is Kiángshán coal, the naine of the district in Küchau fu, in the S.W. part of the province, whence it is chiefly derived. A large quantity however comes from the conterminous districts of Síngán, and Cháng- shán. The principal mines are at the Wúkwei mountain, near Ki- tung, and at the Chenkiá lake in the first named district. There are several varieties, that most valued is termed “wood coal ;” it exhibits, where it is laminated with the fibres of the bituminated vegetable, distinct, bright, conchoidal fracture; at all other points it presents a dull, coarse grained, scgregated texture. Specific gravity, 1.29. It burns with some smoke, and cakes; emitting a small quantity of hy- drogen gas, leaving light colored ashes. It possesses a much larger proportion of carbon than ordinary bituminous coal, and some speci- mens compare very favorably with that brought from England, and stored at Ningpo for H. B. M. steamers; yet generally speaking, the coal found on this continent is unfit for the steam engine, that from the islands being better adapted for such purposes. One of the varieties is called iron coal; “it is slaty, and can be ignited only with the aid of the bellows; another is the Barbarian coal, which burns rapidly, with a large amount of smoke, and resembles brown coal. The peculiar properties of other varieties are designated by their names as “stink- ing coal," "crackling," and "smoky coal;"-an inferior quality comes from one of the mines, abounding in sulphuretted hydrogen, and closely resembles the coal found near Canton.

The "wood coal” is generally reduced to powder, and formed into cakes with mud, and employed in furnaces for culinary purposes, and in chafing dishes for warming public offices. It is used to some ex- tent by blacksmiths. Coal cakes are much used at Hángchau, in the liquor shops, in order to keep warm rice-whiskey on hand at all hours of the day; and in the tea shops, where boiling water is in constant requisition. The furnaces are certainly primitive, consisting of a few bricks making a close square or circular chamber, generally about four inches in diameter with a small grate below, and inclosed above. When the cakes are perfectly ignited by a few chips, and the smoke ceases to rise, the top is covered over with mud, through which, before drying an orifice is pierced half an inch in diameter. The vessel containing whiskey is then placed over the hole, and is thus kept hot

38*

Notices of Coal in China.

JULY,

all day without further care, at a cost of a cent and a half. The sanie rude apparatus, with slight modifications, is in general use, wherever coal from its proximity is not expensive. Sometimes the brickwork is inclosed in boards, elaborately carved and varnished. Were grates or fireplaces constructed with suitable flues and chimneys, coal would be found a more useful article, be in greater demand, and the mines consequently be better worked. Even the miners find it more con- venient and cheaper to burn the shrubs and grass of their sterile hills than the coal they dig from their bowels.

Twenty thousand tons of coals are annually brought from these mines to Hangchau, which at the hills cost $5.75 per ton; the bas- kets in which the mineral is packed bring the cost up to 86.50; and the expense of transportation to Ningpo raises it above $8 per ton. The annual production and value of the Chehkiang coal mines may be computed with considerable accuracy, and thus afford data for a national estimate, which may be thus given

Chelkiing.

Kiêngsí.,

Húnán.

......

Northern Provinces..

Kwangtung and Western Provinces

..60,000 tons.

160,000

• •

230,000

...280,000 100 000

Total

820,000 tons.

This portion of the mineral wealth of China may be computed at nearly six millions of dollars. The paucity of the supply is owing not to the poverty of the mines, but chiefly to the want of those facilities for mining, which the steam-engine can alone supply. Mines often, when they become most productive, are suddenly filled with water and rendered useless. In this manner, an immense number of shafts of great extent are unavailable. Provided with the steam-engine and the safety lamp, the Chinese miner could doubtless bring to light inex- haustible supplies of this subterranean treasure.

Chinese miners are extremely poor and rude mountaineers; it is said they often relieve hunger by eating coal, and if it be true, as has been represented, that pigs fatten on this mineral in some western countries, this report respecting Chinese miners is not incredible. For the most part, the mines are worked in horizontal shafts, though pits are sometimes dug. At one period, powdered coal was mixed with flour and the juice of dates, and burned in chafing-dishes for pro- ducing a fragrant perfume. For such pastils, charcoal has been sub- stituted. This mineral, the source of so much wealth and power in the West, does not appear to have been known to Europe more than

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Notices of Coal in China.

389

three hundred years, but Chinese antiquarians refer its use to a re- mote period in their history. Its utility in the arts has been appreci- ated at Peking for more than a thousand years, as may be inferred from the encomiums bestowed upon it by a poet of the Sung dynasty, who lands it as useful in the manufacture of iron implements. A writer

in the early part of the seventh century mentions the article. The earliest notice of coal is in the history of the Hán dynasty, B.C. 202 to A.D. 25, where the remark occurs that Kiảngsí produced stones, which were used as fuel.

To appreciate rightly the value of these vast coal deposits, extend- ing from Corea to Siam, regard must be had to the increasing com- merce of the Pacific, to the revolution which seems on the eve of tak- ing place in the route of communication with western nations, and to the prospective greatness of the Anglo-Saxon states springing into existence on its eastern shores; of their capacity, aided with the ap- pliances of foreign skill and capital to supply all demands which the steam-engine may make upon them, both for manufactures and navi- gation, there can exist no doubt.

Nor have these primeval forests been stored upon the continent alone; they abound in more accessible situations, isolated, as it were express- ly for steam navigation, in the islands of Japan, Formosa, and Borneo. Before the application of steain and coal to navigation, a sceptical philosophy might have questioned the utility of deposits of this mine- ral in the torrid zone, and immediately under the equator, but the design of the Omniscient Artificer of this beautiful sphere is now obvious, affording another evidence that He left nothing to fortuitous circumstances, and another lesson fraught with instruction for reflec- tive minds. May the name of the immense sheet of water, on whose shores Infinite Beneficence has scattered this mineral, indicate the peaceful purposes of all who traverse it, that both eleinents may con- tribute to the diffusion of commerce and civilization in fusing hostile races into a common brotherhood!

Ningpo, February 1st, 1850.

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Men and Things in Shanghái.

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ART. III. Men and things in Shảnghải: scene changed; the spring propitious; early harvests plentiful; famine and beggary diminish- ed; a forced donation returned; the asylum for outcast children dismantled ; unburied coffins ; small pvx ; fever; moat and ditches excavated; smuggling; the opium question; Lord Palmerston's letter. Letter to the Editor from Spectator.

SIR: Since my last letter to you was written, the scene here has changed not a little,—in some respects for the better, but not in all. During the last two years, over the whole wide and populous plains of Kiángnán, there have been inundation and famine, accompanied by sickness, death, and civil disorders. Last winter formed the crisis in these calamitous events. It was a gloomy winter, a trying season to the Chinese. Badges of mourning were to be seen in almost every family; and then to these were added those of general mourning-first those decreed for the late empress-mother, and then those for H. I. M. The tonsure was interdicted; the theaters were closed; and no voice or instrument of music was heard in the land. Business went on ; men bought; they sold; they builded; still everything seemed to drag heavily. But now the scene is changed.

This spring season has been most propitious. During the succes- sive months of March, April and May, rain and sunshine, heat and cold, were so blended as to give great luxuriance to the whole vegeta- ble kingdom. The droughts and inundations of the two preceding years served in no small degree to give rest and consequent fertility to the soil: this and the "harmony of the elements," have conspired to gladden the hearts of the husbandmen.

The early harvests are all plentiful. Fruits, vegetables, wheat, barley, pease, beans, etc., are abundant. The crop of wheat, it is said will nearly or quite equal the total of the two preceding years. The tea and the mulberry, too, are yielding ample stores for all who are especially interested in those staple productions.

Famine and beggary have diminished, and in many places, entirely ceased. The great distress among the people, during last autumn and winter, was not occasioned by an entire absence of sustenance; there was corn enough “in the land ; but quantities of it being hoarded up, the price was beyond the means of multitudes. Consequently, to sustain life, they had no alternative but either to beg or to rob. Some did the one, some the other; and some both robbed and begged, as best suited their taste and circumstances. The government saw and felt the emergency, and acted very promptly, on the one hand taking

1830.

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all convenient care to afford relief, and on the other to provide against civil disorder. Very stringent measures were adopted to prevent lawless vagabonds from banding together, and giving themselves up to plunder and rapine. Subscriptions were set on foot, and large sums of money collected for the purchase and distribution of food. In taking up these subscriptious, an incident occurred, the like of which I have never before known among the Chinese.

A forced donation was returned. The scale of contributions was a very extensive one, the subscriptions varying in amount from a few cash to a few hundreds, or perhaps even thousands, of dollars. The officers of government took the lead, themselves individually first sub- scribing generously. To encourage rich gentry, the government has a scale of honors, so that any person subscribing to a specified amount becomes thereby entitled to a specific honor. Among those who, under these circumstances, placed their names on the list, and became entitled to tokens of honor, which are conferred by the emperor, were two native gentlemen who signified, I know not in what way, that they made their contributions by constraint. This coming to the ears of the magistrate, he forthwith issued a proclamation, stating the fact as it had been signified by themselves, viz., that they had been forced to subscribe; and thereupon he ordered their money to be returned to them, and their names to be stricken from the list, that the signatures of such base and sordid men might not remain a stigma on the catalogue of the illustrious benefactors which was about to be sent up to the emperor. The efforts made by the Chinese, in various ways during the late famine to relieve the distressed people, present a pleasing feature in their national character. The motive operating, in this case, has been a complex one; and of the two principal ingredients—necessity and benevolence—I am unable to say which, if laid in the balance, would preponderate. With the Chinese, charity begins at home, and as it happens sometimes with more enlightened people, usually ends there.

The Asylum for outcast children, mentioned in a former letter, has recently been dismantled, and is being converted into storehouses. It has, so far as I can judge, answered well all the purposes for which it was designed; when I last visited it, on the 10th inst, the rooms, formerly containing about two thousand little children, were all vacat- ed, excepting one or two in these there were twenty-five or thirty poor and feeble orphans, or, at least, if not orphans, such as no parents or guardians came forward to claim.

Unburied coffins have recently attracted the notice of the local

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Mon and Things in Shanghai.

Jutr

authorities. These, always a public nuisance in this part of the empire, have caused trouble of late by being made a means of claiming a right to the soil. The process seems to be this: a coffin is carried out of the city, and laid down ou any unoccupied site that is found most convenient : when occasion requires, a second, a third, or a fourth follow; by and by boundary marks are set up, and the ground includ- ed is claimed as sacred to the tenants of the coffins. Quarrels and Jawsuits about the right of soil follow.

Small pox has proved fatal in numerous cases among the Chinese, and in one at least among the foreign residents of Shanghái. There appears to be a want of proper attention to its almost certam antidote, vaccination. Dr. Lockhart has done the utmost in his power to bring this within the reach of the people, but multitudes seem not to care whether it be secured by them and their children or not.

Cuses of fever, too, have been unusually frequent and fatal, consider- ing that it is yet but the beginning of the hot season. 'This is doubt- less owing to a variety of causes; while the rains have not been want- ing, there have been an unusual number of hot days, and large numbers of b.th men and women, called into the fields to labor, have been much exposed to the scorching rays of the sun. Laboring in this manner by day, and at night retiring to their low, damp hovels, very many of the poor laborers have sickened and died.

The recent excavation of the moat and ditches of the city, it is thought by many and with good reason, has been the principal cause of the present sickness. By proper management, the water channels of the city might be made to contribute largely to the convenience and health of the inhabitants; for want of care and by mismanagement, however, they sometimes become nuisances: such, and in a remarkable degree, have they been made at the present juncture, just at the opening of the hot season. Instead of being kept always open and daily flooded and washed by each tide--as might easily be done—the moat and all the ditches are allowed to fill and clog and stagnate: when in this state some six or eight weeks ago, the magistrate and his friends undertook their excavation. What a delving and carrying out of mud and filth has there been! Not only have all these sinks of pollution been stir- red up from their lowest depths, but the whole black and sickening contents thereof have been poured out like lava upon the city walls, and on every vacant patch of ground that could be founed, both in the city and along the banks of the river. Horribile visu!

Some new features have been exhibited in the phases of society herg, or perhaps I should say, old features have come up under new as-

1850.

Men and Things in Shanghái.

393

pects; smuggling is no new thing in China Nothing in all the land seems better regulated, or to be conducted more systematically than this branch of business. How far its tariff of duties has been reduced to writing no one can tell; indeed every tariff in China is merely nominal, as different from the reality as can well be imagined. One of these new features, the only one I will now allude to, seems to have resulted from the stolidity of the functionaries connected with the na- tive custom-house department. Because a foreign vessel happened to be furnished with a certain kind of machinery, her owners must be subjected to any amount of annoyance the custom-house people night see fit to impose. The managers of the steamer were not to be wrong- ed in this way, nor were those who wished to ship cargo by her; and accordingly they arranged their own business. The amount of duties lost on the one side, and saved on the other, by this measure, must, some persons say, be reckoned by thousands of dollars!

The opium question is being mooted anew; some say more severe restrictions are to be imposed, while those who have better means of information declare most confidently, that erelong, it will be lega- lized, and a moderate imperial duty imposed. I see no prospect of the old policy being tried again; the last attempt cost a three years' war, and millions of treasure; and I do not believe there are to be found many who will recommend a repetition of the old experiment. It is not hard to believe, on the other hand, that his majesty's ministers— seeing they can neither stop the coming in of the drug, nor the ooz- ing out of the "fine-silver," so long as the old law stands,—may very soon recommend that “opium be admitted as an article of medicine," and so much duty per catty paid, as was done in the reign of Kienlung.

"Pa's" letter to the court of Peking is causing no small excitement both here and at the capital. Those who delight in rumors have re- peatedly had the satisfaction of hearing that the tíutái of Shánghái has committed suicide; still, so late as last evening, when he returned from the provincial city, he was enjoying his usual health. It is true, however, that some of the people, hearing of the steamer's going to the north, have become alarmed and left the city. The number of these must be very small. An imperial manifesto, said to have been obtain- ed from one of the public offices in the city, rates the barbarians roundly for coming up to Tientsin with a letter, and admonishes the people on the coast to remain undisturbed. Canton, his majesty says, is the channel through which such communications should be sent. he says also that while the ostensible object of the visit is to congra-

VOL. XIX. NO. VIII

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Topography of Sz'chuen.

JULY,

tulate the court, the real design is to spy out the condition of the country.

The young emperor's policy, especially so far as foreign nations are concerned, is yet a matter of speculation. The fortifications at the mouth of the Pei ho are said to have been greatly augmented and strengthened during the present year. Within the narrow precincts of the Yuen-ming Yuen, there are are no less than eight thousand armed men. Great numbers of the troops at the north have been furnished with European arms; and the Chinese government evidently thinks itself much better prepared now than it was in the last war to match and overcome the barbarians. This may be true; and it is equally true, also, that the British government is much better acquaint- ed with China, and in case of a second contest, would know when, and where and how to touch the weak points of the empire. Both governments, however, will rue the day, if it ever comes, when they 'go to war." Still such a calamity may come very soon. If Pá's letter has been refused by Su, by the authorities of Shánghái, and by the imperial officers at Tientsin, will the Queen deem all this as friendly to her foreign Secretary? And if she does not, what will she and her Cabinet propose to do? Will the "peace" concluded at Nánking, and in due course solemnly ratified, be "eternally preserved?"

ART. IV. Topography of the province of Sz'chuen: description of its toons, productions, inhabitants, &c. (Continued from page 327.)

IV. The department of Shunking lies in the fertile valleys of the Kiáling river and its tributaries, having Páuning fú on the north, Chungking fú on the south, Suiting fú on the east, and Tungchuen fú west; the chief town is in the same latitude as Ningpo. The region is well watered, and the plains between the hills amply repay the labors of the husbandmen, producing large quantities of silk as well as grains and fruits; the department is rather celebrated for its oranges. The mountains called Nán-ming furnish considerable salt, procured from pits in the same manner as previously described.

V The department of Schau lies on the Yunnan frontier along the Yangtz' kiang, between Tungking fú and Ningyuen fú, in one of

1850.

Topography of Sz'chuen.

39.5

the most fertile parts of the province. The chief town lies at the junction of the R. Min with the Yángtsz', and consequently all the trade of the capital and other large cities passes through it. The variety of its fruits and productions is great, and the commerce cen- tred in its towns renders this department among the most important in the province. The surface of the country is hilly, and even moun- tainous in some parts, but the genial climate enables the inhabitants to avail of all its natural capabilities.

VI. The department of Chungking is the next to Chingtú in importance, and exceeds it in commercial activity. Its western bor- ders adjoin the preceding, and reach to Kweichau on the south, while on the north it is conterminous with Shunking fú, thus comprising an area of nearly 20,000 square miles of the best lands, through which the Yangtsz' rolle on its way to the ocean. A visitor in 1798 thus describes the chief town: "Chungking is the best fortified by nature and art of all the cities in this region. Built on a hill, it is defended on one side by steep rocks, and lies at the junction of a large river (the Kiáling) which here joins the Yangtsz' from the north; these two streams bathing its walls, form its strongest defenses, especially on the northern side. The walls are solidly built, and fully able to resist the cannon of the country; one of the heavy guns on them appears to be of European manufacture. The authorities have placed a great store of pots full of lime near the gates, to be thrown down on an enemy to blind the attacking party. This city is regarded with reason as one of the safest in this region, and in times of trouble it is the refuge of the people from the surrounding country." Another visitor estimates its population at a million of souls. The fruit called lichi, and the mowtan flower (Pœonia mowtan) from this region, are famous for their excellence, but the vegetable, animal and mineral productions are generally abundant and of good quality. Trur.ks and baskets of bamboo are made here, which are much prized.

Mines of coal occur in this department, the mode of working which is thus noticed by a traveler.:-

"The passage by which the mines are entered is frequently over a league in length, usually very narrow, and almoet horizontal. I have seen many of these pits of which the cpening was not over eighteen inches or two feet square, a complete fox-hole, into which you would never think a man would venture to introduce himself. The miners penetrate into these gloomy caverns, crawling and groping their way like beasts of burden; they get 80 ɔr 100 pounds of coal each time, with whichithey fill a long kind of box guard- ed with iron. It is often difficult to drag this box on wheels from the in- equality of the ground, and then they haul it along by main strength, for the Chinese are very ignorant of mechanics. To avoid hurting themselves in

396

Topography of Sz'churn.

JULY,

these rough paths and light their way in this darkness, the miners bind a sort of wooden clamp on the forearm, and tie a lantern to their foreheads; for this severe toil, the daily wages are about ten, sous.

"The varnish tree is also found in this region; the sap is drawn off by making incisions in the truk of the tree, and catching it in proper vessels, At first it is of a yellowish white color, but exposure changes it to a reddish tint, and after a while it becomes black. Many persons can not endure the odor, nor even look at this sap, and if they come too near while it is liquid, their skins shortly after swell, and are covered with pustules and ulcers. This does not generally happen, however, and I have myself often stood by it, and even touched it, without any ill effects.”

VII. The department of Kweichau comprises the eastern part of Sz'chuen beyond Suiting chau, along the Great river, and consequently enjoys great advantages for trade. Its chief town lies at the junc- tion of the Fanshwui ho

with the Yángtsz', and a transit duty is here levied on merchandise passing the city, which renders i a place of great trade. The bottom lands in this prefecture are among the richest in the province, and famed for their oranges; but the mountainous districts adjoining Shensí furnish little food for man, and are said to be inhabited by a half savage class, greatly inferior to their countrymen in the lowlands.

VIII. The department of Suiting formerly belonged to the preced- ing under the name of Táh chau; and is but a small prefecture lying between it and Shunking fú along the banks of the Ku ho and its branches, the Tungchuen kiáng

and Tangtsz' ho

J. The surface is rough, and only partially cultivated; the mountains furnish musk, and salt is obtained from pits dug in them; galls, varnish, and maple timber, are also mentioned among the pro- ductions.

IX. The department of Lung-ngán is in the N.W. of the pro- vince along the borders of Kánsuh, west of Páuning fú, and east of Sungpwán ting and Mau chau. The region included in this prefecture was formerly very large, inhabited by tribes of aborigines known un- der the general designation of Sifan, and the obedience they still pay the Chinese depends not a little on the treatment they receive; dis- turbances frequently arise, and a large number of military posts are maintained, the most important of which have been set off from it. Shih- tsiuen hien, on the Shih-meh ki

or Stone-honey creek, is

famous as the birthplace of the Great Yu, founder of the Hiá dynas- tv. The chief town lics on the headwaters of the Pei R., one of the main branches of the Kialing. The Min Mts. are in the north, and the country is generally rough; tin, quicksilver, tea, and deer's horns are enumerated among the products

1850.

Topography of Sz'chuen.

897

The department of Tungchuen lies south of the preceding, between Chingtú fú on the west, and Shunking fú on the east, in the middle and best settled parts of the province. All its towns are in the valleys of the river Pei, and the inhabitants enjoy a pleasant climate in the midst of fertile fields. After the conquest, many of the soldiers of Shunchi were provided with lands in this region, and their des- cendants are still required to do service. Salt, iron, copper, and sugar are produced.

XI. The department of Ningyuen has been set off from Yáchau fú, and comprises all the southwestern corner of the province which runs down into Yunnán. The chief town lies on the Ngán-ning R.

安寧河 a large tributary of the Yálung R., and its prefect ex- ercises jurisdiction over many tú-fú, or locally governed towns, be- tween which are several garrisoned posts. An intendant of circuit

over the west of the province assists him.

XII. The department of Yachau, the largest in the province, comprises all west of Chingtú fá and Kiáting fú, as far as Tibet; its rulers exercise a mixed civil and military jurisdiction over the Chi- nese and aborigines dispersed throughout its extent, aided by numerous garrisons. The chief town lies on the Tsing-í kiáng ✯ ✯ Green-clothes R., in a well cultivated district; the ting district of Ti-tsien-lú west of it on the Lú ho

is the headquarters of the military authorities, who are, on account of the importance of their trust, required to report directly to the Board of War at Peking. Some of the locally governed towns in this commandery are large trading places, and not a few are wholly independent. Patángand Liting 裏塘 are among the most noted; the former is on the Yang-

tsz' at the head of navigation in the S.W. corner of Sz'chuen, where the great road comes in from Tibet; the latter is on the road eastward to Tatsien-lú. The resources and peace of this department are far less than they might be, if the relations between the Chinese and the abori- gines were better arranged. The Lolo, to the number of 350,000 souls, occupy the S.W., and the Sifan the N.W. of the prefecture; the Romanists number many converts among the former, who seem to be much gentler in their disposition than the latter, exhibiting many customs, and possessing many points of resemblance in language, dress, and government to the hill races in Assam and Burmah.

XIII. The inferior department of Suyung has been set off from Siichau fú, and includes a corner which runs down south of the Yáng- tsz' between Yunnan and Kweichau. Being a frontier town, it pos- sesses more political than commercial importance.

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Topography of Sz'chuen.

JULY,

XIV-XVIII. The inferior ting departments of Shihchú, Tái- ping, Sungpwán, Tsah-kuh and Maukung, have all been erected into separate jurisdictions in order to exercise a better control over the growing population. The first named is situated south of the Yáng- tsz' on the borders of Húpeh, north of Yúyáng chau. The second formerly belonged to Kweichau fú, and lies on the borders of Shensí in a mountainous and sparsely settled region. Sungpwán ting once belonged to Lungngán fú, and is important only as a military post, having control over an in mense tract in the northwest of the province; the town lies on the R. Mien, not far from Lungngán fú. Tsáhkuh is south of it on the same river, and its officers superintend a large num- ber of forts and native towns, scattered over the regions on the base of the Peh-ling. The last, Miukung, lies south of the preceding, and the town nearly west of the provincial capital, and exercises sway over the aborigines to the frontier. These three last are all unimportant towns, except as garrisons. Their climate and productions resemble that of the adjacent prefectures on the east, but of the number and condition of the inhabitants very little is known.

Maukung ting comprises the country formerly occupied by the petty kingdoms of Great and Little Kinchuen, so called by the Chi- nese from two streams running through them. The conquest of these Miáutsz by Akwei in 1775 is described by Amiot in the Mémoires, tom. III, page 387, &c., and from the Chinese account there given it is plain that the inhabitants fought for their lives. The Manchu general learned that the sterility which reigned on the mountains, the steep rocks and frightful precipices met at every turn, the deep gorges and dense forests, and absence of roads, rendered them inaccessible to all besides the natives, and that an invading army must be divided into small detachments, and carry everything itself. Urged on by his master, he made the attack, and by his skill and bravery overcame every natural and human obstacle. The mountaineers bravely held every pass; even the women armed themselves; they rolled down stones on the Manchus, and destroyed them by guns placed in ambush, as well as open attack, but all their resistance was unavailing, and Sonom, the king, capitulated on the promise by Kienlung of sparing his life if he surrendered, but the royal autocrat murdered him and his family at Peking in the presence of the army. The aborigines were nearly exterminated, and Chinese settlers were brought in to occupy the land with such rapidity that in 1778, several towns had been built, and the whole region quieted

1850.

Topography of' Sz'chuen.

309

XIX. The inferior department of Tsz' lies between Chingtú and Süchau fú, easterly; it was once attached to the former, and its chief town IICs on the Chung R., S.E. of the provincial capital. XX. The inferior department of Mien was also partitioned from Chingtú fű, but is situated farther north, between Lungngán and Tung chuen in the banks of the R. Pei, in a rich, accessible, and salubrious part of the province. In their productions, these depart- ments resemble those adjacent.

XXI. The inferior department of Máu lies north of Chingtú, be- tween the preceding and Tsáhkuh ting, on the east bank of the R. Min. It formerly belonged to Chingtú fú, and its chief town is about 60 miles from the capital.

XXII. The inferior department of Yuyúng occupies the extreme southeastern part of Sz'chuen, adjoining the provinces of Honán, Húpeh, and Kweichau, in a rugged and unimportant part of the province; most of the department is in the valleys of the Wú kiáng

烏江 or Black R.; a range of high hills divides them from Húpeh,

forming at the same time the boundary of the province.

XXIII. The inferior department of Chung formerly belonged to Chungking fú; it is situated east of that department, and adjoining Kweichau, on the north bank of the Yángtsz' kiáng. It is in Fung- tú hien in this department, that the ho-tsing or fire wells occur, and which have become so generally known among the Chinese people, that the name Fungtú has come to mean hell; the following account of this curiosity by Rev. M. Imbert will explain the application. These subterranean fires sometimes produce frightful earthquakes; one is mentioned as occurring in 1788, which destroyed a hundred thousand persons, and many towns.

"On the sixth of Jan, 1827, I arrived at Tse-liú-tsing (i. e. Running-Water wells) after traveling eighteen leagues in my thick soled shoes, guarded with cramp-irons an inch long on account of the slippery, clayey roads. This small station contains only thirty cominunicants. But I found here a marvelous natural wonder, and the greatest effort of human industry I have yet seen in my long travels-an extinguished velcano.

"This place is among the mountains on the border of a rivulet, and con- tains, like Wú-tung-kiáu, salt-pits dug in the same manner as previously described; there are here more than a thousand of these wells containing salt water. Moreover each pit contains an inflammable air, which is con- ducted through bamboo tubes. It is kindled with a candle, and the flame can be blown out with the breath. When about to draw up the salt water, the fire is put out, for otherwise the air ascending in large quantities with the water would produce an explosion. Four pite in one valley, emit fire in a manner truly frightful, but produce no water, and here doubtless is the centre of the volcano. These pits originally contained water, but it having ceased flowing, the people bored on for about a dozen years to the depth of three thousand

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Topography of Sz'chuen,

JULY,

feet and more in order to reach water, but all in vain; when uddenly an enor- mous jet of air burst forth, conveying with it thick black particles of matter. I saw it myself; it was more like the fumes of a burning furnace than like smoke. This air escaped with a deep rumbling noise and a frightful gasping, which was heard to a great distance; constantly emitting and throwing itself out, but never sucking in any air, for which reason I judged it to be a volcano, which received its supply of air from some lake, perhaps the great lake of Tungting in Húnán, about two hundred leagues distant. There is indeed upon a mountain a league distant, a small lake about two miles in circum- ference, of extraordinary depth, but I do not think that it is sufficient to sup- ply the volcano. This sheet of water has no communication with the river, and receives its supplies only froin the clouds.

"The mouth of each well is guarded with a stone curb, six or seven feet high, for fear leat, by carelessness or from malice, some one should set fire to the mouth of the pit; a case of this sort happened last August. This well is situated in the middle of a vast court, and in the centre of four large and long halls or boileries, where are the vats in which the salt is evaporated. As soon as the fire reached the mouth of the pit, it produced a frightful explosion and a violent trembling of the earth, and instantly, the whole surface of the court was in a blaze. The flaine, which was about two feet high, ran over the ground, but without burning anything. Four men ventured the risk, and brought a stone of enormous size to the mouth of the well, but it flew into the air, and only one of the men escaped a scorching; neither water nor mud availed to extinguish the fire. At length, after fifteen days of hard labor, they brought great quantities of water over the neighboring mountain, and having formed a pool of it they let the water out all at once, by which means the fire was extinguished. This cost about thirty thousand francs, which is a con- siderable sun in China.

“A foot beneath the surface, four enormous bamboos are inserted, which conduct the gas under the caldrons; one pit furnishes enough to hoil more than three hundred kettles, each of which has a bamboo to conduct the fire to it. At the head of the bamboo is a tube of clay, six inches long, and an inch in diameter, to prevent the fire from burning the wood. The streets and large hall or kitchens are also lighted from bainboos placed at proper places. They are not able to use all the fire, and the excess is conducted in a tube outside of the salt house, where it forms three blasts, with enormous sheets of flame, playing and blazing up two feet above the chimney.

"The surface of the earth in the enclosure is extremely hot and burne un- der the feet; even in January, the workmen are half naked, having nothing but a small pair of drawers to cover them. Like all other travelers, I had the curiosity to light my pipe at the fire of the volcano. This fire is extreme- ly powerful; the caldrons are cast four or five inches thick, but they are calcined and burnt through in a month. The salt water is conducted through bamboos to the spot, and received in an enormous cistern, from which, by nieans of a chain pump, worked night and day by four men, it is raised into a higher reservoir, whence it is carried off and supplies the kettles. The water is evaporated in twenty-four hours, and forms a cake of salt six inches thick, weighing about three hundred pounds and as hard as stone. This sait is whiter than that from Wú-tung-kiau, and sticks less to the throat; probably the charcoal which is employed at that place, or even the difference in the salt water poduces the varieties. The water of this place is not so brackish as that of Wú-tung-kián, and produces as many as three or even four ounces of salt per pound. In Wú-tung-kián, charcoal is dear, while here, on the other haud, the fire costs nothing. Moreover the salt from the two dis- tricts is sold in different cities, and the custoin-house officers forbear to med- dle with this imperial regulation.

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Topography of Schuen

401

"This fire produces no smoke, but has a strong bituminous odor, which is perceptible at the distance of two leagues. The flame is reddish like that of charcoal; it does not stick close to the mouth of the tube like the flaine of a lamp, but it begins about two inches above it, and rises up nearly two feet. In the winter, poor people dig a hole in the sand about a foot deep to warm themselves; a dozen of them sit about it and set the gas on fire in the hole with a handful of straw, and having warmed themselves as long as they like, fill it with sand, and put out the fire.

"The inhabitants, both pagan and Christian, are extremely afraid of this fire, for they believe it to be an exhalation of the flames of hell; and yet there are no greater villains or robbers in the province. The Christians themselves are lukewarm and very por: a solitary mau does not feel much at his ease among them. There is one who owns a well of salt water which produces him about fifty francs per day, but the expenses are great. The other Christians are beggarly venders of vegetables, or are employed in cutting grass on the mountains, for feeding the cattle employed in drawing the water."

XXIV. The inferior department of Mei lies on the R. Min be- tween Chingtú and Kiáting fű, to the latter of which it once belong- ed. Though sinall, it is one of the best situated prefectures of the province. The origin of the name of Tungshin hien, one of its dis- tricts, is explained on page 314.

XXV. The inferior department of Kung is situated northwest of Mei chau, and west of Chingtú fu, and mostly within the limits of the same plain spoken of when describing the latter place the number of whose towns is an index of its populousness and fertility. Kung chau lies north of Kiáting fú, and east of Yáchau fú.

XXVI. The inferior department of Lú lies east of Sichau fú on both sides of the Yugtsz' kiáng, adjoining Kweichau on the south. The chief town is eligibly located at the junction of the R. Chung with that stream, here called Tá kiáng ★ L Great R., but it does not attract so much trade as Süchau fú, for the R. Chung is a com- paratively small stream. All the cities in Sz'chuen on the Yangtsz' are long settled places, as Süchau, Lú, Chungking, Pei, Chung, Kweichau, and many smaller ones; most of them are often mentioned in the Annals of Confucius, the History of the Han dynasty, and other ancient works.

The reliable knowledge we have of the province of Sz'chuen is meagre, and we fear must remain so for some time. In natural his- tory especially, more extended researches are necessary. The Let- tres Édifiantes and Annales de la Foi contain nearly as many letters written from this province as all the other seventeen put together, yet we can glean very little from them on this last subject, or on the cominercial resources of the region. One of the missionaries thus gives a general idea of the country, as it appears to a traveler —

VOL XIX NO VIII.

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Topography of Sz'chuen.

JULY,

"This part of the province where I live presents a constant alternation of hills and small plains. Firs, osks, and palme shade those hills which the people find too steep to cultivate. The plains, almost always submerged, resemble vast ponds, in whose bosoms are seen the crops of rice. The whole country is traversed by national roads-narrow and muddy footpaths, where two men can hardly go abreast, and if you chance to meet a sedan in the way, you must go back to where the way happens to be wider. This is all for economy's sake as the people understand it, for as the road can be improved only at the expense of the neighboring fields, they think that the traveler had better be cramped than that the harvest should suffer. Cities are not numerous here; that which is called the chief town of this region is the smallest of towns of the third runk, and yet its population is considera- ble. Here and there are market-towns where fairs are held nine times a month. The plain is covered with detached farmhouses hid among bamboos, apples, oranges, and other trees which remind us of the country we are in. One of them I have made my parsonage, to pass the hot season, which is very oppressive."

The climate presents great extremes.

M. Dufresse mentions that in Feb. 1784, the cold continued fifteen days, and hundreds of poor people died from exposure; while another states, that during August and September, the heats in the plains are very great. Famines af- flict all parts of China, while the great water-courses, through which the surplus of one province could be so easily carried to supply the deficiency of another, are infested with water thieves to such a degree that the trader dare not venture his goods. In Sz'chuen, in 1840, thousands died of want. An eye-witness says:-

"This year the misery is frightful. Rice has doubled in price. The rich, afraid lest they shall not have enough, have not given employment to the poor, who live entirely by their labor, and are consequently reduced to the most horrible distress. Untold numbers have perished by famine. How many corpses have we seen in the highways! Want has multiplied crime. The people have exposed their offspring, many have cast themselves into the rivers to shorten their torments; and robbers (always numerous in China) in- undate the country. Farmers must guard not only their rice-fields, but even their kitchen-gardena. During the day, famished children, and grown up persons by niglit, come down upon the unripe grain like a swarin of locusts; and if the owner strikes one to drive him off, he will perchance hang himself upon the nearest tree out of revenge, that he may be implicated in hia death before the rulers. Audacious thieves infest the thoroughfares, spread- ing themselves over the country in the night, breaking open the doors and laying hold of garments, food, animals-anything they can get. If they are resisted, the unfortunate victims are killed in cold blood, and their cries for help are unheard, for the farmhouses are isolated, and the robbers flee before succor can come. In the mountains, these outrages are perpetrated in open day, and such is the ferocity of the bandits, that they often cut off the hands of women to get their bracelets."

This famine was followed by a plague which almost decimated the inhabitants, and when in 1841, the promising crops encouraged the inhabitants to hope for better times, swarms of insects devoured the grain before it was ripe. Society was almost disorganized through

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the extremity of misery, and in the town of Nánchuen, armed robbers came in open day through the streets, and entering the shops seized all they could carry. The magistrates and police in vain exerted them- selves to arrest them, seizing only a few, upon whom unusual punish- ments were inflicted; for as the prisons were full, the wretches were first starved, then their joints broken, and finally burnt alive. Swarms of people prowled through the fields, striving to find a little to appease their hunger, feeding on green fruits, leaves, carrion, and even each other. One family was arrested, living in a secluded spot near Chung- king fú, which had decoyed more than thirty persons into the house, and devoured them all.

The condition, number, and tribes of the aborigines still remaining in Sz'chuen offer many interesting subjects of inquiry, upon which our authentic information is scanty. M. Imbert speaks of those he calls Miáutsz' as a simple, timid and unpolished race, whose chieftains are subject to the Chinese authorities, and who maintain their partial independence only by secluding themselves in the mountains. Those in the west he calls Sifún, and describes their country as exceedingly rough. These mountaineers are probably the descendants of the people formerly called Tangouts, for this region was once mostly included in the kingdom of that name, which was subjugated by Gengis khan in A.D. 1227. It is more than probable, however, that these hardy mountaineers have always submitted to foreign rule only so far and so willingly as suited their interests; and have thereby kept themselves even more degraded and wretched than their lowland neighbors. The religious control of the Tibetan lamas probably assimilates these people much more to H'lassa than to Peking.

ART. V. Journal of Occurrences: return of the Str. Reynard and Gov. Bonham; death of Gov. Da Cunha; meeting in relation to the Exhibition of Industry in 1851; licensing of tea-brokers at Canton.

THE late visit of H. M. screw-propeller Reynard, to the mouth of the Pei ho, has given rise to considerable speculation as to its object and results. She returned to Hongkong on the 17th inst.; while absent she visited the termination of the Great Wall between Chihli and Liautung, the same place reached in 1840 by the Str. Madagascar (see Vols. IX. p. 421, and X. p. 579). The Reynard was found to draw too much water to be able to proceed up to Tientsin, and her dispatches were received on shore by Chinese officers. Eurther discussion on their subject matter was precluded by the assertion on.

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Journal of Occurrences.

JrLY.

156 250% of the recipients that H. E. Só was the medium through which com- men cations were received at Peking. Even if such was the repiș, and such found to be the rule, we sull think the visits of national vesse's of all flags to the south of the Pei ho should be muluplied, and if they dropped in at other ports on the coast, as they have the right to do by Art. 32 of the Ame- r.can treaty, all the better. The more often intercourse can be held with the authorities of this empire by foreign powers, the better for both parties, de- apite of the many difficulties in the way.

H. E. Gov. Bonham and suite and family returned to Hongkong the next day after the Reynard, after an absence of nearly three months.

H. E. Gov. Da Cunha, whose arrival was noticed last month, died of cho- lera on the 6th inet, having been sick only about eight hours. His death left the colony without a head, and on opening his instructions, the Provisional Council found that no provision had been made in them for sucù an event by devolving his negotiations with the Chinese authorities, on any other person. We suppose therefore they can only refer the matter to Lisbon. We extract a paragraph from the Mail upon his character, and only add in reference to the last sentence, that the settlement has been quiet since last autumn, and has rather increased in business during a few months past, though none of the large native establishments have returned from Whampoa.

Macao is again without a governor, commodore Da Cunha, who arrived on the 28th of May, having died on the 5th of July, after a forty_days' tenure of office. The Boletim do Governo lias been published, containing the official intimation, besides an editorial art.cle on the subject, and a communication from an officer in the Portuguese Navy, be- wailing the loss which his country, and more especially the settlement of Macao, har sustained. With the limited opportunities we enjoyed of forming an opinion, we entirely concur in regarding the death of Governor Da Cunha as a great calamity. He seemed to us a person of much intelligence, clearness of perception, and firmness of purpose, united to great prudence, and free from strong prejudice. Probably he might not have considered it his duty to adopt extreme measures until others had been tried, to advance the interests of the colony, and preserve the honor of his country; and we believe that had his life been spared, he would have done both.

The stories afloat about the peremptory demands made by him upon the Imperial Commissioner, are without foundation, for we can say confidently, that up to the day of his death, no communication had passed between him and the authorities at Canton; and we may add, that instead of breathing hatred and fury against the Chinese people, he was disposed to regard them favorably, and had already shown how he could augment the revenues of the settlement by protecting and encouraging them.—China Mail.

A meeting of foreigners was held at Hongkong on the 24th ult, and at the British Consulate in Canton on the next day, to take into consideration the best means of procuring specimens of the different articles of the produce and manufacture of China for the Exhibition of 1851. The proceedings of the meeting at Canton explain the inanner in which the objects of the Exhibition are intended to be furthered.

At a preliminary meeting of gentlemen held at the British Consulate, Canton. present, John Bowring, Esq. LL. D. in the Chair ; Rev. P. Parker, M.D. Messrs. Carlowitz, Browne, Elmslie, Reynvaan, Ponder, Dent, Moore, Dunlop. Sturgis. Ellice, Livingston, Mid- dleton, Sassoon, Heard. Parkin, Sichel, Ryder, Kennedy, and Cowasjec Pallanjec, the following Resolutions were unanimously carried.

Proposed by John Dent, Esq., and seconded by W. Moore, Esq.

1. That the Exhibition of the Industry of Nations, which is to take place in London in the spring of 1851, is entitled to all support and co-operation, and that for the purpose of collecting and contributing thereunto the various productions of China, the gentle- men present do form themselves into a Committee with power to add to their number.

Proposed by R. S. Sturgis, Esq., and seconded by A. Dunlop. Esq.

2. That Dr. Bowring be the Chairman of the said Committee.

Proposed by Dr. Parker, and seconded by A. Sassoon, Esq.

3. That James T. Walker and Horace Öakley, Esqs, be the Secretaries.

Proposed by John Heard, Esq., and seconded by Robert Browne, Esq.

That the Oriental Bank be requested to act as bankers to the said Committee.

Proposed by R. Ellice, Esq., and seconded by W', W. Parkin. Esq.

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

405

5. That a Committee of Finance, consisting of Messrs. Dent, Forbes, Dunlop, Ponder, Livingston and Heard, be appointed, and that they be requested to take such measures as may be desirable for collecting funds; and that any three of the said Finance Committee be authorized to sign checks on behalf of the General Committee.

Proposed by W. P. Livingston, Esq., and seconded by Charles Ryder, Esq.

6. That a sub-committee of Correspondence, consisting of the Finance Committee and Messrs. Parkin, Moore, Gilman, Elmslie, Carlowitz, Sassoon, and Cowasjce Pal- lanjee, be appointed to correspond with the Committees of Hongkong, Shanghai, and other places in China, or elsewhere, where arrangements may be made for furthering the objects of the Exhibition.

Proposed by D. Kennedy, Esq., and seconded by R. S. Sturgis, Esq.

7. That a Chinese sub-committee, consisting of Dr. Parker, Messrs. Meadows, Reynvaan, Carlowitz and Browne, be appointed for making such communications to the Chinese as may be desirable.

Proposed by W. Moore, Esq., and seconded by H. G. I. Reynvaan, Esq.

8. That a sub-committee of Classification, consisting of Dr. Parker, Messrs. Forbes, Ponder, Gilman, Ellice, Carlowitz, F. A. King, Sichel, Ryder, Marjoribanks, J. A. T Meadows, and Birley, be appointed to consider the best arrangement of articles to be collected, and the best means of collecting them.

Proposed by Dr. Parker, and seconded by Cowasjee Pallanjee, Esq.

That all sub-committees, with the exception of the Committee of Finance be authorized to add to their numbers any members who are likely to forward the special objects for which such sub-committee is named, and that all sub-committees be request- ed to report their proceedings to the General Committee.

Proposed by H. G. 1. Reynvaan, Esq., and seconded by M. Sichel, Esq.

10. That in order to prevent the transmission of duplicates, to obtain the most complete collection of objects, and to facilitate their conveyance and reception in England, gentlemen wishing to send articles on their own account be requested to com- municate with the Committee.

Proposed by Dr. Bowring, and seconded by John Dent, Esq.

11. That the General Committee meet weekly at the British Consulate on Tuesday at 12 o'clock.

Proposed by M. Sichel, Esq., and reconded by John Dent, Esq.

12. That the articles sent under the sanction of this Committee be represented in a common fund, in which every subscriber shall have a pro rata interest according to the amount of his contribution.

Proposed by A. D.unlop, Esq., and seconded by W. Moore, Esq.

1. That these Resolutions be published in the Hongkong papers, and printed and circulated throughout the Factories.

Proposed by Robert Browne, Esq., and seconded by H. G. I. Reynvaan, Esq.

14. That a sub-committee be appointed, consisting of Dr. Parker, Mr. Elmslie, and Mr. Ellice, in order to prepare for circulation a statement of the objects of the Exhibi- tion, with any regulations or arrangements adopted in England, and that such stateinent be submitted for approval at the next general meeting.

Proposed by John Dent, Esq., and seconded by W. Moore Esq.

15. That the thanks of the meeting be given to the Chairman. Canton, 25th June, 1850,

J. T. WALKER,

HORACE OAKLEY,

Secretaries.

JOHN BOWRING,—Chairman.

Another meeting was called soon after at the same place on the 4th inst., at which there was a large attendance of the foreign community, when the following resolutions were passed.

1. Proposed by Mr. David Jardine, seconded by Rev. Doct. Parker,-That this Meeting feels interested in the success of the Great Exhibition of the Industry of all Nations, intended to take place in London during the early part of the coming year, under the auspices of the Prince Consort, and associated with so many illustrious names,—that the Exhibition is likely to advance the interests of science and civilization, to extend the relations of cominerce, and to strengthen the friendly intercourse between the various branches of the human family.

2. Proposed by Mr. J. F. Edzer, seconded by Mr. R. S. Sturgis.-That this Meeting approves of the steps which have been taken by the Preliminary Meeting, held at the British Consulate on the 25th June, and requests the Committee then appointed to con- tinue and give effect to the arrangements then made.

3. Proposed by Mr. John Dent, seconded by Mr. A. Dunlop.-That while it is to be regretted that the short period which intervenes between the present time and that fixed for the opening of the Exhibition, does not allow of such arrangements as will enable contributions to be sent from the great Chinese Einpire, displaying in their full

406

Journal of Occurrences.

July,

extent its many natural productions, the implements of labor in their various forms, ite manufactures and works of art and science,—this Meeting is of opinion that a very in- teresting, instructive, and useful addition to the Exhibition may be made from this

country.

4. Proposed by Mr 8. Ponder, seconded by Mr Livingston,—That as the difficul ties of personal intercourse with the authorities and with the people of China render it improbable that to any considerable extent they will be induced to exhibit the produc- tions of their own country, the amounts raised by subscription form a common fund in which every contributor shall be held to be represented according to the proportionate bencfits or losses, when the articles shall have been disposed of.

5. Proposed by Mr H. Moul, seconded by Mr R. Carlowitz.—That the Finance Com- mittee be, and is hereby requested to take such measures as they may deem desirable for the collection of subscriptions in furtherance of the objects of this Meeting.

6. Proposed by Mr D. Kennedy, seconded by Mr D. Jardine.—That in the anomalous and unsatisfactory position which foreign residents occupy in this country, and from the impediments to all social intercourse, this Meeting deeply regrets that the contribu tions which can be furnished from hence will neither adequately represent its multifarious productions, nor enable them to carry out the views of the Commissioners in the enlight- ened and generous spirit in which they were conceived.

7. Proposed by Mr Charles Ryder, seconded by Mr A. Sassoon-That these Resolu- tions be inserted in the Hongkong newspapers.

8. Proposed by Mr David Jardine, seconded by Mr A. Dunlop,—That the thanks of the Meeting be given to the Chairman.

JAMES T. WALKER, Secretaries. HORACE OAKLEY,

JOHN BOWRING,—Chairman,

A subscription paper has since been circulated among the merchants by the Finance Committee, and upwards of $8,000 subscribed. Considerable progress has also been made in collecting articles to be forwarded, and it is thought that the variety brought together even in the limited time allowed will exhib- it almost every branch of Chinese art and manufacture. The opportunity of of co-operating in the exhibition has been presented to Gov. Sü, but as was anticipated he declined having anything to do with it.

A system of licensing tea warehouses has recently been established by the governor-general, the objects of which are to be gathered from the following edict and regulations issued by the district magistrates.

Petition of the old hong-merchants, Howqua and others, granted to establish tea warehouses, and regulations for levying expenses.

Fung, district magistrate of Nanhai, and Shauk, district magistrate of Pwán- yü, &c., &c., issue their perspicuous proclamation :- Whereas, the former hong-merchants, Howqua and others, on account of the abolition by Governinent [of the old co-hong], having caused the tea trade to be diffused and unsettled, so that there is no fixed point for the public items, having petitioned requesting the establishing of warehouses, and levying expenses for the convenience of maintaining a supervision of the tea trade, and the liquidation of their old obli gations to the imperial treasury, we have had the honor to receive the reply of the Governor-general, directing deliberations to be held upon the subject, and after joint deliberation thereon, held at the time, we reported to His Excellency the result, who in reply directed that we should enjoin upon the warehouses to conform thereto. Now, it appears that the said tea warehouses, being without precedent, the proprietors invited all the tea merchants to meet and deliberate upon regulations by which to conduct them, and they (members of the tea warehouses) have come before us with their petition to allow them to fill the station. Besides complying with their request, and reporting the Baine to all (the high officers whom it concerns, as H. E. the Governor-general, the Governor, Superintendent of customs, Commissary of grain, and the Prefect), that the same might be entered upon the archives, and issuing our licenses to the said warehouese firms, and enjoining upon them to act accord- ingly; we also, sincerely apprehending that the tea merchants, and houses engaged in foreign traffick, are not yet fully and universally informed upon the subject. as it behooves us to issue a luminous Proclamation to this end, we do

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proclaim to the tea merchants of the different provinces, and to firms engaged in foreign trade, for their full information, that hereafter when teas arrive at Can- ton, and when the dealers with foreigners purchase these teas, it is absolutely necessary that they each conform to the following Regulations. Let there be no opposition Special proclamation.

REGULATIONS. 1. Every merchant on bringing his teas (to Canton) must store them in the government warehouses, and these having been clearly exam- ined, and their marks and number of chests ascertained at the official ware- houses, the proprietors of the warehouse must immediately repair to the Consoo of the old hong-merchants, and distinctly and minutely report the same. Hav- ing settled for the sale, on the day of weighing them, they must immediately report to what dealers in foreign trade they are sold, and separately report the marks, number of packages, and weight of the teas disposed of. If any of the said tea merchants, having stored teas in the government warehouses, should remove them to another place, this also must be reported in order to clear investigation and management thereof.

2. As to the discount for difference of weight and value of moneys employed in transactions between the tea warehouses and the dealers in foreign goods, of late years every hundred taels by the tea scales has been discounted at a difference of five taels and odd by the government scales. Now it has been decided, after deliberation, that in future, there shall be universal conformity to the precedent of the old co-hong, that the discount between tea scales and those of the new treasury scales, shall be two taels per hundred taels (i. e. 100 taels by tea money weight will be reckoned 98 taels new treasury standard), and only 20 taels in the hundred can consist of broken (or “chopped") money, and should there be no broken money, then there will be a further deduction, but not exceeding one tael (for each hundred taels). The tea merchants obtaining this compensatory discount in their favor, will possess a very great advantage in [receiving] their tea money, and it is right according to this regula- tion to deduct two mace for every pecul of tea, to compensate the warehouse proprietor, and by him to be delivered to the Consoo of the old hong-inerchants, and by them delivered over to the government treasury.

3. Warehouses for black and green teas (from other provinces), and for the Tsingyuen teas (of Canton), have been opened for many years, incurring the cost of lodging the merchants, storing teas, rent of warehouses, and various items of porterage and other requisite expenses, and in future, according to the rule hitherto existing, black teas will pay a commission of five mace per pecul, and green and native Tsingyuen teas will pay a commission according to the old regulations respecting them. (?)

4. If a tea merchant rent a place of residence for himself and for storing his teas, or if the hong-merchants manage for their own chops (i. e. send their partners or agents to the tea country, and purchase their teas), each must accord- ingly repair to the official warehouses and report the number of chests, and through the official warehouses communicate the same to the Consoo of the old hong-merchants. On selling the teas, the said government warehouses, shall deduct a cominission of three mace (per pecul), but if said tea inerchant employs another warehouse to sell his teas for him, then the said superintending official warehouse shall receive a commission of only five candareens, and there must be no dispute upon the point. The dealer in foreign trade also must have the evidence of the official warehouse certificate (that the teas have been deposited in government warehouses), before he will be allowed to purchase them, and if he do not possess such certificate he will be considered as sinuggling the teas. 5. When one licensed warehouse shall sell the teas of another of the saine class, it is provided clear, that for black teas, it shall receive a commission of five candareens per pecul to recompense it for its trouble, and the remaining four mace five candareens shall revert to the original warehouse to compensate its trouble. In respect to green and native Tsingyuen teas, there will be a division between the two parties, according to the respective commission on each, and they will be managed in the same manner as black teas. As to the deduction of two mace per pecul of teas, to make up the deficiency in the public items, it must be done according to the original petition of the old hong-merchants, viz, the

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Journal of Occurrences.

weight must be reckoned as at the time of sale, allowing a deduction of ten per cent (tare). And on paying the money, the weight is to be according to the trea- surer's scale, and not of the tea scales, so as to pay less.

6. When chests of tea are furnished as samples to the dealer with foreigners, five catties from a chest is the standard which he is allowed to take out as a muster; should he exceed this, he must pay the ten-merchant for the excess, according to the value of the tes, and can not refuse it.

7. Persons having undertaken the warehouse business, subsequently desiring to go into other occupations, will be permitted to report the same and retire, delivering their licenses back to the old hong-merchants to be handed over to government and cancelled.

8. These regulations are established with a primary view to maintain a surveillance over the tea trade, and thus to guard against emuggling and other like evils if any do not conform to them, then, by the tea warehouses, they are to be reported to the authorities, to be prosecuted and punished.

9. As to the deduction of two mace to repay the money from the imperial treasury, the responsibility is fixed upon the dealers in foreign_trade who purchase the teas, who, upon the day of weighing and delivering the teas, are immediately to take this money, and deliver it over to the tea warehouses, to be transferred by them to the Consoo of the old hong-merchants, and by them paid into the treasury, in order to show the importance of imperial treasury items.

Tankwang, 30th year, 4th moon, 29th day. (June 9th, 1850.)

A faithful translation, PETER PARKER.

These regulations were considered as contravening the stipulations of the treaties in relation to monopolies, and this view of the matter was brought to H. E.'s notice by the foreign officials. Sü'a answer to the American charge d'affaires is here introduced to explain his ideas on this point.

Su Kwangtsin, hereditary viscount of the first grade, Governor-general of the Two Kwang provinces, ez officio a president of the Board of War, minis- ter and commissioner of the Great Pure Dynasty, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the honorable Commissioner's dispatch niaking inquiries relative to the subject of the establishment of tea warehouses, and levying commis- sinns by the old hong-merchants, which he has perused and fully understands. It appears on examination that the old hong-merchants, inasmuch as they were in debt for money borrowed from the public item (i. e. the government treasury), and were without the means of repaying it, after deliberation decided, from the tea warehouses old hong commission of fire mace, to deduct two mace, in oder to liquidate their debt :- [an arrangement] which in no way whatever concerns either the Chinese or foreign nierchants; therefore, during the last year, they memorialized the government upon the subject, and [were authoris ed] to manage accordingly. Now, the two district magistrates of Nánbai and Pwanyu, according to the publicly adopted regulations of all the tea ware- houses, have issued a perspicuous Proclamation, that all both far and near, universally, may understand them, and adhere to the same for ever. As requisite, I make this reply, and avail myself of the occasion to present you my compli ments, and wishes for your health and happiness. The two original dispatches are here with returned.

The foregoing communication is addressed to Peter Parker, chargé d'af. faires, ad interim, of the United States of America to China.

Táukwáng, 30th year, 6th monu, 5th day. (13th July, 1850).

Movements of missionaries. The Rev. W. Gillespie embarked for England in the P. & O. St. Braganza on the 24th inst.; he does not expect to return to China. The Rev. J. V. N. Talmage and Mrs. Talmaga arrived at Hong- kong in the Tartar from New York on the 6th inst., and soon after left for Amoy. Misses Tenney and Baker came in the same vessel, the former to join the Amer. Epis. mission at Shanghai, the latter the Baptist mission at Canton. Rev. R. S. Maclay and Miss H. R. Sperry were married on the 10th inst. at Hongkong, and have since left for Fuhchau.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-AUGUST, 1850.-No. 8.

ART. I. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and Ozog into the Chinese language. By W. J BʊONE. (Continued from page 385.)

THE issue made with us by Dr. Legge on this point was thus express- ed in proposition b :—

Adinitting that the Chinese do not know the true God, (Dr Legge) contends that we should use a relative, not an absolute generic term to render Elohim and Csog, because these words are relative, not absolute terms."

Ou this point Dr. Legge writes: “First of all, I deny that God is a generic term. If I can substantiate this, then there is no room for the single question,' to which Dr. Boone ‘narrows' the controversy. viz., What is the generic name for god in the Chinese language ? If it were intended in speaking of the ‘generic name for God ' merely to say that God is a term that may be applied (right or wrong) to more than one object of thought, I should let the use of the word pass without animadversion. 1 profess myself as much opposed as any man can be to the trifling of logomachies. But it has been employed accord- ing to its true application, which is not in questions of grammar and logic, but in the representations of natural history. Much has been said of the ‘genus of gods,' as if there really were in nature many gods, while at the same time and on the same page, it is stated that *there is in truth but one God,' and that there is no other being in the universe but Jehovah entitled to this name." We are told that * the existence of a generic name for God is gwing entirely to poly- theism.

puge t

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101 XIX 50 YIII

410

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Though this seems to puzzle Dr. Legge very much, there is to my mind no difficulty about the inatter as it was stated in my Essay. The question was asked at the outset, if the Chinese knew the true God, if they were mono-theists or poly-theists? To this question the answer was given "they are polytheists, they do not know the true God;" in which answer, as I understood, all then discussing this question agreed. Not knowing the Being we call God, they could have, I contended, no name for Him-no word answering to our word God, when used propriè. Under these circumstances, it was inquir- ed, What is a translator to do? If he takes the name of the chief god, by the admission above made, this would be only the name of a false god, which it would be derogatory to Jehovah to use as his appellative; the name of any other particular deity inferior to the chief god, would be still more objectionable: it was therefore contend- ed that, among polytheists, where the true God is unknown, the only course to be pursued is to use the generic name of their gods to render Elohim and Osos; and to prevent mistake, this phrase was de- fined to be "the name of the highest genus, or class of beings, to whom the Chinese offer religious worship." Still further to guard against misapprehension, I wrote: "There being in truth but one God, the existence of a generic name for God is owing entirely to polytheism. If none other than the true religion had ever prevailed, there could have been no such genus as this conceived of. The gods of a poly- theistic people are merely imaginary beings, who have no real exist- ence. The true God claims the right to displace the whole class; and this is the reason that, in translating the Scriptures into the language of such a people, the generic term for god must be used: Jehovah claims the right-not to be recognized in the place of the chief god of such a system, but—to take the place of the whole class of gods. He will not consent to propose Himself to polytheists, as their Jupiter or Neptune, their Tien or their Fuh Budha. He claims to be the all and in all.'.

We must therefore take for Jehovah the name of the whole class, and affirm that it

pro- perly belongs to Him alone; that there is no other being in the universe entitled to this name; that those whom the heathen have, in the days of their polytheistic ignorance, called gods, are mere imaginary beings who have no existence except in the minds of their blinded votaries.

(

"The generic name for God, when thus claimed for Jehovah, undergoes a change by Christian usage: according to this usage, it is employed in a proper sense, to designate Jehovah alone; and, but

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for the fact that it must still be used to combat polytheism, its generic character would wholly cease. But as polytheisin gave rise to so improper a genus, so the necessity there exists of forbidding men to have a plurality of gods, causes the word to retain so much of its generic character, as to make it available to prohibit sternly the recognition and worship of all the imaginary beings, who are by poly. theists strictly and properly included in its meaning." Essay, page 6. With all this before him, Dr Legge writes: "Much has been said of the genus of gods,' as if there really were in nature many gods, while at the same time and on the same page, it is stated that 'there is in truth but one God.'' It is very surprising to me Dr Legge did not see that I contended there was in nature but one God, and that the plurality exists only in the imagination of polytheists; that the word God, when "employed in a proper sense," designates Jehovah alone, and that “the genus” is an “improper” one, whose existence is entirely owing to the false views of polytheists. But whether the beings designated be real or imaginary, can not, I conceive, alter the character of the word, which is the cominon name of the class. This word, if it be a name common to several beings, must be a common name, an appellative noun, a generic term. Whether Elohim is actual- ly used as the name of only one being, or as a name common to a number of beings, is a question of fact, to be determined, not by in- quiring what is the first idea that comes into our minds, when they "rise rapidly and vigorously to the idea of God," but by an appeal to the usus loquendi of the writers of the O. T. The inspired writers do not suppose that there exist many gods-a class of gods-nor do we, but polytheists do; and accordingly we find that they, in all the Janguages with which we are acquainted (the languages in which the Sacred Scriptures were written included), have a general name by which this class of beings is called; and that monotheists, whether inspired men or not, have never scrupled to use this word when speak- ing of these imaginary beings; it is idle therefore to say that the word so used is not the name of a class of beings-that it is not a generic term. In Hebrew, Eloah and Elohim, and in Greek ☺ɛos, Gɛ01, are used as the name of this class of beings, and in Chinese, we con- tend that Shin is so used.

With respect to the fact that Elohim is used as a name common to Jehovah and all the false gods of the polytheists mentioned in the O. T., there can, of course, be no controversy between Dr. Legge and myself, nor with respect to the fact whether Elohim is, or is not, the appellative name of this whole class the only point of difference is

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with respect to the character of this appellative; is it absolute or is it relative? This also is a question of fact, to be determined by an appeal to the usus loquendi of the word. If Dr. Legge understands generic as absolute appellative, and desires to deny that the word Elohim is generic in this sense, he makes the very issue which I desired to make in my Essay, when I defined shin to be the name of a class of beings, and called tí a mere relative term, denoting office, and not an appellative noun." Dr. Legge's strictures on my use of the word “appellative noun" in this last sentence, are just ; I wanted the opposite of “relative," and the proper term "absolute" did not occur to me. I am glad that Dr. Legge has called attention to my mistake, and brought up the question more clearly for discussion, by pointing out the proper terms to be used, viz., absolute and relative. agree with him that the point is a fundamental one, and regret that I did not, in that part of my Essay, express my meaning more accu. rately. That Dr. Legge intends to maintain, in sober earnest, that God is a relative term, and not absolute, appears not only from his use of these words, but from his carefully defining the sense in which he uses the word relative, and from his assuring us that, “God does not indicate the essence, nor express anything about the being of Jehovah.” This last statement is only a just consequence of the preceding one, "that God is a relative term;" but I should have thought the mere writing out the proposition in this form would have awakened Dr. Legge to a sense of its incorrectness, and caused him to blot out all he had written on the subject. Dr Legge tells us very correctly, from Rees' Cyclopædia, that relative words "include a kind of opposition between them; yet so as that one can not be without the other."

Will Dr. Legge tell us then, what that is without which Jehovah could not be God? He answers on p. 5 its correlative is creatures." "As soon as the first man was called into existence, Jehovah stood to him in the relation of God." Is the eternity of God one of the articles of Dr. Legge's creed? If so, to be consistent with the view above expressed, he must maintain the eternity of the creation also. On p. 11, Dr. Legge quotes the principle of the Grecian philosophers, ex nihilo nihil fit.” However true this doctrine may be when ap- plied to every "material cause," does Dr. Legge regard it as true when applied to the efficient cause-to God? tion from nothing soux ovwv, so that there never was a time when God existed alone, before He had created anything? If Dr Legge answers, as we have no doubt he will, that he believes in the eternal existence of the Being, and that this Being, when existing abɛɔlutely alone

Does he deny a crea-

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without anything extrinsic to Himself, out of nothing made the heavens and the earth; then he only differs from us in maintaining that this Being could not properly be called God when viewed thus absolutely ; and the question is reduced to one of the usus loquendi of the word, which happily is so uniform that it is easily settled.

The Psalmist says, “O LORD, before the mountains were brought forth, or ever thou hadst formed the earth and the world; even from everlasting to everlasting, thou art God.” Ps. xc. 2.—“ I said, O my God, take me not away in the midst of my days : thy years are through- out all generations; of old thou hast laid the foundation of the earth' &c., &c. Ps. cii. 24. "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.” When the Evangelist tells us here that the Word “was God," does Dr. Legge understand him to say that the Word merely sustains a relationship to God the Father or to men? When stating the doctrine of the Trinity, does not Dr. L. say,

there are three Persons and one God?" Is the word God here used as a relative term? Dr. Legge says the correlative of God is creature; from which we infer the word God means Creator: can he adhere to this explanation of the word, and point out to us what relationship is affirined to exist between the three Persons of the blessed Trinity when we say "there are three Persons and one God?” We also speak of our Savior Christ

as "both God and man." Do we by the words "God" and “ man express our belief in the existence of two natures, the Divine and human, in one Christ; or merely mean thereby, that Christ sustained two diverse relations, i. e. creator and creature, to other beings? If Dr. Legge can be induced to forget for a moment his thesis, “God is a relative term, not abso- lute," which, to sustain the cause of Shángti, "Supreme Ruler," he has incautiously undertaken to defend, he will I have no doubt acknow- ledge, with the orthodox of all ages of the Church, that by the word God when so used, we affirm that the three Persons are of one divine essence or nature-of one substance. This is undoubtedly the mean- ing the word God bears, and has borne in the Christian Church from the beginning, as can be shown from its usus loquendi.

I open a work on Systematic Theology, which lies before me, that of Knapp, and turn to the heading; "General names applied to Deity, without distinction of true or false." The first given is Eloah, Elohim. I turn to the next article; it is he ded, “Of the nature and attributes of God." The writer tells us, “the nature of God is the sum of the divine perfections, the attributes of God are the particu'r distinct perfections or reuities which are predi uble of the divine nature.”

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These attributes are then considered in the following order, “The Spirituality of God;"" the Eternity and Immutability of God;" &c., &c. Are not these essential attributes? If Dr. Legge, when he pre- dicates these attributes of Jehovah, does not call Him God, will he in. form us what word he uses as the name of this Being, when discoursing of His attributes?

But this work is a recent one, and Dr. Legge fortifies his position with the great name of Newton; we shall therefore exhibit at some length the usus loquendi of the word. We do this not merely for the interests of this controversy, but for the cause of truth in general, for if Dr. Legge's position be correct, our formulas, which teach us the orthodox faith on the doctrine of the Trinity, are worth nothing, and our systems of divinity, which use the word God, when affirming the eternity of Jehovah, affirm also the eternal existence of its correlative the creature.

The first quotation we shall cite to show the usus loquendi of the word, is from Tertullian. Ile distinguishes the words God and Lord as follows:-

"Dei nomen dicimus semper fuisse apud semetipsum et in semetipso Dominum vero non semper. Diversa enim utriusque conditio. Deus substantiæ ipsius nomen, id est, divinitatis; Dominus vero non sub- stantiæ, sed potestatis, substantiam semper fuisse cum suo nomine, quod est Deus; postea Dominus, accedentis scilicet rei mentio. Nam ex quo esse cœperunt in quæ postestas Domini ageret, ex illo, per accessionem potestatis, et factus et dictus est Dominus. Tertull. contra Hermog. cap. 3, quoted in Waterland's Works.

Council of Nice. Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεόν, πατέρα παντοκράτορα καί εἰς ἕνα κυριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τὸν ὑιόν τοῦ Θεοῦ γεννηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς μονογενῆ Ἰουλέςλιν ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ παρὸς . . . . ὁμοούσιαν τω πατρι, δε. &c. The Athanasian Creed. "We worship one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity; neither confounding the persons, nor dividing the substance. For the right faith is that we believe and confess; that our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is God and man: God of the sub- stance of the Father, and Mau of the substance of his mother: who although he be God and man, yet he is not two but one Christ; one altogether; not by confusion of substance, but by unity of person."

The Protestant churches at the Reformation, without a single ex- ception, I believe, define the word God in their standards as an abso- Jute, not as a relative term; and in direct opposition to Dr. Legge af- firm that the word God does “indicate essence, and express something about the being of Jehovah."

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The Confession of England thus speaks on this subject : '' We be- lieve that there is one certain nature and Divine power, which we call God,......and that the saine one God hath created heaven and earth, and all things contained under heaven." Sec Harmony of Prot Confessions; Conf. of England, p. 30.

2. We believe and teach that God is one in essence or nature, sub- sisting by himself, all-sufficient in himself, invisible, without a body, infinite, eternal, the Creator of all things both visible and invisible," &c. See ibid.

See ibid. The Latter Conf. of Helvetia, p. 18.

3. "We believe and acknowledge only one God, who is one only and simply essence, spiritual, eternal, invisible, immutable, infinite, in- comprehensible, unspeakable, almighty, most wise, good, just, and merciful." Ibid, Conf. of France, p. 29.

4. We believe in heart, and confess with the mouth, that there is only one and simple spiritual essence, which we call God, eternal, in- comprehensible, invisible, immutable, infinite, who is wholly wise, and a most plentiful well-spring of all good things.” Ibid, Conf. of Belgia, p. 32.

5. "The churches with common consent among us do teach .... that there is one Divine essence, which is called, and is God, eternal, without body, indivisible, of infinite power, wisdom, goodness, the Creator and Preserver of all things, visible and invisible," &c. Ibid, Conf. of Augsburg, p. 36.

These documents all speak one language, and that directly the reverse of the main proposition on which Dr. Legge's argument is founded. But the point is of such great importance, that I trust the reader will pardon my presenting him some additional quotations from a few eininent theological writers.

Bishop Pearson, commenting on the words of the first Article of the Creed, "I believe in God;" after saying that the name God is attribut- ed unto many, tells us that the excellency which makes it proper to Him "is grounded upon the Divine nature or essence, which all other who are called gods have not, and therefore are not by nature gods. 'Then when knew not God (saith St. Paul), ye did service to them, who by nature are not gods.' (Gal. iv. 8) There is then a God by nature, and others, which are called gods, but by nature are not so; for either they have no power at all, because no being, but only in the false opinions of deceived men, as the gods of the heathen, or if they have any real power or authority, from whence some are called gods in Scripture, yet they have it not from themselves, or of their own na- ture, but from Ilim who only hath immortaliy,' and consequently,

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only Divinity, and therefore is 'the only true God.'*..........So that the notion of a Deity doth at last expressly signify a being or nature of infinite perfection; and the infinite persection of a nature or being consisteth in this, that it be absolutely and essentially necessary, an actual being of itself; and potential or causative of all beings beside itself, independent from any other, upon which all things else depend, and by which all things else are governed." Exp of the Creed, p. 25. Archbishop Usher says, "We describe God by these properties, a spirit eternal. Or more fully, God is a spiritual substance, having his being of himself, infinitely great and good,........and hence we learn to acknowledge both our being and well-being from him, and from him alone;.. and when we say that God is a substance, we mean that he is such a thing, as hath a being in himself, of him- self, and which giveth a being to all other things." Body of Divinity, p. 41.

Waterland, having expressed his views of what is included in the Scripture notion of one that is truly and properly God, as given above at page 361, in our quotation from his Works, says: "And if Scrip- ture has thus informed us what properties, attributes, and perfections (observe, not what relations) must be supposed to meet in one that is truly and properly God, our own reason must tell us that these attribu- tes, &c., must have a subject, and this subject we call substance; and therefore the Scripture notion of God, is that of an eternal, immutable, omnipresent, omniscient, almighty substance." Waterland's Works, Vol. II. p. 37.

Dr. Clarke, Waterland's great opponent, contended as Dr. Legge does, that the word God was a relative term, implying dominion ; and to sustain this view quoted from Hippolytus a sentence that Waterland comments on as follows. "The words you chiefly value are wavloxpr7wp παρὰ παῖρος καλες λάθη Χριστός, Christ was constituted Ruler over all by the Father. On occasion whereof, let me observe a thing to you, which you are not aware of; that though the ancients scrupled not to say, that Christ was constituted by the Father Ruler or Lord, or even Creator, (according to Prov. viii.) or anything coming under the notion of office, (the Father ever being looked upon as the first in order, and in virtue thereof, the fountain of every office, according to his own voluntary appointment,) yet you will never find it said by the ancients, that the Father constituted Christ a God, or appointed him to be God, which observation is highly deserving your special notice; as it may discover to you a fundamental flaw in your hypothesis, and may show you that you have taken a great deal of pains with the ancients upon a

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very wrong view, and (give me leave to add) to very little purpose. Had you found ever an ancient testimony, declaring that Christ was constituted God over all, you would have done something; the rest are impertinent, and come not up to your point. The word God was never looked upon as a word of office or dominion, but of nature and substance; and hence it is that the ancients never speak of Christ's being constituted God." Waterland's Works, Vol. II, p. 415.

"The truth is, God denotes all perfection, and Father denotes a relatim of order, and a particular manner of existing, all which you con- fusedly blend together, as if signified by the one word God." Ibid, p. 510.

Bishop Stillingfleet says, "We do not say that three persons are but one person, or that one nature is three natures; but that there are three persons in one nature. If, therefore one individual nature be communicable to three persons, there is no appearance of absurdity in this doctrine. And on the other side, it is impossible that there should be three Gods, where there is one and the same individual nature; for three Gods must have three several divine natures, since it is the divine essence which makes a God." Enchiridion Theologicum, Vol. 1, p. 427.

Quotations on this point might be extended ad libitum, but those given above are enough to show that the word God, by the usus loquendi of orthodox writers of the Christian Church of all ages, is an absolute, not a relative term, and that it does indicate the essence of Jehovah.

Dr. Legge endeavors to sustain his proposition that "God is not a generic, but a relative term,” by what he calls a grammatical or syntactical proof, which proof he fortifies with two considerations, and the great name of Newton. The grammatical proof is that the English word God may be used, either with or without the English arti- cles. The first consideration, which fortifies the view derived from the grammatical uses of the word, is that "it (supposing the word God to be a relative term) meets and explains all the facts of the case ;"' second, “that the manner in which the name is vindicated to Jehovah in the Old Testament is inexplicable excepting on this view.”

We shall take up these severally in the order in which they are above stated.

The grammatical proof is thus stated by Dr. Legge. "Grammatical propriety is not violated by any of the forms of expression :—God made the world, a God made the world, the God made the world, Gods made the world. Let us take any generic term of the animal king- down, and try to use it in the same way, and we shall find it nuprac-

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ticable." The fact here brought forward by Dr. Legge is that the word God may in English be used either with or without the article, and the inference he draws from it is, that it is an erpellative noun of the class called relative, and not of the class called absolute. I state the matter in this way to avoid logomachy, for Dr. L. says in his Essay, “it is universally conceded that God is not a proper name;” and “Gramma- rians divide all nouns into two classes, which are now generally de- nominated proper and common; formerly, common nouns were called appellatives, and they include all nouns which are not proper ;" and that "a relative terin may be as much an appellative as a generic term." He can therefore, only mean to affirm, that the individuals who have this common name are classed together under this appellative, because they sustain, or are supposed to sustain, a relationship towards men, which is common to them all, and not because of their possess- ing a being supposed to possess certain attributes or natural qualities, which are common to them all. What is there, then, in the known rules with respect to the use of the English article, that makes its use or non-use, a proper test for deciding such a question as this? Proper nouns designate beings in a definite manner, so that there is no need of any sign to point out the particular individuals, to which they are applied. Appellative nouns" (relative or absolute)" on the contrary, being common to all the individuals of the same species, when we wish to apply them to a single individual, or a certain num- ber of individuals of this species, or lastly to the whole species, it is of use to employ particular signs to indicate these various applica- tions." “The words, which serve to determine the extension of ap- pellative nouns, are denominated Articles.”

Hence Dr. Legge, from his first example, "God made the world," might infer that as the word God here designates a giren being so definitely, “that there is no need of any sign to point out the particu- lar individual to whom it is applied,” it must be a proper name; but he admits “it is universally conceded that God is not a proper name;" and this conclusion would be shown to be incorrect by his 2d, 3d and 4th examples of the use of the word. These last examples prove, be- yond a doubt, that the word is used as an appellative, but give not the slightest hint, as to whether the beings comprehended under this common appellation, were so called because of their sustaining rela- tionships, or possessing attributes common to them all.

Dr. Legge admits that the word man, as well as the word God, may be used in these four constructions; e. g. man built the house, a man built the house, the man built the house, men built the house;" but this does

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not cause the slightest distrast of the value of his test, for he doubts if man be rightly called a generic term"!!! He says, “it does not belong to our subject to explain how man, if it be rightly called a generic term, differs from other similar terms in this grammatical use.” With all deference to Dr. L. it seems to me this is the very thing his subject did require him to explain, if he wished his readers to have any confidence in the value of his proposed test, to ascertain whether a noun be appellative relative, or appellative absolute, i. c. generic. If man be a generic term, and Dr. L. will explain to us why it differs from other generic terms, “in this grammatical use," we may perhaps see, by the light of this explanation how God may be a generic term and agree with the word man “in this grammatical use” of the articles. If man be not a generic terin" (as Dr. L. hints), it is so common- ly supposed to be one, that he might have taken it for granted his readers would have been of this opinion, and should therefore have paused to explain, how this error had become so common, by either showing that the word man is not a name common to the race called in Latin, the genus homʊ-or that the name of such a race is properly called a generic term, in which last case, he should have defined the sense in which he uses the phrase generic term," as it must be one peculiar to himself. Dr. Legge may conclude, if he please, that the words, God and man, are quite anomalous in their method of both us- ing and rejecting the article, though he furnishes us with a list of words (which list might very easily be greatly extended) that admit of the same construction; but nothing can be more fanciful than his use of this test, to ascertain whether a word be relative or absolute- whether it may be used to render Elohim and Oɛog or not.

Dr. Legge does not appear to have settled in his own mind definite- ly, what the relation designated by the word God is. On p. 5, he tells us the correlatives stand thus, "God and creatures;" on p. 8, it "has regard to servants, and implies dominion;" on pp. 36, 37, "Supreme Ruler." He says he has gone over the collection of passages in Cru- den's Concordance with the view of testing whether Shangtí (Su- preme Ruler) will serve as a translation of God, and the result was that Supreme Ruler tallies with every one of them." He laughs at the distinction made in my Essay of the two senses in which the word is used (i. e. proper and improper), and declares on p. 21, “I only know of one meaning or sense belonging to it."- To speak of God in the sense of heathen nations is absurd.”*

* Dr. Legge's words are, “But to speak of God in the sense of hoathen na- tions is absurd, Heathen writers never use it without an articl,—i. e. in the

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"All this (the saying that the phrase "Supreme Ruler" always tallies with the word God) is nothing more than saying at great length what might have been said in four words, God just means God. Men may play fantastic tricks in the application of terms, but the meaning or significance of the terms as terms remains the same." What in- herent vitality words must have in them, one is ready to exclaim, to stand out so stiffly against men's perverse usus loquendi! Ernesti says, “ § 16. The meaning of words conventional. Words, considered simply as sound, have no meaning; for they are not natural and necessary signs of things, but conventional ones. Usage or custom has constituted a connection between words and ideas.”

"The first of all the laws of interpretation is certainly this:—to en- deavor to investigate the sense of a writing or passage which is to be interpreted, according to the signification which the general usage of the language, or also the well known particular usage of the writer, connects with the words which he employs. The rule, in one word, amounts to this: we should seek in the first place the literal sense of every passage to be interpreted, as it must be afforded either by the general usage, or by one which is peculiar to the writer. This no one has doubted, and no one can doubt who is possessed of a sound understanding." Planck's Introd. to Sacred Philology and Interpreta- tion. Translated by Dr. Turner, P. 128.

These writers only declare in other words, what Horace said long before them, that words are the mere creatures of usage.

sense in which it is employed in English without an article-excepting when they do so in its true application, and convey by it its real meaning." I have several remarks to make on these two sentences. What is the meaning of the last? Heathen writers never use the word God without an article in the sense in which it is used without an article in English, excepting when they convey by it its real meaning: in other words, the word God in the English language, when used without an article, is used in the sense we call propriè, and heathen writers never use the word in this sense except when they convey by it its true meaning. This is a truisin Dr. L. might have spared us. Does he mean to lay down a general proposition that heathen writers universally, in their re- spective languages, never, &c? This would be saying something towards the support of his "grammatical test;" but unhappily for this supposition, many heathen languages, e. g. the Latin and Chinese, have no article; the Hebrew and Greek have. Will Dr. L. venture the assertion that wherever Elohim and Theos are used without the article, these words always designate the Being whom we in English designate by the word God, when it is used without the article? My words were," We only maintain that it (skin) means god in the sense of heathen nations." Dr. L. changes this word "god into " God," and asserts that the phrase "God in the sense of heathen nations" is absurd. What is the difference between the phrase I used and that of Cudworth, “the pagan notion of the word god or gods?" Will Dr. L. as dogmatically assert the absurdity of the phrase used by "that great scholar ***

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Quem penes arbitrium, et jus et norma loquendi.”

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Dr. Legge regards this common-sense view of the matter, we may suppose, almost in the same light as he does a heresy. His doctrine is: "Does Dr. Boone doubt that we shall remodel the literature of the Chinese? Whatever there is in the literature of this great country that is vicious and of error, will be driven away by the advance of truth, like the chaff before the wind. Nothing that man's intellect has wrought in the vanity of its imaginations, will abide the sifting of science, and the presence of God's book...... But we can not remodel the language of the country. The literature is the work of man; the language is the work of God. As surely as the corn that grows from the bosom of the earth is from God, so also is language that grows up out of the mind of man." p. 20. He speaks of ideas "inher- ing" in words, and remarks, that on a comparison of the meanings given of God, Theos, and Elohim in Johnson's, Robinson's and Ge- senius' Lexicons, "there is felt (the italics are his own) the truth of the remark that Elohim and Theos are correctly rendered in English by God." If Dr. L.'s theory be true, with what reverence should we regard all the divinely inspired words of this heathen language! How impious of us to attempt to change the meaning of any word by our usus loquendi, (e. g. of any appellative noun, sc. the general name of their objects of worship,) as this would imply an impression on our part, that the Chinese had false conceptions of the objects, when they classed them together under a common appellative, and that "the language" was the work of their own fallible minds, not "the work of God," thus wrongly ascribing to men a work of God, and robbing him of his due!* This peculiar view of the nature of language exercises a most unhappy influence upon Dr. L. as a philo- logical inquirer. This we shall see as we proceed.

But to return to the point in hand: if the use or non-use of the article affords a reliable test of the suitableness of a word to render Elohim and Eos, we wonder Dr. Legge did not put the words he

* It is very strange to me that Dr. Legge did not perceive how completely these views of his are at variance with those of Bacon, quoted by him, with approbation, on the 39th page of his “ Argument." "The error [of calling the Chinese shin gods] supplies us with a fine specimen of what Bacon calls the idola fori. These,' he says, 'are the most troublesoine of all causes of error. They arise out of the commerce or intercourse of society, and especially froin language Words are cominonly given to things according to vulgar apprehen- sion, and distinguish things by differences apprehensible to a common under- standing; and when an intellect more acute, and more diligent observation, would distinguish things better the words cry out against the endeavor

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"Su-

proposes to uise, Supreme Ruler," to this test. Can he say prome Ruler made the world ?"'* But it is time I should go on to “the considerations" which Dr. Legge adduces to fortify his inference. The first is, The regarding God as a relative term “meets and ex- plains all the facts of the case. ." This is a resort to the true inductive method, an appeal to the usus loquendi-the facts of the case, and by this appeal we will cheerfully abide. The facts of the case Dr. Legge tells us are,

"that men served the true God before they wrongly imagined any other. When they took his attributes, and gave them to other beings, real or fictitious, they called them by the name which belonged to him only.” This appears to us a correct account of what must have been the case with the first men, those who used the primi- tive language; but Dr. Legge's proposition, men served the true God before they wrongly imagined any other," is an indefinite proposition, which is not true if it be taken universally. If he says, Some men, the first men, those who spoke the primitive language, served the true God before they conceived of false gods, and that the word God must there- fore have been used by them propriè, before it was ever used impro- priè, his proposition is no doubt perfectly correct; but it can have no bearing on the English word God, or the Chinese words Shangti or Shin, unless he is prepared to contend that the English or Chinese was the primitive language. If Dr. Legge will make his proposition univer- sal," all men served the true God before they wrongly imagined any other," its fallacy is at once apparent; it would require all men to have been monotheists before they were polytheists, which is contrary to what we all know to be the fact. The facts of the case, so far as they can affect the present nations of men and their languages, appear

to me to be these.

In the 10th chapter of Genesis, we read, “ And unto Eber were born two sons; the name of one was Peleg; for in his days was the earth divided." And in the next chapter :

"The whole earth was of one language and of one speech. And it came to pass, as they journeyed from the east that they found a plain in the land of Shinar; and they

• The reason the word god in English does not need the article to designate definitely the true God seems to me capable of very easy explanation. The English are monotheists; they hold that there is only one God; this word therefore according to their faith is properly the name of but one being, and "designates this being in a definite manner, so that there is no need of any sign to point out the particular individual to whom it is applied.' It is natural that monotheists should fall into such a usage, so that the word standing ah- solutely should designate Jehovah, and that it should require a sign to make it refer to any other being.

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dwelt there And they said one to another, Go to, let us inake brick and burn them throughly. And they said, Go to, let us build a city and a tower whose top may reach to heaven, and let us make us a name (or a sign) lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth. And the Lord said, Go to, let us go down and there confound their language, that they may not understand one another's speech. So the Lord scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth.” From this we may infer that when Peleg was born, men received a Divine command to divide themselves into separate groups, and go into different quarters of the earth, that the whole might be inhabited. Against this Divine command they determined to rebel, and as a rally- ing point to prevent their being “scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth," they commenced building a tower whose top should reach to heaven," a lofty object that could be seen afar, and would serve to bring them all back to a common centre. For this rebellion God confounded their speech, and by this means enforced obedience to his command, which they were in the act of disobeying. "So the Lord scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth;" and we hear nothing more of the scattered groups, except those immediately connected with the chosen people, until they come up, hundreds of years afterwards, on the pages of profane history. Whether the men who were building this tower had taken God's at- tributes and given them to other beings, and called these beings by His name,

and thus become polytheists, we can not tell; the account in Genesis is too brief.*

* Dr. Hales (Chronology, Vol. I, page 358) thus speaks of the "ringleader " in this rebellion "The prime author of this rebellion against the divine decree, and grand corrupter of the pure patriarchal religion, by Sabianism and Demonol- atry, was the Cuthite Nimrod, the Rebel," as the name implies, who was after- wards deified himself under the title of Belus, and supposed to be translated to the constellation Orion, in the heavens. And from the central region of Babel, this grand apostacy from the primitive faith, seems to have been trans- planted into the four quarters of the world; as proved from the remarkable fact of the general reseniblance of the pagan mythology, in these its two leading outlines, in Asia, Africa, Europe and America; and from the conformity be tween the leading doctrines of the primitive pagan priesthood, the Magi in Chaldea, the Brahming in the East, and the Druids in the West, as circumstan- tially proved by Faber in his elaborate work."

Faber says,

When the children of Noah left the high land of Armenia they journeyed until they reached the flat country of Shinor. During their progress, or possibly before they quitted Mount Ararat, the ambitious Nimrod, at the head of his enterprizing Cuthites, accustomed them to submit to his rule, and laid the foundation of that idolatrous apostacy, which he after completed at Babylon. Noah and the three great paternal patriarchs were now dead: and I am strongly inclined to suspect that even before the emigration from Armenia, the worship of the true God on the summit of Ararat, was perverted to the worship, or at least to the excessive veneration of the self-triplicating great

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But let us suppose that, up to the time of this act of great rebellion, they had not forsaken the true God for any false gods; admitting these to be the circumstances of the case, what is the weight of the inference in favor of the fact that each of these groups of rebels would teach their children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren, generation after generation, to worship the true God? They are rebels punished with a great curse for their rebellion. Such men, we know, do not “like to retain God in their knowledge." On what then are we to base the inference that their descendants, after the lapse of several hundred years, would still retain a knowledge of the true God? Look at those nations which, from their proximity to the chosen family, are meu- tioned in the Scriptures, and what does the narrative tell us of their state? What is the state of the Canaanites, Hivites, &c.; of Sodomn and Gomorrah? To keep alive a knowledge of the true God upon the earth, Abraham is thus addressed by God: "Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and froin thy father's house, unto a land that I will show thee.” The reason of this command was, that even in this favored family, the true God had been forgotten, and the worship of false gods set up. "And Joshua said unto the people; Thus saith Jehovah, the God of Israel, Your fathers dwelt on the other side of the flood in old time, even Terah, the father of Abraham and the father of Nahor; and they served other gods." Josh. xxiv, 2.

Thus we perceive, where we have history to lead us, and are not left to inference, that by the time of Abraham, polytheism had become so prevalent, that to keep alive a knowledge of the true God, he must be separated from his country and his father's house, for there the plague had commenced. If we look too at the proneness of the chosen people to forsake Jehovah their God for strange gods, even after he had made bare His arm on their behalf, and led them out of Egypt through the Red Sea, we shall be convinced, that, with the

father and the vessel out of which he had been born into the post-diluvian world." Faber on Pagan Idolatry, Vol. III, p. 238.

In his first volume, having discussed at length, and with great learning and ability, "the common origination of the various systems of paganism, he sums up his opinion in these words: "Thus, so far as I can judge, it indis- putably appears, that the idolatry, by which all the various nations of the earth were infatuated, was a system originally invented at Babel under the auspices of Nimrod and his Cuthites, and afterwards in the progress of replenishing the world with inhabitants, by the various scattered members of his broken empire, carried off alike to the nearest and to the most remote countries of the globe. Such being the case, though the hypothesis of Mr. Bryant is certainly not affected by this circumstance, all those theories which would deduce the origin of pagan mythology either from Egypt or from Hindustan, or from any other country peopled after the dispersion from Babel, must, according to the Scrip- *ural account of the matter, fall to the ground.' Ibid, Vol 1, p 78.

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limited attainments in knowledge which the men of that infant age of the race had made, the temptation to polytheism must have been very strong-perfectly overwhelming where there was nothing but a faint tradition through a long line of ungodly men, or the light of nature, to instruct them in the unity of the Godhead. We think from these considerations, that the inference is against our finding, hun- dreds of years after the dispersion from Babel (when they have be- come sufficiently civilized to begin recording events, and their history commences), in the language of any of the tribes that were com pletely separated from the chosen people, a word which answers to Elo- him when used propriè : that is, a word which is used as the name of a self-existent, almighty, spiritual Being, who created the heavens and the earth. At any rate, the circumstances are such that no one is entitled to take it for granted that there must have been such a word in each of the dialects now spoken by men, which was after- wards corrupted by the usage of polytheists. Polytheism may not be older than the word Elohim, as the Hebrew may have been the language spoken by Noah; but we know it was much older than the time of Moses, who is the first writer in Hebrew whose writings have reached us. We think it is probably older than either of the words Osos, Deus, or God, and shall in a subsequent part of this Defense state some of the considerations which have led us to think that in Greece at least, ɛog was used impropriè, long before it was used propriè. It is time however, now to return to Dr. Legge's first fortification of the inference derived from his grammatical argument.

term.

If we admit the fact to be, in the case of all existing languages, as Dr. Legge supposes, I can not see how he can derive any inference from it in favor of his supposition that the word must be a relative Whether we suppose that the word god was first used as the name of the true God, and was afterwards applied to false gods, or that it had been previously applied to a number of beings, and was claimed afterwards as properly applicable only to one, would not at all affect, so far as I can see, the question whether the word was first used as a relative or absolute term. To decide the point we are con- tending about, we must inquire, Why, in either case, was this name given? Ist, Whether the being or beings, as the case might be, were called by this name because he or they were supposed to possess certain properties or qualities, which constituted them subsisting be- ings? or 2d, Whether they had this name from their being regarded as merely sustaining a certain relation to some other beings or things? To prove that it must have been from the latter view that the name

VOL XIX. NO. VIII.

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was given, Dr. Legge quotes a passage from the first chapter of Ro- mans, which appears to me to show in the plainest manner the incorrectness of his views of the character of the word God. I commence the quotation a few lines above those quoted by Dr. Legge. "Because that which may be known of God is manifest in them (marg. or, to them); for God hath showed it unto them : (for the invisible things of him from the creation are clearly seen, being un- derstood by the things that are made, even his eternal power and Godhead); so that they are without excuse: because that, when they knew God, they glorified him not as God, neither were thankful; but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darken- ed. Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into an image made like to corrup tible man, and to birds, and four-footed beasts and creeping things;" and "changed the truth of God into a lie, and worshiped and served the creature more than the Creator, who is blessed for ever, Amen.” With the same view, on p. 36 of his Argument, he quotes the words of St. Paul in I. Cor. viii. 5, 6 ; "For though there be that are called gods whether in heaven or in earth, (as there be gods many and lords many), but to us there is but one God, the Father, of whom are all things and we in him; and one Lord Jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by him." On this he remarks; "Nothing can be plainer to my mind, from this passage, than that the apostle dealt with dɛog as a relative term, having its proper signification, and expressing a rela- tion, of which the one party could only be the Supreme Being, of whom are all things and we by him, and from whom therefore it could never be diverted, excepting by the depravity of men, and a falsehood imposed upon themselves. And this is the signification of the term, and thus it is dealt with throughout the Scriptures. Jehovah says, 'There is no God' i. e. no Supreme Ruler, 'beside me.' "

It would consume too much time to examine closely both of these passages; we shall therefore take the first one quoted by Dr. Legge, merely remarking on the latter, that if the words “God” and “ Father,” in the sentence “ one God, the Father,' are both so clearly relative terms in Dr. Legge's view, that nothing can be plainer to his mind, we should like to know what construction he can possibly put on what is commonly called the orthodox statement of the doctrine of the Trinity?

In examining the first passage quoted, that from Rom. i. 19, we shall merely give the views of a few eminent commentators, and leave Dr. Legge to answer them if, after reading their views, it still continues

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so plain to his mind, that the apostle Paul uses 4605 as a relative term. The first question to be asked, in determining whether St. Paul uses the word God as an absolute or relative term, here, is, what are “the invisible things of him,” which “from the creation of the world are clearly seen ?" Bloomfield says, dópala aúloŭ mean "his nature and attributes of Godhead, not discernible to mortal eyes." Stuart, 'Aópala means the attributes or qualities of the Divine Being;................ of course the expression refers to the attributes belonging to God considered as a spirit." Hodge, "These invisible things are seen, being under- stood, that is, it is a mental vision of which Paul speaks. The eye of sense sees nothing but the exterior, but the mind sees mind, and mind possessed not of human power and perfections, but of eternal power and divinity." But we are not left merely to his commen- tators; the apostle himself tells us what “that which may be known of God” is—“ even his eternal power and Godhead." The power here spoken of is not, to use the words of Tertullian, merely "ac- cedentis rei mentis,” but an absolute and eternal property of the Being mentioned.

If Dr. Legge's opinion of the way in which St. Paul always uses the word dog is correct, then the word here rendered by our trans- lators "Godhead,” should have been rendered “ Rulership," or "the state or condition of being Ruler." How then should this word Beólns be understood ? Stuart says, "song is distinguished by Tholuck and others from 8667ng, for they represent the latter as signifying the Divinity, or the Divine nature, while the former is rep- resented as meaning the complexity of the divine attributes, the sum or substance of the divine attributes. I can not however, find any good ground for such a distinction. sólŋg is the abstract from 80s; and from this latter is formed the concrete or adjective derivative ôÒS divine. To dɛwv of course means divinity, and from this comes another abstract noun with the same signification. So Passow, sóng, di- vinity, divine nature. He then adds, "In particular, divine greatness, power, excellence, eminence, &c., &c.; i. e. sóng designates the divinity with special reference to these qualities-the identical manner in which the word is employed in our text." Bloomfield, "his omnipo- tence and the other attributes of his Godhead."

The next question is, what is meant by the sentence,

When they knew God, they glorified him not as God?" Does the apostle mean that they did not regard and treat him as a being, standing in such a relationship to them, should have been treated; or that they served him in a manner derogatory to his divine nature?

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Bloomfield says,

"the glorifying of God as God must consist in the thorough recognition of all his glorious attributes-his eternity, power, wisdom, &c., &c. Tholuck says, "To glorify God as God is to acknowledge him in the integrity of the divine attributes, and then, for the sake of these, to love, invoke, and fear him.”

Hodge, "The apostle says, When they knew God they glorified him not as God, neither were thankful. These two expressions include every act of worship. The former refers to the recognition of the divine perfections, the latter to the acknowledgement of God as the source of all good. To regard God as possessed of all excellence and as the giver of all good, is true piety."

With one more question we must close our examination of this passage. Did their folly, in making an image of the incorruptible God, arise from a mistake with regard to the relationship indicated by the word God, or a mistake with regard to the Divine nature, which is expressed by this word? That it is the last, all the commentators are agreed, and the nature of the case puts it beyond all question. Bloomfield, "They dishonored the glorious nature of the incorrupti- ble God, by representing him under the likeness of corruptible man, and birds, &c." Tholuck, "False conceptions of God gave rise to false representations of him." Hodge, "Their soul lost all right apprehensions of the divine character and perfections, and they were hence able to worship as gods, birds, beasts, and creeping things." Stuart, "They foolishly and inconsiderately indulged evil imagina- tions, i. c. base and degrading views respecting the nature and attributes of God, and the honor due to him."

I can not think that Dr. Legge's “view of the term God....meets and explains all the facts of the case."

The second consideration, by which Dr. L. endeavors to fortify his view of the word God as a relative term, is, that "the manner in which the name God is vindicated to Jehovah in the Old Testament is inexplicable excepting on this view." I wish Dr. L. had mentioned the difficulties which he saw in the way of vindicating the name God to Jehovah on the supposition that it is an absolute term, i. e. a word indicating the essence, the being of Jehovah” (to use his own words), for my mind can not conceive any.

We have seen above, that Dr. L. admits “that appellatives include all nouns that are not proper;" whether, therefore, this word is absolute or relative, it is a name that is confessedly common to many individ- nals, which is vindicated as properly belonging only to one. But what is there, in the meaning of this word, if it be supposed an absolute

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name, to render its vindication to Jehovah, in the passages quoted by Dr. L., so inexplicable? These passages from the Old Testament are, "There is no God with me,' 'I am God, and there is none else," &c. If we suppose the word God to be a relative term “implying dominion," if it be supreme dominion, there is nothing inexplicable, I admit, in vindicating such a title as due only to Jehovah. But what is there inexplicable in the vindication of this name to Jehovah, if we suppose the word to imply the possession of attributes, qualities, nature? Are there any beings beside Jehovah who have the same nature with Him, so that if the word be used in this last sense, it can not be claimed as properly belonging to Him alone? The pas- sages quoted by Dr. L. declare that polytheists are wrong, there is only one God; but they do not say whether the word God is used as the name of a Being, regarded as standing in a given relationship, or as possessed of a given nature: in which of these two senses the word is used, we must learn from its general usus loquendi.

Froin the passages quoted by Dr. L., which give no intimation in which of the two senses the word is used, I must however except the last, as it is very clearly in this case used not “to imply dominion,” but nature. The passage is from Ezekiel xxviii, 2, 9. "Son of man, say unto the prince of Tyrus, Thus saith Jehovah God, Because thy heart is lifted up and thou hast said, I am a God, I sit in the seat of God, in the midst of the seas; yet thou art a man and not God..........Wilt thou yet say before him that slayeth thee, I am God? But thou shalt be a man, and no God in the hand of him that slayeth thee." What is the antithe- sis between a man and not God," if the word God here only “ implies dominion"—means " Supreme Ruler" as Dr L. contends it does? Wa- terland was so far seeing anything inexplicable in regarding the word here as an absolute term, that he quotes this very passage to show that the word implies nature, not dominion.

He says,

"When the Prince

of Tyre pretended to be God, he thought of something more than mere dominion to make him so; he thought of strength invincible and power irresistible and God was pleased to convince him of his folly and vanity, not by telling him how scanty his dominion was, or how low his office; but how weak, frail and perishing his nature was; that he was man only, and “not God,” and should surely find so by the event. When the Lycaonians, upon the sight of a miracle wrought by St. Paul (Acts xiv, 11), took him and Barnabas for gods, they did not think so much of dominion, as of power and ability beyond human; and when the apostles answered them, they did not tell them that their dominion was only human, or that their office was not divine, but that they

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had not a divine nature; they were weak, frail, and feeble men, of like infirmities with the rest of their species, and therefore no gods.” Waterland's Works, Vol. I, p. 305.

The two considerations mentioned by Dr. L. do not, it appears to me, in any way "fortify "the inference he derived from his fanciful grammatical test, in favor of God's being a relative term, which raises so very slight a presumption in its favor, that it left, I suspect, on the minds of most of his readers, the whole weight of the proposition to be sustained by these subsequent considerations.

酱

In answer to the simple authority on which he relies-that of Sir Isaac Newton-I will take the liberty to quote a paragraph or two from a very clever and excellent review of the Doctor's "Argument," which was published in the China Mail of the 23d May, 1850. The Reviewer says, "The third fortification is the great authority of New- ton.' The quotation from the Scholium of the Principia is in point, and seems to agree with the Doctor's view, but can not corroborate it. Newton, beyond the limits of abstract and natural science, becomes as another man. Does not the Doctor feel this in reading his conjecture respecting prophecy, and his tracts on Those two noted corruptions of Scripture? If he adhere to Newton in all these things, from the convictions of reason, will he not bring the great author to the same test here, according to the maxim quoted by himself, non enim tam auctoritatis in disputando, quam rationis momenta quærenda sunt ?

"But is it not this philosopher's sole object to refute the doctrines of the Epicureans, who believed in the existence of inactive deities, and the Stoics and others who held to anima mundi? Newton is main- taining, we apprehend, a question of facts, and not of the application of words. He does not wish to prove that the term God is equivalent to the term Lord, but that God is the Lord, the universal Ruler over a dominion distinct from himself, which the ancient philosophers denied. Again; in the Scholium on his profound contemplations on the works of God, Sir Isaac naturally views the Infinite One as the God of nature, and not as the self-existent, prior to all secondary beings. A plurality of objects is necessary to constitute relation, but when God dwelt alone, He sustained no relations, and the term applied to Him in that state is not a relative. Newton says, a being without dominion however perfect, is not the Lord God;' but God he surely was without a creature and without a subject. If Newton had been writing a book of synonyms, he would not have defined the word God merely by Lord, and made the term relative because another title of the saine being necessarily implies relation.”

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There is one thing to be admired in Dr. Legge's "Argument "- he lays aside so entirely the indefinite style, in which the "advocates of ti and its cognates" have conducted their part of the controversy, and speaks his mind out fearlessly and fully. Dr. Medhurst, as we have seen, contented himself with saying that “the Supreme in their estimation is variously designated Tien, Ti, or Shángti;” and “by Ti the Chinese mean the Supreme God so far as they are acquainted with him." Supreme god here may mean, either the chief god of a polytheistic system, or the God over all, the true God: most readers would perhaps understand it in the last sense. Dr. M. however, in his Reply to Dr. Boone's Essay, says that the Chinese know as little of the true God as the Greeks did, and that they have never conceived of a self-existent, almighty Being who made heaven and earth; and in his Letter of the 13th January, 1850, "that when he employs the Chinese phrase Shángti as the name of God, in preaching, he does not use it as even alluding to any being with whom the Chinese are acquainted. Dr. Legge speaks out fully and at once on this subject : he rejoices" to acknowledge in the Shungti of the Chinese classics, and the Shángti of the Chinese people, Him who is God over all, blessed for ever."

What Dr. Medhurst's opinion of the meaning of the phrases Sháng- ti and Ti is, I have found it difficult to decide from reading his In- quiry, his Reply, or the Letter of January 30th. Dr. Legge speaks his opinion out fully: "Ti means Ruler; it may be the Supreme Ruler, or it may be any other." p. 28. Of the phrase Shangti, he says, "Sepa- rate its constituent characters, and we shall translate them 'Supreme Ruler.'"Ticnti " he says, "simply denotes, in itself, the Heavenly ruler, or Heaven's ruler."

Tienti"

Dr. L. on p. 22, defining appellative or general names, says, "If the idea be of a dignity or office common to many individuals, it is a relative term." The class denominated by the Chinese word tí, he here designates by the word ruler; they are therefore classed to- gether because of a common office or diguity;" thus he sustains the view of this word taken in my Essay, pp. 79, 80, 83, in opposition to that of Dr. Medhurst, as expressed in his Inquiry, p. 110, “The in- ference therefore is that ti is descriptive of a class of beings begin- ning with the highest and passing down to inferior divinities, and is therefore generic for god in Chinese."*

•

In a paper drawn up by Dr. Medhurst when he was proposing to use fí with a definition, as mentioned by him on page 6 of the letter of January 30th, 1850, the definition he proposed to use is as follows - In this book (the New

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Dr. L. has so fully persuaded himself of the truth of this proposition, and of the fact that he has demonstrated its truth, that he risks, and acknowledges that he risks, his whole cause for Shángti upon his cor- rectness in maintaining it and another proposition, viz., that the word god is mis-used, if applied to any other being than the Supreme Being. He speaks out here in the same decided manner which we have admir- ed before:- "I may be permitted to intreat my readers to consider well the fundamental positions on which I have constructed the argu- ment. If these be sound, solid rock-the presumption is that the building reared on them must stand. For myself, I can say, that if the two propositions (those just mentioned) in which I have summed up the preliminary discussion, can be unsettled, I shall feel at once that I must gird up my loins afresh, and commence anew my inquiries for a term in the Chinese language to correspond to the term God.” 41. And in a previous part of the "Argument," after telling us in a passage already quoted, that, as surely as corn that grows from the bosom of the earth is from God, so also is language that grows up out of the mind of man," he thus warmly expresses his sense of the great impropriety of using a generic term to render a relative: "Change that mind, and you will change the nature of language. Depose the old laws that since the creation have governed the association of ideas, and introduce new ones in their room, and we may use terms of classes" (generic absolute-appellative) "for relative terms. In a word let us make the Chinese, and also ourselves, from being men into beings of a new class—then, and not till then, can we employ the character Shin" (because generic) to render Elohim or God.“ Dr. Legge thus declares an interminable, internecine war between absolute and relative terms. If the general verdict shall be that God is an

Test.) wherever Tí occurs, it is not used in the sense of human rulers, but in the sense of celestial rulers, and spiritual beings generally worshiped by men. There is however but one Ti, the maker of heaven and earth, must honorable and without compare, besides whom no other ought to be worshiped; we there- fore call him T{.'

In the preamble that precedes this definition, Dr. Medhurst stated, as he and his friends maintain in their letter of the 30th January, that "Messrs. Med- hurst, Stronach and Milne contend, as they have always done, that Tí is em- ployed in the Chinese classics and other writers, to denote God by way of eminence while it is used also with reference to other beings worshiped by the Chinese." From this definition, we learn the sense in which they under- stand the word to be employed, when it denotes "God by way of eminence," "the Ruler by way of eminence,” "the celestial Ruler." They say, "Wherever Tí occurs in the New Test., they use it in the sense of “celes- tial rulers," not " human rulers;" it is plain therefore that they consider the meamug of the word to be " ruler not god, and that " celestial ruler taken as a general equivalent to the words God, god, gods

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absolute appellative, and not a relative term, the fute of Shángtí, Dr. L. admits, is decided; indeed he has precluded himself from saying one word in favor of using it as the rendering of Elohim (regarded as absolute) unless he hereafter discovers that "tí, ruler" is absolute. If then the reader, who does not understand Chinese, wishes to have the issue upon which this question, viz., Whether Shángti should or should not be used to render Elohim ? presented to him in such a way that he needs no knowledge of Chinese to enable him to judge for himself, Dr. L. here brings the matter perfectly within his reach. He admits that fi means ruler, and that the whole case turns on the decision of the point, Are God and ruler both relative terms or not? If then the reader should conclude that God and ruler differ in the one being an absolute term and the other a relative, he may conceive, from the lively picture given us by Dr. L. above, what sad conse- quences would follow from rendering Elohim and so by Shángti. And if he wishes to realize more fully the sad consequences that would follow from such a rendering, let him read over the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds, substituting the words "Supreme Ruler" and Supreine Rulership," for the words “God” and “Godhead" where- ver they occur; and we think he will be as firmly convinced that “ Su- preme Ruler" and "Supreme Rulership" (i. e. Shángtí) will never answer as the rendering of the words "God" and "Godhead," as Dr. Legge can be of the correctness of the point on which he “takes his stand."

Dr. Legge confounds the name with the being. The Being we call God sustains numerous relations to us and to other beings, and when we wish to refer to these relations, we call him Creator, Ruler, Father, &c.; but these relations are not implied in the name God, as he was God before these relations had any existence. And from this fact, that God sustains to us not one, but many relations, we derive an additional argument against the use of any relative term to render this word. Relative terms can strictly and properly be used to designate only a single relationship. Dr. Whateley defines them as follows: "When any object is considered as a part of a whole, viewed in reference to the whole or to another part,

of a more complex object of thought, the noun expressing this view is called relative; and to relative noun is opposed absolute, as denoting an object considered as a whole: Thus "father" and "

son are relatives, being regarded each as a part of the complex object father-and-son the same object designated absolutely would be termed a man," &c

This complex object of thought is changed in every new relation, so

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that if we have occasion to speak of several relations sustained by the same subject, we must designate the subject of which we would pre- dicate these relations, by its absolute name, the name by which we call an object when considered as a whole,” and nɔt by the name of any of these relations. For instance, we may say, This man is my father, her husband, his uncle, &c., &c.; he is a lawyer, merchant, European, Englishman, &c., &c. ; but we could not predicate all these several relationships of this same subject, if we designated him by the name of any one of these relations. We could not say, This father is a husband, uncle, lawyer, Englishman, &c. So here, I contend, we can not, as the rendering of the word God, use the name of any one of the relations he sustains to us (e. g. Supreme Ruler), because no relative term can be used to express all the various relations that God sustains to us and to his other creatures, as I have illustrated in the case of the word man. If Dr. L. should, therefore, succeed in proving to our satisfaction that the Being, whom the Chinese designate by the term Shúngtí, is to be regarded as truly and properly God, I would still object, as I said above, to the use of this phrase to render Elohim and fos, on the ground that Shángtí is a relative term, and not the absolute name of this Being.

Relative terms, Dr. L. tells us, express the idea “of a dignity or office common to many individuals;.... .they do not indicate the es- sence;" it becomes therefore a question of much interest to inquire, what being it is that the Chinese call " the Supreme Ruler," or "Ruler on high." In my Essay I stated that this being was Tien, Heaven, the chief god of the Chinese, and that Shangti was used as one of the titles of this being.

On this point, Dr. L. is very sensitive. Referring to this opinion of mine, he says, "Turning to the 46th page of the Essay, we find that Dr. Boone, to support the idea he is there advocating, quotes and com- ments as follows: 'In the Shí King, Siáu-yế, Ching-yueh section, p. 21, we are expressly told that Shángti is the God of Heaven, Shángti t'ien chí shin yé ☆ĦŻ This is wonder-

上帝天之神 t.'

Then Shángti is the god

ful. Heaven is the chief god of the Chinese.

of the chief god. to your chief.

Vail bonnet,' as Chillingworth says, O chief god,

It does not matter though your chief be only your own title. Thus and thus we are expressly told,' and though it seems rather an unreasonable requisition to you, there is no help for it. Ah, chief god! I am afraid you are like some great men upon the earth, vain of their little elevation, and worshipers of their sounding titics!" He then with great naïveté adds, “I really do not know in

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what better or more kindly way, to expose as truth demands, the erro- neousness of such rash statements as that I am now animadverting on."

My statement, which is no obnoxious to Dr. Legge, contains two points; first, that Shangti, "the Supreme Ruler" is Tien, heaven; and 2dly, that this T'ien is the chief god of the Chinese. Is the first point correct? If we turn to the Dictionary of Kánghí, we find Shangtí thus explained :—Shángtí t'ien yé, Supreme Ruler is Heaven."

the

If we turn to Dr. Medhurst's Inquiry, we shall find that he devotes the whole of his second section to the proof of this point, viz., " T, or Shangtí is said to be synonymous with tien, Heaven....Im- perial heaven and Shángti both refer to Heaven, the difference is on- ly in the variation of the expression; the mode of expression is different, but the subject matter is the same." Vol. XVII. p. 122.

That Heaven is the divinity, Dr. Medhurst makes the foundation fact of his argument to prove that Ti or Shángti means God. "The word which most readily conveys to the Chinese the idea of Divinity is Tien, Heaven: and yet in defining Ileaven, they do not say that it is the Being who is the special object of religious worship; but say that Heaven is the one great One who dwells on high and regulates all below. They call Heaven the great Framer, from whom all things originally come, who disposes of all things according to his own decree; in short, in the words of Morrison, Heaven is the unknown God of Confucius. In illustrating anything as divine, the Chinese do not say that it is an object of religious worship, but that it resembles Heaven; when they wish to say that T'i means God, they assert that Ti is synonymous with Heaven, and is one of the names of Heaven; when they wish to exalt their living monarchs by ascribing the most exalted epithets to them, they call their emperor Heaven, or the Divinity; his throne is Heaven's throne; his presence Heaven's coun- tenance; his envoys, Heaven's messengers; and his troops, Heaven's soldiers, &c. When they intend to pay divine honors to imperial ancestors after death, they

associate them with

Heaven in sacrifice." Reply, Vol. XVII. p. 557.

Again: “The most usual method is to speak of this Being, under the simple designation of Tien Heaven; by which they do not intend the visible heavens, but the being who presides over all, or in other words, the Divinity." Ibid. p. 516.

“Ti is one of the names of Heaven. (or the Divinity in the estima- tion of the Chinese); the reason why Heaven is called Ti is bocause ti means to judge; this application of the word signifies that Heaven

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is widely extended over all, without any private feeling, &c., &c." Ib. p. 494. On the next page, explaining the sentence, which is from Káng- hi's Dictionary, he says, "A name is that by which a thing is called, the appellation of the being referred to: that being is Tien ✯, the Divinity in the estimation of the Chinese, and Ti being one of his names, it is equivalent to God in western languages." Dr. Medhurst here certainly regards T'ien as the proper name of this being, and tí as one of his appellative names, which appellative, Dr. Legge contends, is a naine of dignity, or office, a relative term.

That "the Supreine Ruler" is, in the opinion of the Chinese, "Heav- en," is so universally admitted, that I can not suppose this is the very rash statement that Dr. Legge feels called upon so indignantly to ex- pose. We must then next consider what the Chinese understand by the word t'ien. In answer to the question, what is the meaning of the character in the king and classics generally (K), Chú fütsz' replies, "Men must see and distinguish for themselves; some- times it means the material heavens (); sometimes it means the ruling power (#) and sometimes merely destiny, fate." In my Essay, I gave the following explanation of the meanings of lien :—

"From the earliest antiquity to the present times, the two highest objects of veneration in the national rites of China have been called Tien Heaven, and Earth; and to the worship of these two objects, a sacrifice called kiáu, offered at the winter and summer solstices, has, from time imbiemo- rial, been appropriated.

“The question that occurs to every one upon learning this fact is, Do the Chinese understand by these words the visible heavens and earth upon which they tread, or are the words used by metonymy, for the invisible beings who preside over heaven and earth respectively? To this, we answer, it is con- ceded on all hands, we believe, that the material objects are not the objects of worship; and that the words, when used as the names of objects of wor- ship, are employed metaphorically. What then is the object definitely desig- nated by the word t'ien heaven, the highest of the objects worshiped in

the national rites?

“To this question two different answers may be given, according as re- gard is had to one or the other of two opinions held by Chinese of different sects, on this point. During the Sung dynasty (about A.D. 1100) there sprung up a sect of philosophers to whom the Romish missionaries have given the name of atheo-politique, and to whose views great prominence has been given in all the editions of the classical works published during the present dynasty. This sect would answer the question, what is meant by Tien ? as follows:

Tien is Shangli, E, the Ruler on high; and Shangti is li I,

the rule of order, destiny, fate.

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“There is another class, however, who we conceive, represent the poly- theists of China, and the old views of the state religion, as represented in the Chau Li (Ritual of the Chau dynasty, B. C. 1100), who answer as fol- lows: The Tien worshiped at the winter solstice is Tien chi shin

the God of heaven, and this Tien chi shin ruler on high."

is Shangli, the

"It will be observed that according to both of the opinions above expressed the word Heaven is used metaphorically, and that the title of Shangti the Ruler on high, is given by both parties; but the one party so explain their views as to lead to a mere lifeless principle li; what they say 'neither wills nor wishes, acts, nor does,' while the other party leads us to polytheism, and to regard the Tien chi chin, the Shix of heaven, and the ti cht At

the Ki (Shin, as he is also called) of the earth, as the two greatest gods in their pantheon.”—Vol. XVII. page 34.

It will be observed that in the above view I omitted one of the meanings of Tien given by Chú fútsz', viz., that which regards it as the material heavens. I did so, because “it was conceded on all hands," i. e. by all discussing the subject at the time my Essay was written, "that the material objects are not the objects of worship." There are four or five views of this subject, which can all be sustained by competent Chinese authority. 1st. That of Dr. Morrison, that, in the Chinese state religion, the material universe as a whole, and in detail, is worshiped; and that subordinate thereto they have gods, celestial and terrestrial, and ghosts infernal." See above, p. 38; which view, we saw. was also that of M. Visdelou. It can be clearly shown that this is the only sense the word will bear in many parts of the classics, where the production of all things is ascribed to heaven and earth; and that it is the material heavens many writers have in mind, when they speak of heaven as the object worshiped in the kiáu. Take, as a proof of this, the names "expansive heaven," "bright heaven." The explanation given of the phrases is material. Thus Ching-shi Ngoh's explanation of the words háu and sháng : "Because of the immensity of its substance (i. e. amount of prima- ry matter which it has), we call [the ruling power] Hàu Tien, Ex- pansive Heaven: because its ruling seat is on high, we call it (the power, above called Expansive Heaven) Shángtí, i. e. the Ruler on high. See Essay, Vol. XVII. p. 45.

It is owing to this we suppose, that Dr. Medhurst, as great a stick- ler as he is for the doctrine that Tien is the Divinity, the Supreme Being in the estimation of the Chinese, yet says, “The idea they (the Chinese) had of God, was of an originating, overshadowing, protecting,

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and governing something." Reply, &c. p. 553. And in bis Inquiry : "This application of the word tí, judge, signifies that Heaven is widely extended over all," &c. page 110. And at page 128, (where he maintains that Shángti is not merely the supreme God of the Chinese, their chief god, &c.) he says, “To all this it will be sufficient to answer, that the Chinese represent the being referred to as, with respect to supreme authority and universal dominion, synonymous with Heaven: now Heaven is not supreme over one nation but all nations; it over- spreads the whole world, and is looked to with reverence by every one therefore we conclude that by Heaven is not meant the chief god of the Chinese, but the supreme ruling power, known and acknow- ledged in China and everywhere else; the word being used in almost every nation by metonymy for God." But I shall not pursue this subject, as my object at present is not to sustain any one of these views; and this view of the subject has been sufficiently presented by Dr. Morrison and M. Visdelou in the quotations made from them as given

above.

'The second view is that which regard Tien, “the Supreme Ruler” as Tuu, the Primitive Reason, or li, destiny, fate. This is the view of the other political school, whose views have also been suffi- ciently presented above, and are most easy of illustration, as they are inade very prominent in all the editions of the classics published during this dynasty.

The third, fourth, and fifth views agree in that they regard" the Su preme Ruler" as Tien chi Shin

"the Shin of Heaven,', but differ in the method of understanding the words heaven and shin. The view taken in the part of my Essay quoted by Dr. Legge is that heaven is here used as the name of a place, and shin as the name of the spiritual being, the god, who presides in, or rules over this place; the proper name of which god is Tien, Heaven, and his distinctive title Shangtí, “the Supreme Ruler," or "the Ruler on high," as this phrase is rendered by some Chinese.

It is clearly shown, I think, in my Essay that this is the opinion held by some of the writers quoted by me, who I suppose, represent the views of the polytheists. This view of Tien, as the proper name of this shin, and Shingtí as his distinctive title, is borne out by the case of the Wú Ti

Five Rulers. These, Dr. Medhurst allows, are gods, and that they are the shin' who preside over' the five elements; now these Shin are distinguished by proper names, Ling-wei ngóng, Chih-piau-nú, &c., and by the titles “Azure Ruler, Vermilion Ruler,” &c. See Essay, p. 77. This is the view which Dr. Legge endeavor's

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to render ridiculous in his off-hand way. The view may or may not be correct; and if it has, to the reader's mind, anything ridiculous in it, when correctly presented, I am perfectly willing to encounter his ridicule for holding such a view; but I think I was entitled to have my own view presented by Dr. L., when he wished to show that it was absurd, and not another view substituted instead thereof.

The fourth view is that of the pantheists. Tien is viewed as a com- pound being, and Shin as the informing divinity or spirit. The word divinity or spirit, may be regarded as either abstract-signifying the divine energies of Tien; or concrete—the spirit, soul of this compound being. Dr. Medhurst thus represents these views :— explaining a Chi- nese sentence, which he thus renders, “Shángtí is the saine as Heaven; if we were to collect together [in thought] the spiritual energies of Heaven, and speak of it (i. e. the collection) we should call it Sháng- tí;" he says, "The way in which the Chinese represent it is something like the following :—Shángtí is Tien, Heaven, or the Divinity. The shin or spiritual energies of Heaven, are diffused throughout all na- ture; when viewed only as producing wind and rain, such portion of the celestial energies, if personified, would be called Fung Peh the Manager of the Wind, or Yu Sz', the Director of Rain; or if viewed as guiding the revolutions of the heavenly bodies, and the vari- ous seasons, would beLuh Tsung, the Six honored Ones. But supposing all the spiritual energies of heaven collected into one and personified, the name attached to the individual possessing in himself all celestial energies, would be Shangti.t Should it be objected that

* Dr. L.'s misrepresentation of my view was, I have no doubt, unintentional, and arose from not adverting to the explanation given of this matter in the previous part of my Essay. Though he renders the word shin, Spirit, and ! God, yet he understands the word t'ien just as I do, and adopts substantially the same explanation of the passage that I gave, as we shall see iminediately be- low I say the same, because I can not suppose that Dr. L. regards the “ Špiri- tual Being" who "possesses this supreme power," and who is the Shangtí ("Supreme Ruler") whom he believes to be “God over all," as only the spirit or soul of the compound Being Tien. Whether a spiritual Being possessing Auch power and dominion should be called a god or not, let the reader judge. If we are content to take Dr. L.'s opinion, we must regard this Shin as “God over all, blessed for ever."

This view seems to agree with that set forth by St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei. Lib. IV. Cap. XI.

The subject of the chapter is “ De multis diis, quos doctores Paganorum unum eundem que Jovem esse defendunt.” We select only a few sentences. “Quotquot libet igitur physicis rationibus et disputationibus asserant: modo sit Jupiter corporei hujus mundi animus, qui universam istam molem ex quar- tuor, vel quot eis placet, elementis constructam atque compactam implet et movet; modo sit æther, ut aërem Junonem subterfusam de super amplectatur ; .........modo autem (ne sit necesse per cuncta discune) deus unus de quo multi a poeta nobilissimo dictum putant.

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in this way there would be two divinities, Heaven and Shángtí, we reply in the words of the Chinese writer, that Shángti and Heaven are the same." See Reply, Vol. XVII. p. 547.

The views of another class he gives us at p. 551 :—“ Dr. Boone then (p. 49) alludes to the prayers used in the national worship, according to the Ritual of Chau, and affirms that those prayers were ad- dressed to the Shin, Kwei, and K1, adding that they were presented at a time when the people sacrificed to heaven, earth, and ancestors. From this we perceive that the objects sacrificed to were the great powers of nature, with deceased progenitors; and that Shin, Kwei, and Ki, were the spirits of those objects, sometimes used elliptically for the objects themselves. The annual prayer for grain was said to be offer- ed to Shangtí, from which we are left to infer that Shángtí is includ- ed among the spiritual beings to whom prayers were offered; to all which we have no objection to offer. But from neither statement are we entitled to infer that the spirits of the object sacrificed to were the gods of those objects, or that all spiritual beings are gods, because Shangtí is reckoned among them. It appears from the whole that the Chinese prayed to heaven, earth, and deceased men, for certain bless- ings: showing that they considered these capable of conferring the

Deum namque ire per omnes,

Terrasque, tractusque maris, cœlumque profundum :

Ipse in æthere sit Jupiter, ipse in aëre Juno, ipse in mari Neptunus .....in terra Pluto, in terra inferiore Proserpina, in focis domesticis Vesta, in fabroruin fornace Vulcanus, in sideribus sol et luna, et stellæ, in divinantibus Apollo, etc. ..............hi omnes dii deœque sit unus Jupiter."

The reader will observe that it is Shángtí and Jupiter, the chief god of each system, who is thus made the universal, impersonal power, recognized under different names, according to the different offices or works performed by this power. The sentence which Dr. Medhurst here explains was translated in my Essay on the supposition that shin was here used as a concrete noun; I am now satisfied that Dr. M. took the more correct view in regarding it as abstract. As the management of the heavenly bodies, &c., however, is rather a divine than “divine energies,"

a spiritual function, I should prefer to render ZI

and not “spiritual energies as Dr. M. has done.

* If Dr. Medhurst's view is correct, that the Chinese worshiped, in the tines of the Chau dynasty, B.C. 1100, heaven, earth, and deceased nien, and con- ceived of the heaven and earth so worshiped as material beings possessed of spirits or souls; it is a great confirmation of the opinions of Dr. Hales and Mr. Faber mentioned above. I may mention that, by demonolatry, both those writ- ers mean the worship, not of devils, but dead men. Dr. Medhurst's theory ex- pressed above, that the Chinese addressed their prayers to, and honored by their worship, the material and not the spiritual part of the object worshiped, seems very strange: take the case of the earth, for instance; that they prayed to the mud, and not to the spirit animating this compound being. May we not better suppose that the class of writers, whose views Dr. M. is here stating, conceive of heaven and earth, the sun, moon, stars, &c., in a manner answer- ing to Cudworth's animalishi gods, in which case they would regard the whole compound being as their god-the object prayed to and worshiped.

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good things they sought. But we may observe that heaven, earth, and ancestors were the brings on whom they relied, and their spirits were prayed to only as connected with those beings. They would not have prayed to the kwei, if those kwei had not belonged to their own an. cestors. So also they would not have called upon the shin and k'i, if they had not belonged to heaven and earth; which great powers of nature were the objects of their worship.”

Thus we see there are four or five views taken of this subject by different Chinese writers, and there may be as many more for all I know. The holders of these views all agree in calling t'ien, Shangti, "the Supreme Ruler," whether they understand by this name t'ien, on the one hand the material heavens, or a lifeless, senseless, principle; or on the other, the shin of heaven, i. e. a spiritual being, a god, who resides in or rules over heaven; or the informing divinity, spirit, or sou! of the compound being called Heaven, or the divine energies of heaven-all agree in calling ĉien, in whichever of these ways they understand the word, "the Supreme Ruler." This shows that Shangti is, as Dr. L. contends, a relative term, and does not indicate the essence, or express anything of the being " of the supreme ruling pow- er; and it has been for the purpose of illustrating this important point, much more than to defend myself against the ridicule of Dr. Legge, that I have thus commented at length on his remarks on my views of Shangti and Tien.

From the views of the Chinese writers introduced above, another fact is apparent which is worthy of our especial notice it is that the only ray of theism that breaks in upon us from these various explanations of t'ien, is through the word shin. From the phrases "Expansive Heaven, the Supreme Ruler" (with its immense k'i substance and ruling seat on high), and Tau, Primitive Reason, and li, destiny, fate, we get no indication that Tien, the Supreme Ru- ler is "an understanding being” (to use Cudworth's phrase): it is

When we address a man, we surely do not anatomize him after Dr. M.'s method, and consider whether we are speaking to the material or immaterial part of him.

If by the shin and k'í here referred to, we understand the inde- pendent, separate spiritual beings, who preside over heaven and earth, it is as easy to understand why they are considered more honorable and more power. ful than any of the other Shin, as it is to understand why his Imperial Majesty, the Hwangli, is considered more honorable and more powerful than any other man. It is not as a mere man, that he is made so much an object of honor, but as the ruler of so great a nation : So here, the shin of heaven, who is called Shangti

is not superior to the other shin, on the score more.

ly of being a shin, but is regarded as the chief of the shin, and the Supreme Ruler over them all because of his impertum-- heaven.

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only when we come to those explanations in which shin is used, that the Divinity of Tien becomes possible; and in these explanations,

Shángti is neither more nor less than this shin 上帝天之神也

Shángtí is the shin of Heaven.” If this shin be a separate, inde- pendent being, ruling over heaven, a god, Shángtí is this god. If this shin be the soul of the compound being Tien, Shangti, according to our explanation, is this soul. If this shin be merely the divine or spiritual energies of Tien, Shángti is the title by which it pleases pantheists to designate these energies. As long as Shángtí is defined to be "the shin of heaven,” the phrase “the Supreme Ruler must stand or fall with the meaning we attach to shin. Ti, ruler, does not "indicate the essence," nor "express anything of the being."

•

It is not easy to determine which of the above views of shin, Dr. L. adopts. I should suppose however, it is the one I have placed third, and which he has ridiculed me for rendering “god of heaven." He explains the matter thus: "There is indeed some little perplexity in the way in which the Chinese speak of Heaven, which can only be explained by adopting the conclusion of Dr. Medhurst, that by Hea- ven is not meant the chief god of the Chinese, but the supreme ru- ling power, known and acknowledged in China and everywhere else; the word being also used in every nation by metonymy for God.'" (In- quiry, p. 128.) Dr. L. continues, "Shángtí is the Tien chi Shin, the the spirit that possesses this Supreme Power. The term Sháng tí declare that possession, and express the meaning of God unadulterat- ed, without diminution and without increase. The very nature of the term declares that it is not a proper name. appeal to my missionary brethren whether the idea which they get from the characters themselves, and which they know the multitude of the Chinese to get, does not terminate in the Spiritual Being (shin) so ́denominated, instead of leading away their minds to the God Heaven, as the “substans,” or ens," in which the power is to inhere."

It is relative, and I

On this explanation, I shall offer two or three remarks. First, Dr. L. considers the shin of heaven to be the spirit that possesses supreme power; with what right therefore can he complain of my calling this shin “the god of heaven ?” 2d. This shin is called Shángti, which terms," he says, "declare that possession, and express the meaning of God unadulterated, without diminution and without increase." If this

80, instead of writing “the god of heaven," which Dr. L. com- plains of, I should have written "the GOD of Heaven." 3d. Dr. L. feels the need of some "substans "}

or ens in which "the supreme power" indicated by the relative term "Supreme Ruler," "is to in-

}

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here:" and he finds it in the shin, the spiritual being here called “the Supreme Ruler.” If then god is an absolute term, the nomen ipsius substantiæ," as Tertullian explains it, Dr. L. here makes shin the "substans

"the in which this Supreme Power inheres, ens god of heaven," and Shángtí, the mere title of this god.

If it is my calling f'ien, the chief god of the Chinese, instead of calling him, or it, “God over all, blessed for ever," that Dr. L. regards ลง the rash statement" he is bound to expose, I can only plead all I have said in the previous part of this paper, on the cosmogony and worship of the Chinese, to show that Shángtí is not the true God, in extenuation of my offense. Amidst all the various and conflicting opinions advanced by the Chinese, one fact eems to be certain, viz., that l'ien heaven, and ti earth, have been worshiped in the kiáu sacrifice from the earliest times recorded in their books, and that this is the highest act of worship offered in China. It follows therefore, that these words, whether we are to understand them strict- ly and properly, or metaphorically, are the names of their two greatest gods. This matter can be put into a nutshell. Unless Tien is the on- ly God, he must be the chief god, or some or all of the other gods must be his equals, or some other god must be superior to him. Which of these will Dr. L. take? He can not say that T'ien is the only god the Chinese have ever acknowledged or worshiped, and he is welcome to any of the other suppositions he prefers. Dr. Medhurst sets up a claim, in behalf of the Chinese, for a monotheism similar to that which Cudworth claims in behalf of the Greek philosophers; but his state- ment is, I think, very rash, and calculated to mislead those unacquaint- ed with the facts of the case-stating these facts, even as Dr. M. has himself stated them in other parts of his writings.

Dr. M.'s statement of the Chinese monotheism is as follows: “Cud- worth thinks that the Greeks were both monotheists and polytheists at the same time; that is, understanding the word @sos combined in the two terms in different senses (see Vol. I, p. 374). In the first, as con- veying what he calls the natural idea of God, viz., an all-perfect being. the ruler of the universe; and the other as alluding to certain sup- posed invisible intelligences, who were the objects of religious wor- ship, but subordinate to the one Supreme. What Cudworth pleads for in behalf of the Greeks may be allowed to the Chinese, and they may be considered as monotheists, because they believe in one supreme God, the Author and Ruler of all.” Reply, Vol. XVII, page 490.

Cudworth claims for the monadic ɛog of the Greeks, as Dr. M. him- self shows on pp. 553, 554, that he was an absolutely perfect Being,

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Arg.

myeve ́s, self-existent, the cause of all other beings, and possessing infinite power, &c. Of Shúngti, Dr. Medhurst admits that he is no where said to have “created the heaveus and the earth;" and that we do not find that the Chinese predicate of him self-existence, nor do we reniember any place in which they expressly describe him as ex- isting from eternity." Again, on p. 553 of his Reply, he writes, "Ou p. 51, Dr. Boone says, although we adinit that the word shin is never used by the Chinese to designate the self-existent, almighty Being who made heaven and earth, still we contend that the highest being they have ever conceived of is included in the class called shin. We will admit the first part of the above statement, because the Chinese have no idea of such a being (see Inquiry, p. 109.); and there is no need of contending for the latter, as we do not deny it." Knowing these facts, as Dr. M. did, I can not understand how he could write,

"What Cudworth pleads for on behalf of the Greeks may be allowed to the Chinese, and they may be considered as monotheists because they believe in one Supreme God, the Author and Ruler of all." Is Shingti an absolutely perfect Being, is he the Author of all, of hea- ven and earth? The whole statement is calculated to mislead those unacquainted with the facts of the case, and is irreconcileable with Dr. M.'s own acknowledgements given above.

The comparing the Chinese tien or Shangtí to the Greek Zsug or Latin Jupiter, does not imply that those who make this comparison suppose there is much similarity in character between the chief gods of these several nations; but what is meant to be affirmed by it is, that they are man-made gods, without holiness, and devoid of those characteristics which distinguish Jehovah, the true God. In some respects the Greek Zeug is very superior to the Chinese Tien ; they resemble each other in that the one is Bagiλsuç “king of gods and men," the other is Shángti, Supreme emperor, or emperor on high : if there are many acts of Zeug unworthy of him, and such as we do not find predicated of Tien, he has, to balance this, a mnch nobler character in other respects, and an unmistakeable personality. Tien, on the contrary, is a perfect puzzle; impassible, impersonal, and is guilty of no gallantries, and always faithful to ti earth, with whom

he begat all things;* yet he is as entirely devoid of all holiness as Zɛvg was, and indifferent who shares with him the honor of religious worship.

• To denote this matrimonial relation, Tien in the Chinese cosmogony, is called the yảng (male), and Tt is the yin (feinale).

(To be continued)

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445

ART. II. Letter to the Editor of the Repository, accompanied with a translation of a Chinese tract upon Nourishing the Spirit By W. H. MEDHURST, D. D.

To the Editor of the Chinese Repository,

DEAR SIR, I have the pleasure herewith to forward you the translation of a paper, extracted from the writings of a learned man recently deceased in King- sí. This paper forms one of many hundreds which he has left behind him. His posthumous works, amounting to about forty volumes, have been published by his disciples, and are distributed gratuitously. The writer was a genuine modern Chinese philosopher, having derived his ideas solely from native sources, of which his productions are sufficient evidence. The essay now sent exhibits some indications of mental activity, and l ́have endeavored to give it an English dress, in order to show to your readers that mind is not entirely asleep in China. My principal object, however, is to adduce it as an instance of the way in which the word shin is employed by the learned of this country. Lest any should think I have taken an unfair advantage of my author, 1 here- with inclose a copy of the original paper. You will perceive that the word in question occurs very frequently, and there can be no doubt that the writer uses it in the sense of spirit, including both the human spirit and the invisible beings who are sacrificed to by the Chinese. I may safely challenge the warmest advocate of skin in the sense of God to make sense of this paper by thus trans- lating it throughout. One who is firmly opposed to me in this controversy, has made use of something like the following observation : There are writings in Chinese, in which shin is so employed up and down, that a nian must be a fool to suppose that it means anything else than spirit." The paper now sent you is in my estimation of that character. Let those who maintain that shin ineans God, and who insist on telling the Chinese that there is only one Shin, look to their position, for it is philologically untenable. Let them come for- ward, and answer the argument derived from the writings of this Chinese, who as it regards the use of terms is one of millions, and whose usus loquendi is en- tablished by the practice of thousands of years: if they can not, let them not attempt to force the language of a mighty people, nor presume to instruct a whole nation as to the meaning of their own terins, with which natives are much better acquainted than foreigners can possibly be.

But to come to our author; it is evident, from the very title of his piece, that he uses shin primarily in the sense of the human spirit. In all that is said about the Rationalist doctors nourishing their spiritual energies, and the proud literati allowing their minds to wander after the external objects, there can be

no doubt that the writer means by shin the spirit of the mind. When he comes to speak of the prayers that are offered by some to

神明 spiritual intelli-

gences, it is evident that the meaning he attaches to the term shin is still spirit,

only in the concrete instead of the abstract sense: and in order to prevent his being mistaken, he calls the one class spirits connected with the seen, and the other spirits belonging to the unseen world. These two classes, he says, “spirits with spirits," hold intercourse together, without being limited by external form. On this phrase, Mr. Editor, I am content to rest my argument: spirit with spirit. That these two words thus coupled together, mean sub- stantially the same thing, no man who is not resolved to maintain his hypo- thesis, “malgré all objections," can reasonably doubt, and there can be no mis- take about the application. The one refers, according to the writer's own ex- planation, to the spirit of the mind, and the other to the spiritual beings whom the Chinese are in the habit of worshiping, and yet both are shin,-un:nis. takably shin-without any adjunct or qualification, shin. The inference from

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this is unquestionable; either that the human spirit is absolutely God, or that the beings to whom the Chinese people are in the habit of praying are like their own minds mere spirits, in the sense of being invisible and intelligent, yet more powerful as connected with the unseen world, and more honorable as being the spirits that pervade heaven and earth, and the manes of their deceased an- cestors.

I wish to call attention to the proof afforded by the present paper, that skin, when in regimen, as the skin of any person or thing, does not mean the god,

but the spirit of that person or thing; witness the expression ^zjin

chí skin; will any person venture to contend, that this phrase, as used by the Chinese writer, ineans the God of a man? What, when the author says, that a man's shin is incapable of perceiving anything but what takes place in his own body, and what is cognizable to his senses? Is this his God? A pretty divini- ty truly, which knows nothing except what comes through the media of sen- sation and reflection exercised by the man's self! The person who would ima- gine this to be his God, must himself be what the Chinese call

shin sz' puh tsuk. But there is another expression of the saine kind, to which I would call particular attention, viz. Zwú chí shin. This is a

phrase which the advocates of shin have used, and to be consistent, must use in the sense of "my God;" but see how the Chinese employ it? If

吾心之神

wi sin chí shin the spirit of my mind, can only become

acquainted with what comes in contact with my eyes and

ears, hands and feet; then that which is not cognizable to the senses can not have any

wủ chí skin. Here it is evident that the

communication with 吾之神

writer means by wú chí shin, my spirits, and no ingenuity can torture the phrase into meaning “my God." But suppose we thus understand it, then what absurdities are we landed in! That which is not cognizable to my senses can not have any communication with, or be communicated to, my God! Is this a being a man would wish to choose for his God? A being that can know nothing but what comes to him through the medium of a inan's own senses? A being whose knowledge is as limited as my own, and acquainted only with that which flesh and blood reveals! Let those who will, choose such a being for their divinity, he shall never be my God. Now all this ab- surdity a man must admit who would insist upon it, that wú chí shin means 'my God." It is of no use any longer for our opponents to contend that the Chinese would not understand the phrase “wú chỉ shin," in the sense of “my spirit.' Here is a Chinese who does so understand it, and who would be as- tonished if any one were to pretend to understand it otherwise. The remarks of the American Missionary, who lately gave us his thoughts (see page 201 &c.) on the proper term to be employed to translate Elohim and Theos were just, when he said, that the beautifully expressive phrases, My God, &c., can not be translated intelligibly by shin: the objection urged by an intelligent Chinese was not without its weight, that the passage" My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me ?” were shin employed as the rendering of God, would present to his mind the idea of a person sensible of the approach of insanity, and exclaiming, “ My senses, my senses, why are you leaving me ?”

The remark of the abovenamed writer, that the God of Abraham, &c., could not be intelligibly rendered, if shin were employed, is also borne out by the phrases used by this Chinese Essayist; for we meet with the expression

THẢ 2 TH Châu hung chíshin, and 高宗之神 Kiw-tsung ché

shin, which are not used in the sense of the God, but of the spirit, of these in.

dividuals. So also with

^ Zshing jin chí shin, in the sense

of the spirit, not the God of the sages. Thus lá-hán chỉ skin would undoubtedly mean the " spirit of Abraham,'

Apch

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In the course of his paper the Chinese author speaks of his shin, in the same language precisely as western writers speak of spirit. It has its origin in the mighty Infinite, and is the opposite of body and form. This incorporeal and invisible spirit is with difficulty comprehended; it is the most mysterious of all things; without haste it is rapid, without moving it arrives at its point, it can not be intercepted by intervening objects, it can penetrate both metals and minerals, it can not be described as either far or near, it can mount up to the heights of heaven, and dive into the depths of the earth. The spirit associates with spirit in a manner incomprehensible by those who are engrossed by mate- rial things, and yet it is the spirit with which men are born into the world, the spirit which animates them—and the spirit which they are to cultivate ; in some it is neglected and can not retain its seat, but gets subverted and overturn- ed, as in the case of one foolish, drunk, or dreaming; and in others it can soar aluft till it hold intercourse with the spirits of heaven and earth-or with the Supreme. Surely, if ever there were two corresponding termis, in languages so dissimilar as the Chinese and English, none ever suited each other so exactly as do shin and spirit.

Suppose then a Chinese theologian endeavoring to prove to his countrymen the divinity of the Savior, were to bring forward the clearest evidence that Jesus is a shin—what would he have gained? He would have proved that Jesus originally was, and now is, an invisible, intelligent being. That which every inhabitant of the celestial world, every disembodied human soul, yea, every inischievous sprite is equally with the blessed Savior, i. e. a spirit. There is nothing in the term skin that would raise the individual claiming it above the nature of angels or human spirits. Jesus may be really and truly a skin, as the Chinese understand the term, and yet be far, infinitely far, from possessing a Divine nature. What a door would this open for the future Arians and Socinians of the celestial empire? And how would the stoutest defender of our Lord's divinity be able to shut the mouth of a Chinese objector who should say, “Is Jesus a shin ♬ that, as it regards my mental constitution, am 1: wherein does your boasted sage exceed?" Let the advocates of skin reflect on this, and think on what dangerous ground they are treading.

Having undertaken to write you on the subject of the controversy which has so long been discussed in the periodicals of this country, I can not close without a few remarks on the method adopted by some of the combatants on both sides, in concealing their names. It is rather amusing to see what a number of nameless heroes have gallantly stepped forward, well screened from observation, to have their fling at opponents who really show themselves. First, we have a variety of articles on the subject of this controversy in the Repository, not all from the pen of the Editor, without any name attached; then a series of communications from a Correspondent in Ningpo; followed by a Reader, a Constant Reader, an Impartial Reader, a Brother Missionary, an American Missionary, a Lover of plain Common Sense, and Philo; another rejoices in the name of Sciolus (in one sense perhaps not inappropriately) ; an- other reviews a pamphlet without owning himself, and not a few come out un- der the various letters of the alphabet, such as X.Y.Z., Z.Z., L.N.N, to be follow- ed, it may be, by O. Some of these may have withneld their naines, in order that their arguments might be left to rest simply on their own basis, unaided by the adventitious influence which might accrue to them from the extensive reputation of the writers; others again, may have been induced to keep their names a secret, lest their announcement should lessen the effects which might otherwise be produced on the public, who look for an extensive acquaintance with a language in those who argue on philological questions. Some might be induced to appear anonymously, in order that when beaten out of their position by the arguments of their opponents, they might be able to carry on the war under another name, and thus avoid the unpleasantness of having to acknowledge their former mistakes; or a single writer may choose to adopt a variety of ap- pellations, in order to induce the impression on the public mind that there are a number of independent advocates on the same side of the question; or a man may wish to aid his cause by alluding to his own writings under another signa- But you will say, we ought not to impute motives to any man, particu-

turc.

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Trait upon Nourishing the Spirit.

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larly those of a questionable kind. To real men, Mr. Editor, we should not : but would take their character as a guaranty for the uprightness of their inten- tions; but to men who hide themselves, men of no name, and consequently no reputation, we are warranted in ascribing such motives which we have ascribed to them, as those which most probably induced them to conceal their names; let then come forward with their real signatures, and tell us their motives for concealment, when we will believe them. But seriously speaking, Mr. Editor, it does appear to me, that in a great controversy like this, where interests of such magnitude are involved, and where evangelical laborers abroad, as well as Missionary and Bible Societies at home, watching with anxiety the progress of the argument, desire to know, and have a right to expect to be made acquainted with, the combatants on both sides, it is every way undesirable that men should conceal their naines. We are not like political parties striving to under- mine each other's influence, and to build up our own cause on the ruin of our opponents; but earnest men, seeking after the truth, in a most important inquiry connected with the translation of the Holy Scriptures for the most po pulous nation in the world: anything like a wish to fight under a mask, or avoid discovery, is in my estimation unbecoming the occasion.

And now, I have a word to say regarding the conduct of the Editor of the Repository in this affair. As the conductor of a periodical, it appears to me, that he ought, with reference to this controversy, to act impartially, and to make his publication a vehicle for conveying the sentiments of all. He is of course entitled to his private opinion, and is at liberty to express it editorially. But when a question is started in his pages, and statements are made likely to prejudice any of the controversialists in the eyes of the public, he ought to guard such statements, so as to show that as editor he does not sympathise therewith. Still more, when any of the parties implicated defend themselves, it becomes the editor to give them the benefit of his pages, if in those pages they have been represented, or conceive that they have been represented in an unfavorable point of view. To be explicit. In the No. for July, 1848, the Editor of the Chinese Repository published a letter, entitled “A few Plain Questions addressed to those missionaries, who, in their preaching or writing, teach the Chinese to worship Shingtí;" signed by "A Brother Missionary.'

In the course of his letter, the writer asks, “Is not the conclusion irresistible that he who shall worship Shangtí, or shall teach men so to do, is guilty of breaking the first and chiefest commandment of God?" There were those who, when the letter appeared, considered it likely to prejudice the mission- aries who were opposed to the writer very considerably, in the estimation of the public generally, and of the religious Societies who sent them out, in particular. Did the editor approve of the language employed? If not, how came he to admit the letter into his periodical, without qualification or remark ?

But sup- posing it to have been done inconsiderately; ought he not, in common justice, to have inserted any reply that might have reached him, from any of the par- ties who considered themselves aggrieved, that at any rate, the defense might travel as far as the implied charge? It was six months after the date of pub- lication before the abovenamed letter reached me; as soon as I saw it, I drew up a Reply to the Few plain Questions of a Brother Missionary, and in order to secure its early appearance among my friends, I had it printed under my own eye.

A copy of it was sent among others, to the Editor of the Chinese Reposi- tory. Why did he not, if desirous that his readers should hear the other side, give it instant admission to this pages? His periodical had been the medium of circulating the "Questions," and why did he not make it the means of giving equal publicity to the "Reply?" Was the argument badly constructed? the spirit in which it was drawn up blameworthy? Let the public judge. The writer put his own naine to it, and was alone responsible for its contents.

But you will say, all this was done during the absence of the present Editor. Be it so.

I will now cone to some editorial remarks made by the present con- ductor of the periodical in question. In the number for February, 1850, you, Mr. Editor, have appended a few observations to the anonymous letter of 1 NN in the course of which you say; “ We are not willing that gentlemen sanding in the position that Messrs. Medhurst, Stronach, and Milne do as the

Was

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Tract upon Nourishing the Spirit.

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•

delegates of their fellow missionaries to revise the New Testament, should se- parate themselves from the Committee at large, and assert that the insertion of such a term as shin for the translation of theos, will render the whole work unclassical and contemptible, without entering a protest against it. Some of those whom they represent believe skin to be the best word, all things consider- ed; and to designate the revision by such epithets is unnecessary and unseemly.' May I beg of you, Mr. Editor, to explain what you mean by the above paragraph. Have not Messrs. Stronach, Milne, and myself a right to assert what we think to be true? Does the fact of our being delegated by others, or representing others, deprive us of that right? Have we put forth the statement complained of as the opinion of our constituents, for which they are responsible, or as our own? If the latter, what have our constituents to do with it, except to point out its falla- cy, if they can? Some of those whom we represent, you say, believe skin to be the best word, all things considered, and what of that? Some of them think it to be the worst word, all things considered ; are not the latter as much entitled to their opinion as the former, and where is the unseemliness of their asserting it, or of our asserting it for ourselves and them? Even supposing that by so do- ing we have to separate ourselves from the Committee at large, where would be the harm of that if we thought the Committee at large in the wrong? Surely the men whom you have named, who have been considered by the general sentiment of the missionary body as among those who are the most fit for the work of translation, are entitled to express an opinion on the subject, even though they should differ from all their brethren. But they are not so situated. One of them is sustained by the united voice of the station which has delegated him, and the others by the unanimous opinion of all the mission- aries from the same Society, as well as by the recorded opinion of the British and Foreigu Bible Society, that shin is not the most appropriate word to be used as a translation of theos in the New Testament. They do not therefore stand alonc. Or do you, by the General Committee, mean the missionaries who as- sembled at the original meeting at Hongkong, in 1843? Search the records, and you will find that a majority of the missionaries who were then assembled, and who gave the impulse to the movement for revising the Chinese version of the Scriptures, were opposed to shin. But what is it against which you protest? The assertion that “the insertion of such a term sa shin for the translation of theos will render the whole work unclassical and contemptible?" Instead of protesting against this, would it not have been better to try and prove that the use of shin as a translation of theos in the New Testament, particularly in pas- sages where theos is spoken of as possessing infinite power and universal dominion, is in conformity with the usages of the Chinese classics. Those classics do speak of such a being: do they designate him Shin? and would not a Chinese classical scholar deem the work, in which such a term was used to designate such a being, contemptible? I again assert it, that the use of shin as a translation of theos in the New Testament would render the whole work unclassical and contemptible. Now prove the converse of the proposition; and if you can not, your protest is unavailing. But after all, you, or those in whose behalf you enter your protest, only believe skin to be the best word, “all things considered :” you say also that against shin, as well as against other terms, strong arguments might be urged. It seems then you do not esteemn your fa- vorite terin unexceptionable—that there are strong reasons to be urged against it. And are you then in a position to protest against those who go a little fur- ther than you do, and discard it as a translation of Theos altogether? Permit me to refer you to the exhortation of a " Brother Missionary," in your number for July, 1848, whose authority you will not question, This matter is of such grave and solemn import, that I can not conclude without alluding to a precept of great importance in all questions of casuistry, viz, In all doubtful cases take the safe side

I remain, My dear Sir, Your's faithfully,

WH MEDĤURST.

Shanghai, June 11th, 1850

FOL XIX NO Vill.

450

Tract upon Nourishing the Spirit.

On Yang sin shin, Fostering the Spirit of the Mind. THERE is nothing more

AUG.

intelligent than spirit, but when men do not know how to foster it, then spirits become spiritless, because of their want of intelligence. When men allow the seven passions and the six objects of desire to disturb their spirit, although at the time, their bodily powers are most vigorous, and they might other- wise promote the growth of their spiritual energies, yet their spirits remain dark. That their spirits should be dark is still a small mat- ter; but by gratifying every kind of relish and attachment, and by thinking on things that they have no need, and ought not to think of, they leave their spirits without a moment's rest, until their spirits are Hence the dissipated and confused, and have no home to return to. Rationalist doctors laid so much stress on

養神 fostering the spiri-

tual energies, considering that when the spirit was kept still, wisdom would spontaneously spring up; when wisdom sprang up, the virtuous nature decreed to be conferred by heaven, would manifest itself in the very centre of our Aŭ mental being; until, without aim and without effort, we might combine in ourselves the natural tenden- cies to good which emanate from the Mighty Infinite; thus, by cultivating stilluess, they nourished their spiritual energies. Their disciples having missed the original aim, have been despised by the literati and the Budhists, because they aimed only at nourishing their bodily powers; and their spirits, bright and intelligent though they be, were unable to attain to the virtuous nature conferred by the decree of heaven: all this because they allowed the spirit of emulation to con- tend within, esteeming themselves to be right and others wrong, con- sorting only with men of similar views, and opposing all who differed from them, little thinking that that by which we can cause our vir- tuous nature to expand, until it fills the universe is the human spirit; and that that by which our natural life is enabled to extend its pant- ings, is also the human spirit.

The modern alchymists however, swallowing medicaments in order to foster their spirits, are very gross in their conceptions, and would never succeed in fostering the same by stillness, without renouncing their sensualities and passions, so as not to be influenced by them. The way in which men enter deeply into the great principles of reason (A) is by cultivating perfect stillness, when their spirits become settled as when a sharp bodkin is employed to penetrate substances, there is nothing so hard that it will not perforate. The literati em- ploying their energies in the pursuit of knowledge, and making it their

1850.

that their

Tract upon Nourishing the Spirit.

451

daily business to increase their acquaintance with things, consider intelligence is sufficient to understand all matters, while they have a pit before them which everybody else can see, and they stalk on till they fall into it. What is the cause of this, but their al- lowing the spirit of their minds to gallop away after external objects, like a man occupied with looking at distant mountains, not knowing that his feet have already fallen into a quagmire? 'The polish- ed scholars of the present day esteem themselves to be the most clever people in the world, and sometimes they are outwitted by men of a very inferior stamp, and entangled in the meshes of their nets, because their spirits are dissipated about external annoyances, and they are unable to cultivate an acquaintance with themselves; all this arises from a want of silent meditation. Others again, seeking to avert calami- ties and obtain blessings, pray to spiritual intelligences, be- cause they think that such are intelligent and incomprehensible by mankind, not knowing that the visible and invisible worlds, being separated one from another, the medium whereby

our

spirits in this seen world, can communicate with the invisible spirits of the unseen world, is just because

spirit with spirits hold intercourse together, without being trammeled by the limits of external form.

Since then our own spirits can hold intercourse with the spirits of the invisible world, it is clear that our spirits must like them be intelli- gent. Hence it was, that when the ancients offered sacrifices, they fasted to a great extent, in order to settle their own spirits, and then they could hold intercourse with the spirits which pervade heaven and earth, together with the manes of their ancestors. Some however, who insist upon discerning some visible traces of their being, think that the existence of spiritual essences is after all a mere pretense, But when our bodies, from the hair on the head to the sole of the foot, happen to experience the least pain or itching, it is immediately per- ceived by the mind: the reason of this is, that our spirits, though col- lected in the heart, pervade at the same time every part of the body. Taking our bodies therefore as a ground of argument, we should say that there is not a separate mind for every part of the head, eyes, hands, and feet; but the heart resides in the centre, and is fully acquainted with every pain, connected with each hair and fibre; it is not necessary for the ear to listen, or the eye to see, or the hand to feel, but the Ĺ j mind is instantly acquainted with it, as speedily as echo follows sound. If the mind however be absent, a man sees without perceiving, and hears without noticing, because the spirit is taken up with something

452

Tract upon Nourishing the Spirit.

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else, and impeded by that one thing. The mind is however the same, and when sensation and perception are sometiines different, are we to account that the spirit is different? But how can the spirit be different? The spirit although unobstructed by matter, can not avoid being influenced and enslaved by every partial and private thing it observes; and although pervading the whole body, as that which is general passes through every particular, yet being influenced and enslaved by other things, the spirit can not be in everything perspicuous and clear; but let it be silent and still, then the bite of every little insect on the body is invariably perceived, because their spirit sits there to superintend, and extends its observations to every part.

Hence, when a person wishes to foster his spiritual energies, he must first exclude the observation of what is private and partial, and then his spirit will be in everything perspicuous and clear, but ^Z

the human spirit, with the exception of what takes place in a inan' own body, and with the exception of what he sees and hears, is ca- pable of perceiving nothing; how difficult then is it for a spirit connect ed with the visible world to extend its observations; but the spirits of the invisible world are on the contrary acquainted with everything. If

the spirit of my mind can only become acquainted with what comes in contact with my eyes and ears, hands and feet, then that which is not cognizable to the senses, can not have any com- munication with

my spirit. If then, I can not extend my observations to that which is not in some connection with my body, it follows that there are many

corporeal things that I can not become acquainted with, how then can I become perfectly ac- quainted with the invisible world, andŹ

those spirits

which are sacrificed to? The spirit which men have when they are born into the world, has its origin in the Mighty Infinite; although the Mighty Infinite has conferred a variety of forms on the myriad of things, yet there is one subtile fluid that pervades them all: as in the constitution of the human body, one subtile fluid pervades every part of it, and can not be held not to pervade it, because the eyes and ears, the hands and fect have different forms, and are put to dif- ferent uses. The intelligent man, aware of this, ought not, because of the bodily members, to say, this my body sustains no connection with heaven and earth, men and things. If indeed there were no con- nection, how is it that the body of each individual must depend on the sustenance of heaven and earth, with the men and things around it, before it can become a body? It is because the one subtile fluid pervades all, that men produce and sustain each other; and since one

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subtile fluid pervades all, is spirit alone to be held as not pervading all? But the pervadings of this incorporeal and invisible spirit, can not be comprehended in the mind, unless that mind be kept perfectly still; and such matters are with difficulty perceived and believed, un- less a man's contemplations are deep, and his mind unprejudiced and intelligent. Spirit may be held to be the most mysterious of all things : without haste it is rapid, without moving, it arrives at its point: it can not be intercepted by intervening objects; it can penetrate both metals and minerals, and can not be described as far or near; it can mount up to the heights of heaven; it can dive into the depths of the earth. Men being impeded by matter and form, can not conceive how spirit can associate with spirit; amongst these latter, connections and separations are of a nature not to be fathomed by human thought; but when men do not foster their mental energies, their spirits will not even be able fully to blend with their own bodies, but will be sub- verted and overturned, which is what is called in common discourse losing one's senses. Sometimes also the spirit does not retain its seat, as in the case of one foolish, drunk, or dreaming; and how can one expect with this human spirit thus diminished, to hold intercourse with the spirits of heaven, and earth, and all things?

The spirit of Chau Kung could cause great storms of thunder and lightning in the skies: the spirit of Káu-tsung could hold intercourse with the Supreme, so as to obtain a minister from Fú- yen: the sincerity of these was all-penetrating, because their spirits were thus. We may carry out the same idea to Tsang-tsz,' who when his mother bit her finger, felt in his mind a sympathy, and

✰✰ when his father became sick, felt his heart affected; all which is to be ascribed to the penetrations of spirits, which are not in the slightest degree impeded by the distance to which bodies are removed from each other. Thus it is that the spirit of the sages can influence all men and things under heaven, and extend even to future generations; his heart being correct, and his energies abundant, his spirit can expand and influence a myriad ages, without being limited to a single time and place. Therefore when the work of nourishing the spirit is carried out to perfection, most assuredly all the spiritual in- telligences in heaven and earth, whether in ancient or modern times, will be accumulated in the spirit of my person; and the spirit of my mind will be able to comprehend the success or failure of former or later affairs and things throughout the whole world; which state of mind is what is commonly called that of an Al immortal.

How can there be anything more wonderful than this?

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The results of nourishing our spirits are, that we regain our ori- ginal perfect nature, and that which was decreed by Heaven to be- stow, we make our own; it is no longer necessary to talk of a renew- ed cultivation of such virtuous nature, for such virtuous nature is already firmly established. This is the way in which Liu-tsz' adopted the method of nourishing the spirit, to cause men to revert to their originally virtuous nature, and connect themselves with that which Heaven had decreed to bestow, without men's being themselves aware of it. Some people ask how it is, that when the affairs of human life are so multifarious and ever-changing, we can ever succeed in nourish- ing our mental energies? not knowing that these affairs do not come of their own accord, but are constantly brought on by men themselves. Should there be any matters that come upon us without our interven- tion, we should just treat them in a natural and unconstrained manner, without attempting to force them. When in trouble we should go through our troubles, and when in poverty we should bear our poverty, leaving the matter of life and death to the disposal of Providence, and not allowing our minds to be moved by anything that respects life or death. When such things are incapable of annoying and moving our hearts, how can they annoy the spirit of our minds. Mencius said, "A man of resolution does not disturb himself about being buried in a ditch, and a brave man cares not if he lose his head." When we can com- pose our minds in the most distressed and trying circumstances and affairs, we shall be able to go through the dangerous passes of life as if they were an even path. It is only because men in the present life are desirous of contending with their circumstances; when poor, they are not content to remain poor, but adopt schemes for seek- ing after riches; when low they are not content to continue low, but speculate in search of honors. Moreover, when they are rich, they aim to become more rich; and when noble, they aspire to be more noble; and thus meet with all sorts of annoyances and disappointments, the whole of which they bring upon themselves.

If now, we could but leave all these matters alone, and when pover- ty comes, let it come; when degradation assails, let it assail; being content under every circumstance, what would then prevent us from nourishing the spirit of our minds. But we have not been able thus to nourish our spirits; could we really succeed in so doing, then we should find no difficulty in discerning every matter in the world, in whatever direction the light of our minds might be brought to shine. Water may dash down a steep place, without having any in- tention of so doing, and the white clouds may gather a round the suin-

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Our

mit of a hill without designing so to do; in like manner we may keep our minds in perfect stillness, although daily engaged in the arena of public strife. In this way the three religions [of China] may be unit- ed in one, by merely cultivating stillness, and then spirits may be nourished, our virtuous natures regained, and we unite in virtue with heaven and earth. Some men object and say,

it is easy to talk about being still, but it is difficult to accomplish it, not know- ing that the fault lies in mea's unwillingness to remain still.

Note. As Dr. Medhurst calls on us in the introduction to the preceding trans- lation to explain our remarks on page 95, we can not well decline to do so. replying to his letter, we shall endeavor to confine our observations to the sub- jects he has touched upon, without entering upon the general argument involved in them, of which our readers have already the leading features. We are not quite sure, however, that we have done the Doctor much of a kindness in pub- lishing his prefatory letter.

Dr. Medhurst seems to know whether the Editor is the author of articles in the Depository destitute of any signature; and rather smiles at the nameless heroes who have come into the arena of conflict with their visors down, and cyphers for their crests. But as this is a general and allowed usage, we are not careful to inquire who are the authors of all the articles sent us, for we are will- ing to let every one speak, who does so in proper terms. A fair inference is that Dr. Medhurst himself is the writer of articles which he knows so well are not editorial, though without any signature; and we hold that if he is not, it is ra- ther impertinent for him to make the assertion which he has in his letter, and he can choose between a breach of good manners, or writing sub rosá. We do not suppose that any of the writers are unwilling to have him or any one else know their names; and we can not see how this knowledge would make the slightest difference with the force or justness of their arguments. Although we have before been charged with a want of impartiality in this controversy, we have not deemned the assertion worthy of notice, for the simple reason that we have, with one trifling exception, inserted everything on both sides sent us upon this topic, deeming this to be as impartial as was expected. Was it a breach of impartiality to insert the letter signed “A Brother Missionary," in Vol. XVII, page 356, just as it was sent, without note or comment? We think Dr. Med- hurst's zeal in the discussion has rather obscured his ideas of the meaning of the word, if he calls our silence a breach of impartiality; and when as senior wrangler," he took up the cudgels on behalf of those who use Shangtí, and printed his Reply of several pages himself, in order to secure its early appear. ance among his friends;" was it incumbent on us, because, as well as others of his friends, we received a copy, to fill our pages with it too, when moreover we were never requested to reprint it? It was no fault of our's if the July num- ber of the Repository did not reach Shanghai till December; and we have nothing to do with his printing his Reply; but where is Dr. M.'s candor and courtesy in belaboring us as he does for saying nothing, when he never even refers to Bp. Boone's remarks in Vol. XVIII, p. 97, in explanation of this very article signed A Brother Missionary, which was written and sent us for insertion just as soon as he heard those Questions had given umbrage? Would not that ex- planation travel as far as the original article, and was it not enough to satisfy any reasonable man of its intent? We think it enough to state these facts of the case. His Reply contained no new facts upon the discussion, which made it. worth reprinting, it was written with some asperity, and as it was widely seat- tered, we supposed every one in China interested in it would see quite enough of it without having it over again in the Repository. Our readers would not thank us for reprinting all which proceeds from Dr. Medhurst's pen and press, merely because he sends us a copy. More of our pages have already been occupied with the views he advocates on this question, than with their opposites; there having been 313 pages of the last six volumes taken up with the former, and Ve

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pages with the latter, besides some thirty or forty pages more of a general na- ture, not exactly on either side. Dr. Medhurst has printed nothing on the op- posite side of the question to that which he takes, while his own writings on this subject not inserted in the Repository, and those of Dr. Legge on the same side, exceed 550 octavo pages. It is not for want of pidustry, therefore, on the part of these brethren that we have not been convinced that Shangtí is the word by which to render Theos; but we are quite willing to leave the charge of editorial unfairness to the decision of our readers.

If, however, we are so summarily accused, convicted, and condemned by the worthy Doctor for saying nothing, we hardly know what he would have done to us, if we had expressed our honest convictions upon Dr. Boone's Few Plain Questions. We have now no doubt that, for years we were unwittingly up- holding idolatry in the minds of such Chinese as heard our explanations of the New Testament by using the title Shangti for God proprié, and that they confounded the God over all, blessed for ever, whom we referred to, with their idols of that naine. And even Chinese well instructed in truth make the same confusion. In a small volume of hymns, printed at Malacca and also at Hong-

kong, at the L. M. Society's press, entitled Yang-sin-shin Shi Hoo Th

(which we shall be accused of unfairness and ignorance, if we do not now translate Hymns for Fostering the Spirit of the Mind, as it bears the same title as the preceding tract, though we suppose the author meant Divine Hymns for Nourishing the Heart), are many terms for the Almighty. In the first line it is said, “ Shin is an almighty, eternal, living ling ; " then in another place, “ Shin- tien is three persons and one body;" then, Shangtí is omniscient;" and in a fourth verwe,

แ

"How did they know that Yuh-ti from his seat in heaven,

Would laugh at their foolish plans and schemes ? "

No one can doubt that by Yuli-tí, or Gemined Emperor, every Chinese refers to the idol called Yuh hwáng Shángtí, and the author of these hymns must be supposed to have known the same, and also that no one was likely to mistake Shin in the first line for spirit. Really, we should like to know what form of phraseology, a Chinese should adopt to express his idea that shin meant God or god, supposing Dr. Medhurst was willing to allow that any individual Chinese really believed such a meaning to attach to it, as we suppose the writer of this hymn book did. The confusion is almost inevitable in the mind of a Chinese. Does not every native who passes by Union Chapel in Hongkong, for instance, get a more correct idea, vague though it may be, of the Divinity worshiped there by seeing the words Chin Shin táng

over the door, than if the chapel should be called Shangtí tảng? Would Dr. Medhurst venture to

pat up the sign 上帝廟

over a Christian temple?

In entering a protest against Messrs Medhurst, Stronach and Milne, publicly stigmatizing a version with shin in it used for theos, as unclassical and contemp. tible, we wished in the first place to put in a caveat against the use of hard words. On page 460 of Vol. XVII, Dr. Medhurst properly says, "they do not serve the interests of truth, and are not likely to carry conviction with them." We doubt if he could fine a harsher word than contemptible with which to blackball a ver- sion he disapproved of. In whose eyes would it be contemptible ? If in the eyes of himself and his coadjutors, then they have been for the last ten or fifteen years circulating a contemptible version, for the present one, chiefly revised by Dr. Medhurst himself, contains the term Shin used in hundreds of cases for God by way of eminence. Dr. Morrison also issued a contemptible version, and both of them we hope have been blessed to the conversion of souls; thousands of con- temptible tracts have moreover been circulated, productive it is to be hoped of no small amount of good. In the second place, we think that these brethren lower themselves by applying such epithets to any version of the Word of God; and though they may not thank us for being more careful of their own reputas tion that they are themselves; yet we can vùt animadvert on the use of such epithets

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That a version with the word shis used for gods would be, as Dr. M. and his coadjutors assert, unclassical, depends upou the literary taste of a people- They, as well as the rest of the Committee of Delegates and all persons interest- ed in the revision, no doubt wish to make the Bible as much a classic in Chinese as it is in English, and as much as a translation can be in any language; but the use or misuse of one word can not stanip it as unclassical, especially when that word itself has a great diversity of meanings Dr Medhurst has here given the translation of a piece in which shèn is no doubt used for spirit, but this surely does not prove that it is never used for anything else, much less that it would be unclassical to use it for gød," or for the highest object of worship. Shin proba- bly never was used for God proprie by any Chinese writer, for the people of this empire are yet ignorant of Him; but, just as surely as we who use the word god in English apply it correctly as the common term for all objects of worship among heathen nations, as can be abundantly shown from the English Bible, so is the term shin used for objects of worship in Chinese from Shangtí down to the lowest. We will make a few quotations to show this from a living writer, who is quite as well acquainted with his own language as the author of the tract introduced above.

In a Geography lately published, speaking of the Persians, he says, “As the source of life they carefully respect and sacrifice to the suu as (ho shin) the god of Fire." Also, speaking of ruins at Orinuz, “ There is an old temple there where the sun, the god of Fire, was honored." And again, "The Africans worship trees, birds, and beasts as gods (shin), and whoever kills an enemy offers him in sacrifice to them The people of Guinea also worship birds and beasts es (shin) gods." Now shin is rightly translated gods in these extracts, or else the author did not know how to use his own language, or else objects of worship are not properly called gods in English, as in Isaiah xliv. It is impertinent to our coininon sense and usages of speech as Englishmen to tell us the latter; and if the governor of Fuhkien means anything else than god or gods by the word shin in these places, he is still alive, and his ideas can be ascertained. The Persians had but one object of worship, was it not a god? The Africans had many, were they not gods? What spirit or spiritual essence did His Excellency suppose existed in trees, birds, and beasts, when he called them shin? We al low shin meaus spirit in some places, but if Dr. Medhurst will perimit us to apply his own quotation, “There are writings in Chinese in which shin is so employed up and down, that a man must be a fool to suppose that it means any- thing else than god." We also introduce another extract from the same work which we think "fortifies" this application of shin to god; but previously beg to call Dr. Medhurst's attention to the meaning given to the words tien shin in his translation of Kánghi's Dictionary,—“the celestial gods who draw fuita or develop all things."

"In ancient times, the Indians and Persians all served (sz') the god of Fire ; in Judea and west of it all served (tien shin) the God of Heaven. Those who served the god of Fire worshiped the rising sun, with burning faggots turned towards it, and bowing down. The people [believed] that without the influence of fire they would die, an that if there was no sunlight, the whole world could not see; therefore the people of these two coun- tries from of old had this custom, considering that in so doing they requited their origin, and that this was not a (si shin) false god. The worship of the God of Heaven (tien shia) began with Moscs, about the rise of the Sháng dynasty in the reign of Wulting. Ac- cording to his words, the God of Heaven descended upon Mt. Sinai (in Arabia), deliver.ng ten laws to instruct mankind; the observance of a seventh day of rest began at this time. Jesus was born a thousand and several hundred years after this. The (lien-chú kiau) religion of the Lord of Heaven originated at this time, but it was not that we now call the Tienchú kiau (or Romish religion).

“The sect of Fuh sprang from India, thus altering the custom of worshiping fire; but. the custom of worshiping fire is still maintained in two countries in the west, Kondooz

* Not Ged propriè as Dr. M. incorrectly writes above; for the word god and God differ in Ex- glish as much as max und Max (i. e. Mr Mau) do. The absence of a capital letter in a hindrsUS to the easy understanding of many words in Chinese, but Dr. Medhurst must know that by leav- ing a blank space before the character shix when used for God, and none when used for god, tur phrases “ My God, my God," " the God of Abraham,' "the gods of the nations," &c., will to aŭ attsutive reader of the Bible be far more intellgilde thin he reptesouts them as likely to be.

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and Bombay in Southern India, which thus give us very clear evidence of the fact. Persia had not yet changed this custom before the Tang dynasty, but after that she was overrun by the Mohammedans, she first adhered to their religion, and to this day observes it; yet some also worship the god of Fire, and it is for this purpose, that there is an old temple at Ormuz to the sun as the god of Fire.

"In China, before the Five dynasties (A.D. 907-959), there was a temple to the (tien shin) God of Heaven, one to the (kú tien) foreign Heaven, and one to the fiery Heaven. In the time of Tang, there were Persian religious books; and in the 4th year of Tienpáu, it was ordered by government that the Persian monasteries or churches in both capitale should be changed to the (Tá-trin sz3) Judean monastery. There was also a Tablet [commemorating] the diffusion of the illustrious religion of Judea in Chins, set up in the 2d year of Kienchung (A.D. 781), of which the priest King Tsing of the Judean church wrote. His doctrine arose in Fühlin,” which was on the eastern borders of Ta-tsin. † That which we call (hú tien) foreign Heaven is (shin tien) the God of Heaven, and seems to belong to Ta-tsin; and to foreshadow or refer to the religion of Jesus.

"If the religion of the god of Fire began from Persia, then it had nothing to do with that of Judea, but is what is called (ho tien) heaven of Fire. To mix up the god of Fire with the God of Heaven is to say that the Persian faith proceeded from Judea, which is as absurd as to say that my family ancestor belonged to a family of another surname. The tablet about the 'Illustrious religion' is still more absurd, for this is the fire wor- shiper's doctrine; in the tablet it is said, ‘A bright star proclaimed the happy event; he suspended the bright sun to break open the abodes of darkness; at midday he ascended in truth; &c., all which point to the sun's fire. The expressions, Determining in the form of the cross to establish the four quarters of the earth, and once in seven days there is divine service,' show that it is connected with the tien-chủ kiẩu or Romish religion. Who is referred to in the expression, 'the mysterious Three-one, the true, eternal Lord Aloah,' we do not know. The whole of the composition, however, partly resembles the vagaries of Budha, but if it is not of the Persians, or the Romanists, or the Budhists, we do not know of what doctrine to call it, for the worship of the god of Fire among the Persians is an old custom, while the Budhist doctrine was promulgated in India, the next country on the east, and that of the God of Heaven came from Judea, adjoining it on the west. Since the days of the Tang dynasty, the doctrine of the Romanists has greatly extended and flourished, and the clever foreign priest King Tsing combined the tenets of the three religions, and formed one which he called the king kiẩu, or Illustrious religion, by which he made himself exceedingly famous. The Chinese did not know this origin of it, but respected and believed it just as he told them, in this showing how just the observation of Cháng Li is, • You wish for and hearken to whatever is strange.'

"It is further said in the Tablet, In the 12th year of Chingkwan (A.D. 639), Olopun, a man of great virtue from the kingdom of Judea, bringing the Scriptures and images from afar has come and presented them at our capital.' This Olopun being from Judea, he was of the Romish religion without doubt, and these scriptures were the sacred books and gospels which have come to us from Europe, and the images were those of Jesus on the cross, though at that time we do not hear of them as like this. As to what is said of the Illustrious religion, that it was chiefly imitated from the tenets of the Persians, and the external adorninents and rites were gathered from the observances of Budhists, I can not fully explain it; but since the days of Tang, while the doctrines of Budha have extended and flourished, the temples of the god of Fire and foreign God, and the Persian and Judean faiths, have not again been seen. According to western writers, the Judean faith still exists in Abyssinia in Africa, and is the same as the fire worship of the Persians,"

Not to extend these remarks too far, we may observe that these quotations, and others which might be added, show that Shangtí is not regarded as a generic name proper to apply to the gods of foreign countries, but that where the writer is ignorant of the title of a divinity, he uses shin to show that it is worshiped as a god. Where the author of this work obtained the preceding account he does nor tell us, but we think it shows that to use shin will be neither unclassical not contemptible, for his testimony of the use of the words tien-shin, when taken in connection with the power ascribed to tien-shin in Kánghí, is authority enough for the use of shin for God and god in the S. S.

* This country (Philistine) is Judes, which was first established by Moses, of whom Jesus was a descendant.

Ta-tsin is the country of Rome in Italy; the men of the Han dynasty seeing that the people were tall and powerful, like the Chinese, called it Ta-tsin, but this name is unknown to the people themselves,

¦ Publin was governed by Rome from the Han dynasty, but in the days of Tang, it was seized by the Arabians.

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We are willing to rest the philological evidence of skin for god upon this work, while too we admit that it has much wider significations in Chinese than god has in English; and the reason appears to us plain why it is so much applied to spirits, viz., because of the greater importance paid by the Chinese to the worship of ancestral maues than was ever the case in other heathen lands. The wide diffusion of the Scriptures will tend to restrict its modern usage to one being, and remove the plural ideas so intimately connected wtih it in the minds of this people; this idea of plurality is one of the objections we referred to on page 95, and its variety of meanings is another; but they together have not half the weight of the objection that Shangtí is the title of several idols, and will be and is so often confounded with them if used for God.

It is difficult to reason upon this subject with a man like Dr. Medhurst. At one time he translates shin as god, gods; then says it means spirit, sages, fairies, and can never be rendered god :—he first says Shángtí is not the proper name of an idol, but denotes the Supreme Being; and presently explains that this Supreme Being is not the true God, but comes as near to him as the Chinese know; and lastly declares that it is a generic term for god, because it applies equally to six Shangtí:—he at one time upholds the use of Shangtí for the true God and shin for false gods, and then maintains that the former is the only term by which to render Elohim and Theos, fortifying both these positions against all attack; but soon after dismantles his fortifications, and runs up a third for Tienti out of their ruins; which again he abandons to find refuge in the transferred term Alvah, declaring each of these positions one after the other to be impreg nable, and yet giving no explanation for leaving them so rapidly, but on the con- trary rather displeased when his old artillery is brought to bear on his new for- tifications:—and finally, after declaring that he would not use shin for spirit in the new version, if others felt it their duty to use it for god, he now capitalizes his declaration, “That upon shin, and shin alone, do we feel ourselves compelled to fall back, as the only legitimate and suitable representation of ruach and pneu- ma in the sense of spirit and spiritual being,” thus involving the versions of the Scriptures in the most unhappy confusion. He now re-asserts in the strongest manner that to use shin for god and God in the Bible would render the Chinese version unclassical and contemptible, though our readers will conclude, we think, that one who has come to so many different decisions, has little right to expect us to regard his assertions to this effect. If the matter was a trifling one, this philological versatility would be less disastrous, but we earnestly beg Dr. M. to reflect upon the consequences of carrying out this last determination. We are pleased to see that Dr. Legge has adverted to the melancholy results of the double use of shin for God and Spirit in two versions otherwise the same. conclusion, we beg Dr. Medhurst to revise his opinions on all these points. He says a majority of those who assembled at Hongkong in 1843 were in favor of Shangtí, but they had not then examined the subject; and as the large majority of them are now in favor of Shin, it should lead him to doubt the tenableness of his own position, for he can hardly think that their conversion has been altoge- ther for the sake of arguing the matter against him.

ART. III. Journal of Occurrences : endeavor to prevent foreigners from living in Fuhchau; disturbances in Kwángsi; North-China He- rald; port of Shánghái; fall of roof of Trinity Church; accident at Tsz'ki; bridge of Boats at Ningpo; completion of the revision of the New Testament.

THE citizens of Fuhchau have lately shown considerable hostility to the resid. ence of foreigners within their city-walls, quoting the proceedings of the people of Canton in justification of their course, and their authorities sheltering them

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selves under the example of Governor Sø, for their tacit compliance. No foreign- ers have heretofore had a residence within the precincts of the walls, except those connected with or residing at the English Consulate, the others all taking their houses in the suburbs. Some two or three months ago, the Rev. Messrs. Welton and Jackson made an effort to locate themselves within the walls by leasing some tenements connected with the Shin-kwáng sz', or Divine-Light monastery, situated east of the Wu-shih shán, or Black-rock hill on which H. B. M.'s Consulate is located. The priests were willing to rent these houses, the price and other points were agreed on, and these gentlemen had taken possession, when the people assembled with the evident purpose of forcing them to remove, but no damage was done to life. The people were, it is sup- posed, urged on by the literati, and there is some reason to believe that they were countenanced and directed in their schemes by Liu Tsehst, the late governor-general of Yunnan and Kweichau, now residing at Fuhchau for the benefit of his health. Soon after the first expression of popular discontent, a Notice of a few pages appeared, which though drawn up in respectful terms, was determined in its tone; and was generally regarded as having been issued with Lin's approval, if not written by him. The paper is called, “ A Notice to the scholars and people within and without the city for a public con- sultation to expel the fan tst, or foreigners;" but the inner heading is, “A public letter from the scholars and people of Fubchau to the English foreign officer, i. e. H. E. Gov. Bonham; the reason for this discrepancy does not ap- pear. By the kindness of Rev Mr. Peet, we have been furnished with a copy of the tract, and give a translation of it entire.

A Public Notice. Having lately heard that your honorable consul had rented the Shin-kwang monastery for the missionaries (kiáng-king min-jin, people expounding the sacred books), and that the lease had received the seal of the district magistrate, and that they were about to move in to reside, the scholars and people of this city were all much surprised at it, and immediately repaired to the magistracy to present a petition. In accordance with its request, we now hear that the magistrate has consulted with your honorable consul, and [requesting] that the lease be immediately revoked, to the end that there be mutual harmony. Should the missionaries of your country still desire to move in at any rate, there will then be dissatisfaction in men's minds. If we con- sider these three points—the feelings of the people, the reason of the thing, and the consequences of forcing it, they all forbid it; and the united will of myriads of people clearly exhort him (Gov. B. ?) who nianages affairs to stop. The residence of your country's merchants at Fuhchau for trade, should be, according to the Treaty of peace, only at the mouth of the river; and at the time the consular officers came within the walls, and took a residence at the Tsih-tsui monastery on the Black-stone hill, we, the gentry and people of the place were not at all pleased at it; but because of the repeated intreaties of the officers, who declared it was only a temporary matter, we treated them kindly at the time, and looked forward to a future adjustment, unwilling to act as the Cantonese did, and oppose force to them. In all our bearing towards your country, we have ever been liberal.

If those who reside at the Tsih-tsui monastery are officers of your country, it may be allowed; but what will be the result if missionaries also rent residences within the walls? This does not at all correspond with the Treaty. The people residing within the gates formerly assented to it as a matter of favor; and now having got one thing, you think about asking for two,-which shows that you not only have not had a due sense of our liberality, but that you presume upon it to insult us. Are not the tens of thousands in this city as able to quit them. selves like men as those of Canton ? Do not arouse us, and peace will still exist; but egg us on, and it is to be feared the wrath of the populace will not soon be appeased. These remarks show how the first proposition-the feelings of the people forbids it.

The original treaty says (Treaty of Wánghiá, ART. XVII.), “When persons from any country wish to rent land the local authorities of the two governments shall examine with a duc regard to the feelings of the people, and settle the matter in au equitable manner, the proprietors on the one hand not demanding

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an exorbitant price, nor the foreigners on the other unreasonably insisting to rent, but both must conduct with consideration und moderation." Now the Shin-kwang monastery is the place where the graduates and students of this region continually meet to study and pass their examinations, and the people and literati are alike unwilling to lease it. You have therefore inconsiderately gone contrary to the Treaty, and committed the offense of taking forcible pos. session. The priest was only employed to attend to burning incense and candles, but he could not act as a landlord to rent the place. And though the district magistrate has already used his seal of office, and thus settled the contract, still he should have a regard to the popular feelings. In this district, the seal of the magistrate is daily used to certify papers relating to the revenue, and to suits which come up for decision, thousands of times, and it is impossible to wait for the magistrate to decide upon and point out each paper to be sealed, In the case of getting this lease stamped, it was evidently done by the local inter- preter in the court; for when your honorable consul sent it in, there was not the least delay so that the magistrate might be informed of it, but the seal was first stamped on, and then it was carried in for his inspection. Having subsequently received the public petition of the gentry, and apprehensive lest the affair might grow to something serious, he confessed his indiscreet haste before the assembly, and requested to be allowed to immediately rectify his error, and attend to the removal [of the tenants]. Thus the magistrate having spoken according to right reason, your excellency ought also to act thereto, and restore things as at first. Further, you have usually paid great regard to truth and equity. If, now, for the trifling matter of renting a house, you take what this treaty of peace, ori- ginally framed to last for ages, says, 'The feelings of the parties shall be regard- ed, and [the foreigners shall not] unreasonably insist on renting,' and of your own will violently set it aside, where will be the truth and justice of such conduct? This shows how the second proposition—the reason of the thing, forbids it.

Though the Tsih-tsui monastery, standing as it does high on a hill, in a thick grove of trees, can still be defended and protected, even if vagabonds come and make trouble, yet the Shin-kwing monastery is lower down the hill, close to a thoroughfare, where fellows of the baser sort are very numerous, and its fallen wall offers a road, so that thieves can go in and out there from their lurking- places. Further, the men of your country wish to expound their sacred books there, and they will of course call people" in to see and hear, whereby these miscreants will come together still more, and no one can tell what may arise at any moment.*

If from doing this, it should happen that property be stolen or people wounded, neither scholars nor people would stir a step to rescue them, because of the dislike felt against thein, and the magistrates show no alacrity to arrive in time to help them. If they should then lay their complaints before the rulers, the offenders would certainly escape not to be retaken, and the property irrecoverably lost. Truly their regrets would then be useless. These re- marks show how the third proposition-the consequences of forcing it, forbids it. The right and wrong, the benefits and disadvantages, of these three proposi- tions can be easily seen and understood; and also that they are not the empty words of the scholars and people of this place used to intimidate and prevent [from renting the place]. Soon after the missionaries first came, they engaged an officer (who is appointed to look after foreigners) to seek out a convenient and safe residence for them, either in or out of the walls was immaterial, and their own desire at first was not to rent this monastery. There are many tem. ples and dwellings outside of the walls far more desirable than this, and the

* The Black-rock hill is situated in the southwest corner of the city, and includes se- veral acres on a side hill, with two or three buildings, the principal one of which has been converted into a residence for the English Consul, and the others are appropri- ated to the use of the Consulate. The Shin-kwang monastery lies east on the same side hill, separated from the Consulate a few hundred yards, the intermediate space being occupied by other public buildings and a few private residences. Its grounds are less spacious than the other, and its location not so convenient for a private residence. Only a portion on the rear and a part of the main building has been rented for Mr. Weltoń. The interpreter (now acting consul) rented the place from the priests, and thus H. R. Government has become interested in it

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officers will look out one for them; why then wish so unreasonably to rent this particular one, whereby the citizens are all disturbed in this way?" We infer that as your honorable consul has been in China a long time, he is well acquaint- ed with affairs; and we therefore make these remarks upon the propriety and equity of the question, fully disclosing our thoughts and views, and hoping that he will take proper measures for the just decision of the case, so that all can enjoy the blessings of peace, and both be greatly rejoiced. A public declaration. This paper is given to Hing, the district magistrate of Haukwan that it may be forwarded to the English officer.

This document has been forwarded to Gov. Bonham, and the citizens are willing to wait for his reply to their statement. It is noticeable, that the view here taken of the meaning of that part of the Treaty which speaks of the residence of foreign merchants being at the kiảng-kau, or mouth of the river, the inart where trade is carried on, is the same as that given by us last year, when discussing the question of entering the city of Canton (see Vol. XVIII, p. 276), and we have no doubt that the citizens of Fuhchau are philologically in the right in their interpretation. The kiáng-kau and the ching the mart and the city-are there three miles asunder, and the differ- ence between the signification of the two terms is plain; consequently H. E. Gov. Bonham will need to show from some other documents than the Treaties with foreign countries that foreigners plainly have the right to live within the walls of Fuhchau. The fact of the Consulate lying within the walls is, however, a good precedent to urge for Messrs. Welton and Jackson to be allowed quietly to remain, and by kindness and decision on the part of the English authorities we think the point will be carried.

The governor-general of Fuhkien, Liú Yunko, was not in Fuhchau at the time of the fracas when the populace endeavored to drive the tenants from their residence. The literati, as at Canton, have been the chief movers in the attempt, and the body of the people have not sympathized in their desire to expel the foreigners so much as to make it unsafe to remain in the no- nastery. The influence of Lin is probably one moving cause of the affair, but it is not unlikely things will soon return to their former course, and Mr. Welton be allowed to open his hospital.

Disturbances in Kưởngsi have lately risen to such a height, and the insurgents have become so numerous and so well organized as seriously to alarm the authorities of Canton. The governor-general is the only one of the rulers here who can officially notice them, and it is reported that he is not at all inclined to proceed to the scene of trouble, and the troops under his command are still more unwilling to leave their garrisons and face their refractory countrymen. What particular grievances have aroused the people of Kwangsi to take up arms, we can not clearly ascertain, nor who are their leaders, though we have little doubt that more are induced to join the original movers from hope of plunder or expectation of bettering their position, than from any well concerted plan of asserting acknowledged rights. Rumor states that a body of fifty thousand has laid seige to the large town of Wú- chau fú on the borders of this province, and put an embargo on all trade on the West river on which it is situated. It shows how little sympathy exists between the various parts of this large empire, and how little information transpires of what is going on elsewhere in it, when we state that one of the most tangible consequences in Canton of a sedition involving the peace of a neighboring province containing nearly ten millions of people, is the rise in the price of cassia of six or eight dollars per pecul, and the collection of a large fleet of boats, whose crews are afraid to proceed westward.

The North-China Herald" is the name of a new weekly paper commenced on the 3d inst, at Shanghai, Mr. Henry Shearman, publisher and proprietor. This new sheet has started into life a full grown newspaper-advertisements, occurrences, editorials, and all, as if it had emerged out of a box of types all

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ready to hand. Its typographical appearance is creditable, and we have no doubt the foreign community at Shanghai will support the efforts of the editor to make known the capabilities of that port and region. We quote what he says on the port of Shánghái :–

Shanghái is most admirably chosen as the principal seat of commerce for the North, the West, and the whole interior of the empire; the Yang-tsz' kinng, the noblest river of the world, which traverses the centre of the kingdom (intersecting three of its largest provinces) and which communicates with that other splendid river the Hwang ho (Yellow river) by means of the Grand Canal is the main river into which the Shanghai river falls; one tide brings ships of the largest burden from the ocean into harbor, and above thirty sail of European ships sometimes ride at anchor before this new and important mart, the centre of civilization of the Middle Kingdom, and the only seat of perfectly free com- merce with other nations.

Shanghái, by its excellent central position, as regards the coast line, must by its con- nection with all the principal watercourses of the country command its inland trade throughout the length and breadth of the land; it is therefore most desirable that the British Government should exert her influence at the Court of Peking, to extend the facilities of trade with the interior-to do away with the pernicious interference of local authorities, and to establish our commercial relations on such a firm basis, that the en- terprise and integrity of British and foreign merchants may have a fair and open field for their exertions, and become the promise of a far wider spread of civilization-refine- ment, science, arts and true religion, than has ever yet obtained in China since it became an empire.

It is evident, that our merchants require greater opportunities to carry out their specu- lations. They require access to the first markets; the vast plains watered by the two great rivers of China, and their numerous tributaries offer ready communication with every province, and once our merchants can obtain secure footing upon their great trunk lines of inland trade; we shall obtain ample scope for the pent up energies of our capital- ists, and place them in such a position, as must yield vast sources of wealth to all who embark with well considered zeal upon the new routes laid open to them.

Some may be disposed to inquire how the “influence of the British govern- ment at the court of Peking" is wanted "to do away with the pernicious in- terference of local authorities" at the "only seat in China of perfectly free commerce with other nations,” but we let this incongruity pass, to remark that there is a tone running through the two leaders of the Herald which we do not think pleasing. Previous authors on China, we are told, have “ob- structed the path leading to an accurate knowledge of China and the Chi- nese," and expectation is thus raised to see how far the editor will remove the "malignant inventions” of one, and correct the " ill-digested statements of another. He is rather free, too, with accusations against the Chinese go- vernment, which is charged "with the gravest criminality in daily and hour- ly violating the letter and spirit of the main provisions of our treaty with them, even to the utter extinction of all hopes of the further extension of the recognized import trade of Great Britain." We think the opium trade and its results should have been brought to mind before writing this and a few like passages, and then the expectations held out as likely to result to China from foreign merchants having "access to first markets," and carrying their goods everywhere throughout its provinces would have been moderated. Commerce alone is too selfish ever to carry many benefits in its train, and the people of this land think they have already suffered much from foreign traders, and may yet suffer more. We commend the enterprise exhibited in publishing the Herald, and hope it may fulfill all the promises made in its Ad- dress. We introduce two or three extracts from the number before us.

Port of Shanghai. It is every way important for the best interests of Shanghái, that an early effort should be made to redeem the reputation of the port from the alleged difficulty of its approach, seaward. We hope some of our nautical readers will favor us with a note of the requirements necessary to render the Yangtsz' kiang navigable to Wusung with safety, from going on shore. But for the apprehensions entertained of our river, it is nearly certain that we should have many of the American whalers, which navigate the contiguous seas paying us a visit for supplies. And now that the navigation laws are abolished, it would seem a more economical mode to re-ship the oil here to Europe or America, and then return to their cruizing grounds; the principal

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one, viz.. the Japan sea, being in our immediate vieinage. It is estimated that the American whaling fleet numbers some 500 ships, mainly engaged in “ 'pursuing their gigantic game in the North Pacific Ocean. More recently we find them among the trembling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating the deepest frozen recesses of Behring's Straits, going as high as 70 North latitude. Still it is believed, that within two weeks' sail from this port, there now from 150 to 200 whalers pursuing their hardy in- dustry, and under favorable circumstances, a ship could, we arc assured, be on hier cruis- ing ground in one week from leaving this Port. What whalers want is merely fresh meat and vegetables; both of which are here abundant and cheap, and would ere this have been availed of, but that strange navigators, generally, are afraid of the entrance to our river; and would avoid coming hither, if possible, on all occasions. At the present time any part of China would be preferred to going the other way to California or the Sandwich Islands; as the gold fever now raging leads to the iminediate descrtion of a large portion of the crews-to say nothing of the high pay still given at San Francisco for sailors. The Science recently arrived from San Francisco, paid $150 per man for the run from thence to the Sandwich Islands, which occupied but 16 days. From thence seamen were to be had at $40 per month.

Falling in of the roof of Trinity Church. The roof of this sacred edifice fell in with a great crash, on the morning of the twenty-fourth of June, about half past five A. M.; a great deal of rain had fallen throughout the preceding day (Sunday), múch thunder and lightning accompanied it, and some of the claps were very heavy. The span of the roof was very wide between the walls, and it appears that a water spout had poured its stream just over the beam in the centre, and had so injured it and the surrounding brickwork, that the continued deluge of rain caused the walls to bulge out, and give way. It was most providential that it did not occur during Divine service on the preceding day, as the whole of the central roof fell in, and from the heavy construction of Chinese roofs generally, in all likelihood it fell instantly: the majority of the congregation occupied the centre of the church, and so heavy was the fall, that all the pews and seats beneath it were crushed to pieces. It is supposed that it will cost four thousand dollars to repair the damage done. Through the liberality of a resident a large upper room has been placed at the disposal of the Trustees, which has been fitted up temporarily for the performance of Divine service.

A Millionaire at Taz'kı, (a city near Ningpo) who had become a sportsman, but who had not learnt the use of gunpowder, was about to amuse himself with his newly pur- chised fowling-piece, when his powder was ignited from the tobacco-pipe of his wife. The explosion (there were several pounds !) blew up himself, his wife, concubine and two female servants. One of the number died soon after, and of the rest none are likely to survive. Dr. Macgowan has spent several days with the family. About all suchi things the Chinese are proverbially careless.

On the 3d of last month, the celebrated Bridge of Boats at Ningpo gave way while a junk was going through the passage made for that purpose. A crowd of women and children were carried down the river several miles. A number of lives were lost, owing to the apathetic disposition of the spectators.

Revision of the S. S The Committee of Delegates convened at Shanghai for the revision of the Chinese version of the New Testament completed their work on the Ist inst., and have offered it to their brethren engaged in Pro- testant missions among the Chinese, and to the Bible Societies in Europe and America. The words to represent God and Spirit, being still undecided, are left blank in the revision, and this we understand will delay the printing of the work a while, affording time for others to examine it, and forward such criticisms and suggestions for the consideration of the Committee at Shanghai as they shall deem proper. So far as we have examined the revised version, it is decidedly superior to former ones for clearness of style and close translation, and with a few corrections can safely be offered to the Chinese as a fair rendering of the New Testament. The members of the Committee on the N. T. have all been re-elected to serve with other delegates on the revision of the Old Testament, who now consist of the Rev. E. C. Bridgman, D.D. from Canton; Rev. James Legge, D.D. and Rev. T. Hamburg from Hongkong; Rev. John Stronach from Amoy; Rev. S. Johnson and Rev. M. C. White from Fuhchau; Rev. M. S. Culbertson from Ningpo; and Rt.-Rev. W. J. Boone, D.D., Rev. W. H. Medhurst, D.D., Rev. J. L. Shuck, and Rev. W. C. Milne from Shanghai. This Committee organised itself on the Ist inst., and held the first meeting for revision on the 3d, the delegates from Hong- kong and Fulchau not being present.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-September, 1850.-No. 9.

ART. I. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and Otos into the Chinese language. By W. J. BOONE. (Continued from page 444.)

In the next step of our argument we find Dr. Legge differing from those who agree with him in advocating the use of Shangti. He con- tends that Shángti should be used to render Elohim and @sog in all cases, whereas Sir George Staunton and the American Missionary contend for its use "only when the true God is intended to be signi- fied," and respectively propose shin and shin-ming as the rendering of these words in all other cases. These views were expressed above in

propositions c and d.

Dr. L. contends for the use of Shángtí in all cases as follows: “I return now from this long digression to the point I was urging, the em ployment namely of Shángti in every case, to render Elohim and s05. It was observed that the sacred writers had no option of their own. Similarly, I observe, we have no option of our own. Our simple duty is to follow their example, and to give the name that we use for God, the Supreme, to false gods, in every case where the same thing is done in the Bible. And indeed we could not otherwise be faithful transla- tors: we could not convey to Chinese readers 'the mind of the Spirit.' Granted that it may at first seem strange to them to see the name of 'the Supreme Ruler' so widely given; this is one thing to be taught them that the people of whom the Scriptures tell us were so foolish as to do so." page 40.

Though I differ so entirely from Dr. Legge with respect to all the points on which his argument in favor of Shángt! is founded, and in the conclusion at which he has arrived, that Shangti should be used to render Elohim and 85g; yet I must declare my full concurrence in

VOL XIX NO. IX.

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his determination to render Elohim and 0:x always by the same word. The only objection which can be urged to this course, is, that the Chi- nese have no word, that according to its usage among themselves, an- swers to Elohim in both the senses in which it is used in the S.S., i. e. proprié. This objection, instead of being with me an argument against the uniform rendering of the word, seems only to make manifest the necessity there is for our pursuing this course. As Christians, the Chinese will need a word exactly answering to Elobim and Oros; as heathen polytheists they have no such word; we therefore must by our usus loquendi make such a word for them. So far I entirely agree with Dr. Legge; "We have no option of our own; we must select the most suitable word we can find in the Chinese language, and by our use cure all its defects; in short, make it correspond exactly to Elo- him and e, as these words are used in the S.S. Here, however, my agreement with Dr. Legge ceases. He fancies that he has found a phrase in the Chinese language answering to the words Elohim and 9 when used proprié, and contends that we should take this phrase, and make it by our use entirely correspond to those words. If he can prove that Shangtí is the absolute name of the Being whom we regard as God, there can, we think, be no doubt of the correctness of his conclusion. But this we are persuaded he can never prove; the first point, absolu e name, a point of vital importance, he does not even contend for; ard as to the second point, that the being designated is the true God, we are constrained to call for much more direct and strict proof than hes yet been attempted. The difference between Dr. L. and myself con- sists in this: he contends that the Chinese have a phrase that answers to the words Elohim and →→ɛ05 when used proprié; but have nothing ar- swering to these words when used improprié: I, on the contrary, con- tend, that they have no word answering to Elohim and eɛs when used proprié, and that shin exactly answers to these words when used impro- prié. Dr. L.'s view makes the Chinese agree with those nations who have enjoyed a Divine revelation, or who have derived their views from thence; as the Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans, in having a word that corresponds to our word GOD; but differ from Jews, Chris- tians, Mohammedans, and all other people, in having no word answering to our words god, gods. If Dr. L.'s view be correct, it becomes a question of some interest to account for the fact how such a people came to be classed for so long a time among the heathen nations of the earth.

Should however his readers refuse to go with him in the opinion that the Shangt of the Chinese classics, and the Sh ́ngtí of the Chi-

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nese people, is “God over all, blessed for ever,” Dr. L. maintains they should still stand to Shingti as the rendering of Elohim and (395. His words are

"Let me observe that however others may differ from the opinion which I have just unhesitatingly expressed that Shangti is not the chief god merely of the Chinese, but the true God also, such dif- ference of opinion will not justify them in rejecting the tera as not being the proper rendering of Elohim and sog. It is a relative term which implies dominim that inheres in a spiritual being. It ought therefore to belong to Jehovah; and granted that to every being to whom the Chinese have given it, it has been given wrongly, it is for us now to take and rescue it from such perversion, and give it to Him * whose right it is.' Jehovah Shingti will just express in Chinese what Jehovah Elohim does in Hebrew, and Jehovah God in English.” If I understand Dr. L., he here contends that the title, "the Supreme Ruler," should be used to render Elohim and dsos, even if it should appear that the Chinese have never used this title to designate God proprié, but have used it only as the distinctive appellation of one or more of their false gods, because these words are titles which have the same meaning as the Chinese phrase Shángti. If we determine that the word god is an absolute term, this point of Dr. L.'s argument is wholly set aside by such determination; but even if any one should be induced to regard the words Eloḥim and 8ɛog as relative terms, he would be very unwary, I think, to follow Dr. Legge in his conclusion that these words must be rendered by the phrase Shángti. And this because Shangtí, by both classical and popular usage, when standing alone or absolutely, does not designate indifferently any one of the in- dividuals who may be so called, but is the distinctive title of a definite individual being, and this individual being is a false god.*

That Shingtí is, according to common usage a singular, not a com- mon term;—that it is a relative, and not an absolute term;—and that

*To this objection it may be answered, that Elohim, when standing alone, designates an individual being as definitely as Shangti does. True, but this in- dividual so definitely designated is the true God, the proper object of worship. If it can be proved that the Tien of the classics is the true God, the more definitely Shangt, when standing absolutely, designates this being, the better; but if the individual definitely designated be a false god, the objection seems to me un- answerable and fatal. It was no doubt a feeling of the truth of this, that made Dr. Medhurst, when he maintained that the individual being designated was the true God, testify so strongly (as we shall presently see he does) that Shángtí in the classics always and invariably means the same individual being and “him only." After, however, he had adinitted that the Chinese do not know the true God, as he did in his Reply to Dr. Boone, and letter of 13th Jan. 184, given above, it was as manifestly for the interests of Shángtí to deny that it definitely designates a single individual; accordingly Dr. M. in his "Reply to the Few Plain Questions of a Brother Missionary," makes it “a generié term

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being thus singular and relative, it is the distinctive title, not of the true but of a false god :—these points constitute the very ground on which we enter our solemn protest against the use of this phrase to render Elohim and 60s, when used either proprié or improprié. We have already discussed two of these points, viz., Whether the Chinese Shángti is the true God, and whether god is an absolute or relative term, at sufficient length. We shall therefore here only inquire whe- ther the phrase Shángti, when standing alone, is according to Chinese usage, classical and popular, a common or a singular term.

And first, of the use of this phrase in the Chinese classics. On this point we have the most unqualified testimony from the pen of Dr. Medhurst: "Dear Sir, you ask me if we must not give up the use of Shángtí. I answer, No, until we can find a better. It is not the name of the chief idol among the Chinese, as your correspondent argues, but (when standing alone without any prefix) always and invariably, in every Chinese book of note and worth, means the Supreme Being, and him only." Letter to the Editor of the Chinese Repository, Vol. XVI, p. 34. The italics and capitals are Dr. M.'s.

Mistakes are anticipated and sought to be corrected by the Chi- nese commentators on the classics, who supposing it possible that such misapprehensions may arise, tell us distinctly that it is a mistake to imagine that the (wú-ti) five rulers, presiding over the elements, are synonymous with (Shángtí) the Supreme Ruler, that it is wrong also to think that the Supreme Ruler is unequal to the Five Rulers, &c. Thus out of 175 instances in which the word Shángtí is used in the Chinese classics, only one refers to human rulers, and all the rest to the Supreme Ruler." See Theology of Chinese, p. 273.

Dr. Medhurst afterwards in a pamphlet, entitled "Reply to the Few Plain Questions of a Brother Missionary," states the character of the phrase Shangti, and the facts of the case to be directly the reverse of what he so plainly and unequivocally testifies they were in the quotations above given. In this pamphlet, he says, "The phrase Shángtí, even according to the Literati, is not the name of an individ- ual being, but a generic term at least for the six beings above men- tioned "—i. e. Tien, and the shin who preside over the five elements, the Five Rulers, who, Dr. M. says in the quotation above, are so carefully distinguished by the classical writers. As in the case of his testimony about the word Shin, mentioned in a previous part of this Defense, so here, Dr. M. takes not the slightest notice of the plain, explicit testimony to the contrary of the statement he is now making, that he had published only a few months before. To sustain his first

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statement that Shángti when standing alone always and invariably means "the Supreme Being and him only," Dr. M. pledged "every Chinese book of note and worth,” and in addition gave us the result of a careful concordance of the passages in which the phrase occurs “in the Chinese classics;" from which it appears that the phrase Shangtí in 174 cases designates the individual being styled "the Supreme Ruler," and only once any other being, a human ruler; which last is ascribed to flattery.

If this be a fair view of the use of the phrase “in the Chinese clas- sics," who can doubt that according to this usage it is a singular term, and that Shángti denotes a definite, individual being. Now what does Dr. M. produce from “the Chinese classics" to set aside this conclu- sion? A single sentence from the Hiáu King (a very secondary classic) in which the commentators suppose the phrase Shángtí must refer not to Tien, the Supreme Ruler, but to the Wú Tí, or Five Rulers. This is the solitary instance Dr. M. can produce to add to the one above given, in which in the classics the title Shángtí, “the Supreme Ruler" does not designate the god Tien. Dr. Medhurst, and all other Europeans who have made translations from the Chinese classics, uniformly render the phrase Shángti, when standing alone, "the Supreme Ruler," and never "a Supreme Ruler," or "Supreme Rulers." Dr. Legge, throughout his "Argument" so renders it: I think we may therefore take it for granted, that according to the usus loquendi of the Chinese classics, the phrase designates, when standing alone, a definite individual being; and that the literati of the present day, if we exhort them to worship Shángtí, would understand us to be referring to the definite individual being so called 174 times in their classics; the being whom the ancient emperors Yau and Shun worshiped under this title. As a practical question, it is of very little importance to me whether Shángtí has been used in the classics to designate any other being than Tien once, or thrice; the really important practical question is, If I exhort a Confucianist to worship Shángti, will he understand by this phrase a definite individual being? And then, is this definite, individual being, the true or a false God ? If you answer, he will understand by it the being whom Yáu and Shun worshiped at the round hillock; and say further that this being is not "the God over all, blessed for ever," but a man-conceived, a false god; how can I, if the matter stand thus, exhort him to go and worship Shángti? Would it not be directing him to commit idolatry by the worship of a false god? Is it any answer to this to say with Dr. L., “It is a relative term that implies supreme dominion which

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ought to belong to Jehovah;" and we must therefore use this title as his appellative name? If Shángti meant "a Supreme Ruler," or "a Ruler on high," thus conveying only a general idea, which would be correct as far as it went; though such a phrase would not suit as the rendering of Elohim and bɛoç, still there could be no objection to de- signating Jehovah occasionally by this title, as we say in English, King of kings, &c.; but since the phrase Shángtí is understood, not in this general way, but as the specific designation of a false god, the case is entirely changed; and if we, knowing a man would understand us to refer to this false god, should notwithstanding exhort him to worship Shángti, how can we doubt but that we should be held responsible for the consequent idolatry that would ensue upon his complying with our exhortation ?

Dr. L. admits that Shangtí designates a definite, individual being; this being he has persuaded himself is the true God; he therefore can have no scruples in exhorting any one to worship Shingt. In this he is quite consistent; but if Shángti designates a definite individual being, and this being be not the true God, how can Dr. L. tell his brethren who take this view of the case, that "such difference of opinion will not justify them in rejecting the term as not being the proper rendering of Elohim and sog? I am constrained to pause here, and ask Dr. Legge if the fact that a phrase is the distinctive title of a false god, will not justify (!!) a Christian missionary in rejecting it as the rendering of Elohim and 8ɛos, what would, in his eyes, serve as a justification for rejecting any phrase? He justifies his extraordi- nary adherence to the phrase Shángti, whether it designates the true or a false god, on the ground that it is “ a relative term,” and “ not a proper name; " and he appeals to his missionary brethren to say whe- ther "the idea which they get from the characters themselves, and which they know the multitude of the Chinese get, does not terminate (observe, not in a spiritual being, or one of the spiritual beings so call- ed, but) "in THE Spiritual Being so denominated." Here then, Dr. L. agrees with me; Shángti designates "the Spiritual Being so de- nominated:" if THIS Spiritual Being” be the true God, it is our duty to exhort the Chinese to worship Him; if he be a false god, we can not, as we fear THE jealous God we serve, either worship him ourselves, or exhort others to do so. To show that the Spiritual Being, “denom- inated" Shangtí, is the true God, appears to me essential to Dr. Legge's success; even if he prove to the satisfaction of us all that god is a relative term. If the phrase Shángti, by its usage in the Chinese classics, designates the definite individual being Tien K, and

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this being is not the true God, we shall be just as responsible for exhort- ing men to worship him, calling him by his distinctive title Shángtí, as we would be if we called him by his absolute name Tien. I have never contended that Shangti was a proper name, but always, on the contrary, that it was a mere title: but a title, which, by Chinese usage, designates so definitely an individual being, that it is in effect, and as far as concerns the particular point we are now discussing, to all intents and purposes a proper name. A being may be as definitely designated by a title of office or dignity-by a relative term—as by an absolute proper name. We have a remarkable instance of this in the fact that Jehovah, the absolute, proper name of the revealed God, is rendered in the English Bible by the phrase "the LORD." Common instances occur in such phrases as the following, “the Queen,”

" "the Iron Duke," "the Founder of Rome," &c. In England, these phrases would designate the individuals referred to quite as definitely as the words Jehovah, Queen Victoria, the Duke of Wellington, Romulus, &c. And so too, in Chinese, the phrase Shángti, in the classics, designates the chief god quite as definitely as the absolute name Tien docs. The question here turns not upon the character of the phrase, but of the being who is designated by it: if he be the true God, it is lawful for us, yea, our duty, to worship him, and to teach others to do so; if he be a false god, and any one, upon our exhorting him to worship Shangtí, should commit an act of idolatry by worshiping this false god, of what avail would it be to say that we only designated him by his ti- tle, and not by his proper name? If an Englishman, talking to other Englishmen, in England, should tell a number of stories of "the Queen," which though true of the Queen of Spain, were wholly false if referred to her most gracious Majesty Queen Victoria, should we not hold him responsible for any misunderstandings and scandals his stories might give rise to the phrase "the Queen" being by common usage, at the present time, in England, so distinctive a designation of Victoria? In like manner, we contend that when speaking to Con- fucianists, the phrase Shángtí is quite as distinctive a designation of the chief god Tien, as "the Queen" is at present of Victoria in England; and that therefore if Tien, the being whom the literati style Shangti, the Supreme Ruler, be not the true God, we shall be respon- sible for their worship of a false god, if we teach them to worship Shángti, without taking pains to warn them against the false god wor- shiped under this title, at the winter solstice by Yáu and Shun, and the successive emperors of China to the present time.

But though it be granted that in the classics the phrase Swingti

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designates a definite individual, the Rationalists and common people also use this phrase, and by it designate other beings than the Tien of the classics; therefore, argues Dr. M., it is a generic term.

"It would appear from the line of argument pursued by the writer of the letter, that by the phrase Shángth, the Chinese (Dr. M. should have said, the Chinese literati) will understand only the supreme Shángti (query, supreme Supreme Ruler?) spoken of in the classics. According to a statement made by the late Mr. Lowrie, it seems how- ever, that the Chinese,with whom he caine in contact, were perpetually thinking of Yuh-hwáng Shángit when he spoke to them of Shángti.” "We have proved that there are many other fabulous deities known under the name of Shángtí. The term is therefore not a proper name but generic.” pp. 3, 4.

Dr. Legge says,

"We have from that (the Táuist use of [the term Shángti) three different beings all called Shángti, that relative term being made proper to an individual being in each case, by the adjunc- tion of the respective terms, Yuk-hwang, Hiuen-tien, and Yuen-tien. These examples completely refute the notion that Shángtí is merely the name of the chief god of the Chinese, and they show us that the name is used just as the words Elohim and 8805" I agree entirely with Dr. Legge that Shangtí is not merely the name of the chief god of the Chinese; it is a title; I admit that this title is not restricted to a single individual, and that the individuals mentioned by Dr. L. are severally styled Shángti; but what I contend for is, that in the Con- fucian classics, when standing alone, the phrase Shangti designates the being named Tien or Háu Tien, the Expansive Heavens, wor- shiped at the winter solstice, which being is a false god; and that when speaking to a Rationalist, if we use the phrase Shángti without any adjunct, he will likewise understand us as referring to a definite being, namely Yuh-hwáng, who is also a false god: so that either party, Confucianist or Táuist, would understand us as referring to his chief god, which chief god in either case is a false god, and no proper object of worship. Therefore, if we look at the matter practically, we shal! see that to exhort either of these to worship Shangti, without any explanation, is equivalent to sending them off to worship Tien and Yuh-hwang respectively.

The American Missionary says; Brethren, you all know that experience is worth more than theory; when the two clash, the former must prevail." It has been the submitting the phrase Shungti to the practical test referred to by the "American Missionary," that has convinced the great majority of the missionaries in China that the

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title common to the chief gods of the two native sects, (i. e. Confucian- ism and Rationalism), can not be used as the rendering of Elohim and rog. There was everything, when the five ports were first opened, to induce the missionaries to make a full and fair trial of Shángtí in their new fields of labor; our oldest and most distinguished mis- sionaries used this phrase for God in their version of the N. Test., and in their tracts and preaching. Our teachers were all sure to be Con- fucianists, and to favor Shángti. When we told them anything of Shángti that did not agree with their classics, they listened quietly, and took it for granted we should become more correct in our repre- sentations of him, when we became better acquainted with them. Thus everything conspired to induce the missionaries to make trial of Shangti, and this trial has induced the great majority of them to give it up-I am fully persuaded to give it up for good, and all with good reason. Dr. Medhurst, and those who act with him, first gave it up for Tien-ti and Ti, and now, rejecting all native terms, for Aloho; in taking which last position, they assure their brethren at the five ports, that they "can not go wrong," they are “unmistakably and incontro- vertibly right."

Soon after the opening of the ports, missionaries proceeded to Ningpo, Shanghái, and Amoy; they commenced preaching Shángtí as their seniors were accustomed to do, and the results were such as startled some of them in a manner never to be forgotten. A mission- ary at Ningpo, after being there only a short time, wrote to inform his brethren at the South, that the use of Shángtí must be abandoned; for that one of their number, having exhorted a man to the worship of Shángtí, and told him that Shángti had sent his Son to save us, was met by the offer on the part of this man to show him his god, who there- upon led him into a temple, and pointing to the image of Yuh-hwáng Shangtí (the chief god of the Rationalist sect) said, "There is the father of Jesus; there is THE god you worship."

At other stations, without the slightest concert with each other, many of the missionaries complained of being thus misunderstood, from using this phrase Shángtí. A most painful of case of misapprehen sion occurred in our own mission. We were using a Catechism on the Creed, and put it into the hands of all who came to inquire of us our doctrines, to give them an idea of Christianity. The first Article was rendered thus: "I believe in Shangtí, the Father Almighty," &c.

A man of some intelligence, who read his own language very well, after hearing us preach, applied to the Rev. Mr. Syle for special instruction; he gave him a copy of this Catechism, and requested him

VOL. XIX. NO. IX.

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to come to his study every morning. The man came regularly for some ten days, and exhibited great interest. He read over with Mr. Syle all the attributes predicated of Shangtí, which we are accustomed to predicate of God, and appeared to understand thoroughly what he read. It occurred to Mr. S. to inquire one morning whether he fol- lowed the advice he had given him at the commencement of their inquiries, to pray to Shángtí every morning and evening. The man replied with great simplicity, that he had not failed to visit his temple twice a day for this purpose. This answer led to inquiry, and Mr. S., to his inexpressible grief, learned that the man had been understand- ing him for ten days as recommending the worship of this idol.

Thus it will be seen that it will not answer to say, as many in England and America have said, no matter what name is used, if only under this name you take care to describe the true God by his at- tributes; for the Divine attributes were set forth at some length in this Catechism, much stress being laid on Shángtí's having no form or image, and on his being a pure spirit; and yet the title Shángtí was so perfectly identified with this false god Yuh-hwáng, in this man's mind, that as soon as he was told to pray to Shángti, he, not- withstanding all he had read in the Catechism, went immediately to this filthy idol. The reader will not be surprised to learn that we immediately, in our mission, ceased to teach and to preach Shingtí.

The circumstance led me to make extensive inquiries of the Chinese with whom I have come in contact, whether in town or country, as to what they understood by the phrase Shingtí; and the conclusion to which I have been led is this: the phrase Shangti, when used alone, without any adjunct or qualifying word to limit or explain it, although it is used by different parties to designate several different beings, does yet, like the phrase "the Queen" in the illustration given above, designate a definite individual, and is never used as the appella- tion of these individuals regarded as a class, so as to designate any one of them indifferently. If the individual of whom I inquired was a literary man, he understood by the phrase "the being" so called in the classics. If he was a Rationalist, or one addicted to the worship of this sect, he understood by it "the being” represented by the idol above mentioned, Yuh-hwoáng. A third party understand by this phrase, Heaven and Earth, the universal father and mother; a very common object of worship at weddings, &c., though not commonly worshiped under the title Shángti, but under the name Tinti. That by the Heaven and Earth thus worshiped, the vulgar understand the material heaven and earth, I think, there can be no doubt. I have

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had a man in answer to the question, What do you mean by the heaven and earth you worship, and which you say is Shángti? point with his hand to heaven, and stamp with his feet upon the earth.

In looking at this matter practically, it should be remembered that nine-tenths of our congregations are composed of common people, by whom the Shángti of the Táuists is much worshiped; whereas the Shángti of the classics is worshiped only by the Emperor: from this it follows, that if in addressing the common people we exhort them to worship Shángtí, they will naturally understand us to mean this being, as was the case in Ningpo, and with Mr. Syle in Shánghái.

But should our hearers understand by it the being whom Yấu and Shun worshiped, this being, I am persuaded is a false god, as well as Yuh-hwáng, and it is not worth while to stop and discuss the difference between them, as it would show great fastidiousness in a Christian teacher to choose between two false gods, which he would commend to his fellow-men as an object of worship. So that could it be made to appear that our hearers would certainly understand by the phrase

Shángti, the Tien or Háu-t'ien ✯✯ (Expansive Heaven) whom

Shun worshiped under this title, at the same time with the six vener- ated objects and the hundred shin; and that they would in consequence of our exhortation address their prayers to him or it, such conviction would not in the least mitigate my objection to the use of this phrase, as I should have no doubt that they would be as much guilty of idola- try in worshiping Hán-t'ien Shángti, i. e. Expansive Heaven, the Supreme Ruler," as if they were to pray to Yuh-hwáng Shẳngti, "The perfectly Imperial great celestial T, who at the extreme begin- ning opened out heaven, and who has ever since regulated the various kulpas, possessing divinity and embodying reason, the most honora- ble in the glorious Heavens, &c."*

Dr. M. in his reply to the Plain Questions of a Brother Missionary, denies the fact he had formerly so positively affirmed, viz., that Shangti in "every book of worth and note," when standing alone, always and invariably meant the Supreme Being, and him only. In this last docu- ment he affirms on the contrary that Shángtí is a generic term." Dr. M. fancies that he has proved this last position when he shows that in addition to the Tin, or Hiu Tien Expansive Heaven, of the

*This is the title of Yuh-hwing, the Supreme Ruler of the Tuists, given on p. 33 of Dr. L's argument. We shall search the classics in vain for such predicates of Tien, or Hau Tien, the "Supreme Ruler" of said cassics. Tien is nowhere described therein as he "who at the beginning opened out heaven" (i. e. Tien), o: he “who has ever since regulated the various kulpas," &c.

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classics, there are several other beings styled Shángtí. But this is not sufficient to prove that the term is used as the name of a class : it may be a name common to many individuals, and yet be always used to designate a definite individual, and not any one indifferently of the individuals so called. There are great numbers of individuals called William, Thomas, &c., yet these are singular terms, not common : in each different family, the William designates a different person, yet the speaker uses this word to point out definitely a single individual as the subject of discourse, and the family and other circumstances define who the person spoken of is. So with the title “the Queen," in England, at the present moment, notwithstanding the fact that so many

have borne this title, it is in effect a proper name, or, in other words, it designates H. M. Victoria as definitely as a proper name would. This, I am persuaded, is the case with the title Shángtí, the Supreme Ruler. It designates, when standing alone, the chief god of either the Confucian or Táuist systems, and the family in which it is spoken renders definite which one is meant, as in the case of the common proper namnes William, Thomas, &c.

I would earnestly beg my missionary brethren who are in the habit of using Shángti for God, to inquire quietly of their teachers and other literary men, and then of the common poeple, what they respectively understand by the phrase Shúngti, and I am persuaded that the result of such investigation, if conducted carefully and without a resort to leading questions, will be the conviction that by this phrase a definite individual being is always understood; and that this being will be found to be either the T'ien of the classics, the Yuh-hwáng of the Táuists, or the Tien-tí, Heaven and Earth, of the common people. If either one of these be the true God, this fact might justify one in using the phrase, but if they are all alike false, and the hearer will be sure to understand us, as exhorting him to worship a given one of them (which one, his creed would determine), how can we, if under these circumstances we exhort the Chinese to worship Shángtí, avoid the charge of exhorting them to the worship of a false god?

But if Shangti should be proved by classical and popular usage to be a common term, the fact that it is a relative term, which “ can not indicate the essence, nor express anything of the being of Jehovah,” is sufficient to decide the question against its use to render Elohim and 80s. If the word by which we render Elohim and @sog

"does not indicate the essence, nor express anything of the being of Jehovah," but is merely the exponent of the relationship he sustains to his crea- tures, what word are we to use in our Chinese treatises when we

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speak of the nature, being, and attributes of Jéhovah? How are we to express the doctrine of the Trinity by the use of this word, if when we say the three Persons are one God, we mean to assert by the word God they are of one divine essence or substance? This inatter has been sufficiently discussed when we were inquiring whether god was a re- lative term or not; but I can not pass on without calling the reader's attention to one remarkable point.

for the Persons, and the

The Romanists used the character wei character 'i, substance, to express that in which the oneness of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost consisted. In this they have been fol- lowed by all the Protestants whose statements with respect to the Tri- nity I have seen. The remarkable fact in connection with this point to which I desire to call the reader's attention is this: that the Chi- nese writers themselves (without of course having any reference to this subject) explain the phrase Shángti as not referring to the t'i sub- stance, of the being so styled. Take, for instance, the explanation of the words t'ien and given by Ching-tsz' when commenting on the 18th Section of the Chan Li: Tien yü ti yik yê; t ́ien yen k'i

C'i, tt yen kichi 天與帝一也天言其體帝言其主

Tien (Heaven) and Ti (Ruler) are the same; [the name] heaven re- fers to its (the ruling power's) (t't) substance; ti, the Ruler, re- fers to its ruling." So also the explanation of Ching Shi-ngoh quoted Vol. XVII, p. 45 of my Essay: “Because of the immensity of its sub- stance (ki) we call it (the ruling Power) Expansive Heaven; be- cause its ruling seat is on high, we call it (the Power above called Expansive Heaven) Shángtí, i. e. the Ruler on high.”

If we are correct in using the word t'i substance, to express that in which the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost are one; when we say “the three Persons are one Shangti," how can the phrase Shangti, which does not refer to the substance of the being indicated, but only to his ruling, teach that the oneness of the three Persons consists in their having only one t'i substance, or their being con-substantial? Will

HE the words "Three Persons and Supreme Ruler," express the Athan- asian view of the Trinity?

The last objection I shall urge against the use of the phrase Sháng- ti to render the words Elohim and ↔ɛog, is that it is a compound term, consisting of an adjective "supreme" and a noun "ruler," whereas we want a simple uncompounded word like God, Elohim, r05.

The unsuitableness of such a compound phrase is easiest tested by showing that we can not thereby teach a strict and proper monotheism, The doctrine of the Sacred Scriptures is that there is but one God;

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& being must be either absolutely God, or no god at all, only God by way of a figure, or improperly so called. Now then, if in this phrase compounded of an adjective and a noun, the noun ti meant god, what would be the effect of using this qualifying term, and saying "there is only one Supreme God;" would this teach monotheism? Does not the addition of the adjective supreme on the contrary, imply the existence of inferior gods? The belief in the existence of only one supreme God is not monotheism; but the belief in the exist- ence of only one God is. The Greeks, Romans, and indeed all the polytheistic nations we know anything of, believed in the existence of only one Supreme God; but this belief did not interfere with their belief in the existence of numberless inferior gods. Hence Tertullian objects on this ground to the use of this phrase ; he says most admira- bly, "Divinitas non habet gradum, utpote &∙ica.”

If the noun ti means merely ruler and not god, all the adjectives in the world can not make it answer to this word, if God is, as we contend, the absolute name of the Supreme Being, and not a mere title. To say there is only one supreme Ruler is not monotheism, for this supreme Ruler might not be a god at all; but only the visible heavens, or a mere lifeless principle, primitive reason, destiny or fate. This point seems to me so plain that I will not dwell on it, but will only request the reader to endeavor to state the Scripture doctrine of the existence of only one God, adding any adjective he can think of

except the adjective “true," and see if this added adjective does not interfere with his statement of this doctrine. The adjective supreme implies inferior; good God, would not exclude the Manichæan idea of a malig- nant God; great would not exclude small, &c., &c. To state this doctrine we must have a simple, unqualified word; we can not say there is only one good, or one great, or one supreme, God; but must simply say, there is only one God.

(To be continued.)

ART. II. An Inquiry into the proper mode of translating Ruach and

Pneuma, in the Chinese version of the Scriptures. By W. H. MEDHURST, Sen. Shanghai. Printed at the Mission Press, 1850. Such is the character of this little volume, and such the place it holds in a series of works, which have come from the same pen within a period of four or five years, that some notice of it seems called for.

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The principal of these works are; a Translation of the Shú King ; Theology of the Chinese; an Inquiry into the Proper Mode of render- ing the word God in translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese language; Reply to an Essay on the same subject; with the transla tion of two articles from the Thesaurns of K'ánghí, called the Pei Wan Yun Fu. These have been already noticed. The subject of the pre- sent brochure is one of great importance; but the mode of handling it is, in some particulars unsatisfactory-so unsatisfactory indeed as to render it very questionable, whether the "Inquiry,"-extending over some seventy or more octavo pages, will not rather embarrass than facilitate the settlement of the question, (how the two words Ruach and Pneuma) shall be translated. There is in this "Inquiry," and in some of the other works enumerated above, great confusion, a want of that clear and logical exhibition of all the facts which the question demands. This will appear as we proceed. All we now say must be limited to three or four distinct points, wherein we shall try to show why the volume before us is unsatisfactory.

In the first place, there is it seems to us, something in the animus, pervading the Inquiry, which is not fitted to impress favorably the reader's mind; again and again an asperity is exhibited which is un- called for, and not in good keeping with a spirit of calm and candid inquiry. Of this, however, our Readers will judge as we submit to their consideration two or three quotations, affording illustrations of what we speak. After having proceeded only a little way, on his Inquiry (to page 11) he says :-

"From the above it appears, that Shin when used in the abstract means the living principle, the human soul, mind and spirit, the aniinal spirits, and the spiritual essence and animation of anything. Its antitheses are body and matter, and its correlates are the grosser and more contracted part of spirit, the spiritual energies, the soul, the mind, thought, intention, will, feelings, disposition, and a man's self, together with abstractedness of mind, mysterious- ness, and inscrutability of intelligence. We conceive that the above mean- ings and applications of the word, for every one of which there is good au- thority, are sufficient to prove, beyond the power of contradiction, that the radical and essential meaning of Shin is spirit. It has been said, that this controversy is a question of evidence: if so, then it is settled, as the above evidence is unquestionable and superabundant.”

So, the question is settled. The evidence is unquestionable and superabundant; yet, as if it were not so, the writer proceeds to ad- duce and refer to additional evidence; and again, (on page 19,) holds the following language:-

"We lay claim, therefore, to the word Shin, as the best and most suitable translation of spirit, which the Chinese language affords, in all its senses, except that of wind, to which however it is allied through its correlative

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k'he; and we call upon those who contend against our so using the word to prove that it does not mean spirit. This we know they can never do; we there- fore rest secure in our point, and demand from the Bible and Missionary So- cieties their sanction and aid, in employing the word Shin, according to its legitimate sense. The only argument, if it can be called one, which we have heard, against our employing Shin for spirit, is, that Shin is the only term which our opponents can and in the language for God. If such be the case, and if, as we have proved, it means spirit, they ought to abandon the use of it in the former sense; because they never can maintian that there is but one spirit, without outraging truth at every step they go. If it be really so, that they can find no other terin in the language for God, they ought to transfer the word, and not seek to promote the cause of God of truth by "uttering what, according to the meaning of the term, as used and understood by the Chinese, amounts to a falsity.”

Further, (on page 49) he speaks of the "miserable choice those have made, who, in order to establish their practice of using Shin for God, have abandoned that term in the sense of spirit, and adopted one which is far inferior to it, in the sense intended; and (on page 59.) adds yet again,

"It may be, that some of those missionaries who have argued so persever- ingly for the adoption of Shin as a translation of Theos, may be led, when they see its greater applicability to represent Pneuma, and the utter inade- quacy of other terms to supply its place in the latter sense, to relax their former advocacy, and taking refuge in the transferred term for Thros, adopt Pneuma. In this, however, we are by no means sanguine. One of the ad- vocate of Shin in the sense of God has said, “ This word we must use to ren- der Elohim and Theos, malgré all objections." Another says, “This is a sim- ple matter of fact, to be determined not by arguiments, not by long quotations from ancient works, though these have their use in illustrating the subject, but by the hearing of the ear." The holding of such language, with refer- ence to a question of philology, which can only be determined on the authori- ty of standard works, utterly discourages those who may expect to produce conviction in the minds of their opponents. It shews that they have resolved on a certain course, in spite of evidence, and take the matter out of the field of argument altogether."

For ourselves, and for others who have taken any part in this con- troversy, we can say, with all sincerity and truth, there is no unwilling- ness to receive evidence, and no wish to take the matter out of the field of argument. No one we presume will dispute Dr. M.'s right to utter his sentiments in any language and in any manner he prefers, but all such declarations, as those above, will stand as mere matters of opinion. Our opinion is that no one of those, whom Dr. Medhurst calls opponents, has resolved on a certain course, in spite of evid- ence;" and furthermore, we are of opinion, that if Dr. Medhurst has anywhere given us "the radical and essential meaning of Shin," it is not in his Theology of the Chinese, nor in his last Inquiry, but in his translation of the Shú King, where in somewhat more than “ three- eighths of the passages," in which Shin occurs, he has translated it gods.

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This fact we shall bring out more fully in the sequel of this notice. Next to that asperity of which we have spoken, in the volume before us, in the second place, "the question to be solved," is not fairly stated. It is not, "what is the best Chinese term, which, accord- ing to the uses loquendi of that people, is best adapted" to express all the various senses of the word Spirit, given in Johnson ; the question is how to translate Ruach and Pneuma; and we can not imagine whit object Dr. Medhurst could have had. in filling three pages with long and irrelevant quotations from an English dictionary, unless he fancied that their array would help to give countenance to the almost inter- minable list of "definitions” and “senses" which he has thought it necessary to attach to Shin.

To this list of definitions and senses of Shin, we will now proceed ; and this is the third particular in which the Inquiry is unsatisfactory. It seems to us that in some instances, if not in many, he has mistaken the description of the attributes, &c., of the Chinese gods (or spirits as he prefers to call them) for definitions of the term shin. It was right, if he pleased, to give us both—viz. the meaning of the word shin, and the nature of the thing designated by that word. But by not properly distinguishing these two, there is not that perspicuity and clearness which the discussion requires. When first reading Dr. M.'s writings on Shin we marked down some of the principal definitions and senses to which he invited our attention; and we here introduce some of them. Animal spirits; Active spirits; Animation; Air [of esse]; Apparition; Mys terious actings; That which advances and is inscrutable; Beyond compre- hension to bring into contact with invisible beings; Demons; Mischievous denions; Energies of the masculine and feminine principles of nature; Elf, elves, mischievous elves; Essential part; Essence; Essence of China root; Essential qualities; ethereal, ethereal spirit; extraordinary results of nioral power; Expanders, celestial expanders ; expanders of nature; expanding princi- ple of nature, expanders presiding over prognostics; Those that produce clouds; Fairy, Fairies; Gleam; Genius, Genii ; Ghost, Ghost-like; Images in temples; Invisible beings, Incorporeal not necessarily intelligent; Inscrutable ones, linmateriality; To render inscrutable; Inscrutable and awe-inspiring ; Inscrutably intelligent: Inscrutable wisdom, Inscrutable intelligence. The mind in equaniinity: Lares rustici; That which collects and lives; Mien, Marvel, Manes, Mind, Marvelous, Marvelousness; To influence in a myster- ious manner; Mysterious, Mysteriously; Mysteriously intelligent. Inscrutably intelligent and inysterious; Inscrutably mysterious; Mysterious and inscru table; Mysteriousness, Mysterious person; Mysterious and unfathomable; Spirit or something nearly allied thereto (Inquiry p. 20), the idea very close. ly connects it (shin) with materialism; Recondite; Those to whom it is cus- tomary to offer sacrifices; shades, spectres, sprites. To shin the Earth, or to honor the Earth with the sacrifices generally paid to the shins, to become spiritual; Soul, soul and finer spirit; soul in mystery; human spirit, spiritual part of inan's nature; spirit, spiritual influences; spiritual heings, spiritual nature, spirituality, expanding spirit; thoughts; Vivacity, Vigor, vigor of thought; Wonderful, Wonderfully.

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Medhurst's Inquiry.

SEP.

There is also, we think, a singular want of accuracy in the use of terms throughout the Inquiry. Under what Dr. Medhurst calls "the correlates of Shin," in the abstract, page 7, and in the concrete, page 75, are thrown together terms having, so far as we can discover, no reciprocal relation to Shin: take for examples, mú "mother," and nü"a female of the human species;" and also Ki Ĉ “self” and chin "truth;" where is the reciprocal relation here, so that the existence of these four terms is made to depend on Shin? Father and Son are correlates; so are King and Subjects; but not so Shin and mú; skin and nũ; etc. In like manner in the opening of the Ana- lysis, on page 4, under the first grand division, we have, as an illustra- tion of skin, in the abstract (used for the soul or vital principle,) the following, "when the new-born babe comes to the gate of life, as it falls to the ground, it becomes a sang shin living soul." This is accurately quoted from the pamphlet "on the true meaning of the word Shin." In the early history of our race, we read,

" and man became a living soul." This phrase perhaps suggested to Dr. Med- hurst the rendering he has given; but be the sense of shin, in this in- stance, what you please, the subject of the proposition is babe, which surely is a concrete, and not an abstract term. So in Genesis, in the phrase, "living soul," the noun is used, not in the abstract, but the

concrete sense.

One point more is unsatisfactory; Dr. Medhurst is unwilling to ad- mit that Shin means God or Gods, Divinity or Divine, and declares that its primary and radical meaning is spirit or spiritual, “ or some- thing nearly allied thereto." On p. 20 in his Inquiry, he says:—

"In a tract entitled, 'The true meaning of the word Shin,' already refer red to, the quotations were divided into two sections, those which exhibited

Shin in the abstract, and those in the concrete form. With respect to the former, the writer expressed himself very decidedly, that the word Shin means spirit, or something nearly allied thereto; and gave utterance to his conviction that the passages quoted under the first head could not be trans- Jated by substituting the word God or Divinity for spirit, without offering the greatest violence to the Chinese language. He retains that conviction; and he now calls upon all those who persist in using the word Shin for God, to translate those passages upon their principles, and make sense of them; if they cannot, and if they cannot rebut the argument, that according to the sense attached to Shin in three-eighths of the passages quoted in the Chinese Thesaurus under that word, it means spirit, and especially the human spirit, let them not stand up before God and man, and tell the Chinese that there is only one Shin.”

Much more of the same kind we have elsewhere; and on the very next page,

"the conclusion" is drawn that in rendering their books, and in endeavoring to express the ideas which they wished to convey,

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Midhurst's Inquiry.

483

we ought not to use the word God, as a translation of Shin in the concrete."

Now we think that, in all the hundreds of pages he has written on this question, Dr. Medhurst has no where developed the original and primary meaning of Shin. If he is of opinion that he has done this, we have to assure him that in our opinion he has not, and we doubt- less shall retain this opinion until such time as he shall bring forward some proof, some evidence to support his opinion. We do not set light by his opinion; we submit it, however to our readers, that, in a ques- tion of this sort, we need evidence; and we shall ever try to regulato our course by evidence, and not, as he says, “in spite of evidence.” For translating Shin, God, Gods, &c., in the concrete, authorities are not wanting. We will adduce one. The translator of the Shú King, "printed at the mission press," Shánghái, in the month of October, 1846. In that volume are comprised all the historical records of the Chinese for a period of sixteen centuries, extending from the founding of the empire down almost to the time of Confucius. The translator had been a student of the language for nearly thirty years, and had published in the mean time two large Dictionaries of the language. The translation, therefore, is justly entitled to our consideration. Ia 1847-one year after the publication of the version of the Shú King, Dr. Medhurst published his "Theology of the Chinese," in which he "has been enabled to present to view the whole body of Chinese Tne- ology." In this Theology he has quoted, and commented on every passage in the Shú King in which the word Shin occurs, showing us all the historical uses of the word for sixteen hundred years. We have been at the pains of copying out all these passages, and will here sub. mit them in parallel columns; in one as they were printed in 1846, and in the other as they were printed in 1847. We number the ex-

tracts.

Theology of the Chinese published 1847.

Shi King, published A. D. 1846. 1. Shun then offered a sacrifice of He (Shun) then offered the corres- the same class to the Supreme Buler,ponding sacrifice to the Supreme Ru- he presented a pure offering to the sixler, he presented a pure offering to the objects of veneration, he looked with || six honored objects, he looked towards devotion towards the hills and rivers, and glanced around at the host of Spt- || rits (Shin), p. 18.

2. Then both gods (shin) and men will approve, p 35.

3. He (the emperor Yáu) is sagelike and divine (shin), p. 42.

4. Now my intentions were previ- ously settled; consulting and deliberat- ing, all were of the same opinion; the

and worshiped the hills and rivers, while he universally included the host of Shins, p. 44.

Causing the Shins and men to be harmonious. p 46

He (the emperor Yáu) is said to be sagelike and inscrutably intelligent (Shin). p. 46.

Now my mind is already made up; ɔn inquiry of my councillors they are

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Medhurst's Inquiry

demons and gods (shin) even they com- plied, p. 53.

5. The divine (Shin) ancestor; ssid of the emperor Yau, p. 54.

6 High degrees of sincerity move the gods (shin), how much more these || inhabitants of Miau? p. 57.

SEP

all agreed; the kwei Shins also com- ply. p. 46.

The mysterious (shin) ancestor, re- ferring to the emperor Yau. p. 47.

He who is extremely harmonious and sincere, can influence the Shins, how much more these people of Miau?

7. Have unitedly announced your in- || p. 47. nocence before the superior and inferior spirits (shin) and demons, p. 138.

Have unitedly announced your inno- cence to the upper and nether Skins and K'hes, p. 48.

8. I have presented also to use, in sacrifice, a sombre-colored victim, and I have now ventured to use & sombre- ventured to proclaim it to high Heaven colored victim (in sacrifice), whilst I and to the divine (shin) power (Earth)||presumed to announce clearly to the p. 138.

high Heavens, and to the (Shin). How

9. The first kings of the Hiá dynas- || p. 48. ty possessed abundant virtue: at that The first prince of the Hiá dynasty time there were no celestial calamities; encouraged the virtuous principle with the spirits of the hills and rivers, within him, and consequently escaped celes the demons and gods (shin), also were tial calamities, while the Kwein and

invariably tranquil, p. 141.

Shins of the hills and rivers were uni- versally tranquil. p. 49.

10. The upper and nether powers, the celestial and terrestial gods, p. 145.

11. The demons and spirits (shin) || do not invariably accept of sacrifices, but they accept of those who can be sincere, p. 150.

12. He became disrespectful to the gods and oppressed the people ; p. 152. 13. So Imperial Heaven would not protect him in power, but looked abroad throughout all quarters for those who could open out and lead forth its decree while they regarded and aimed at ein- || gle-eyed virtues, in order that it might set them to preside over the gods (shin)

p. 152.

14. I think of our former divine prin- ces aboring in behalf of your ances- tor. p. 164.

15. When ceremonies are burden. some they result in confusion, and the service of the gods (shin) will then be difficult, p. 172.

16. The people of Yin steal and car- ry away the divinely (shin) devoted, pure and perfect sacrificial animals, p. 180.

17. [The tyrant] sits on his heels, and refuses to serve the Supreme Ruler, with the celestial and terrestial gods (shin), p. 183.

18, 19. Only may your gods (shin) be enabled to help me, in saving the millions of the people and not bring dis- grace on your divinityships, p. 194.

20, 21. My benevolence is equal to that of my fathers, I possess many abi. lities and accomplishments and can serve the demons and guds (shin); but your chief grandson is not like me

The upper and nether celestial Skins and terrestrial K'hes. p. 49.

The Kweis and Shins have no per- son from whom they exclusively accept sacrifices, but they accept of those who are able to manifest sincerity. p. 50.

He was disrespectful to the Shins and oppressive to the people; p. 52.

Thus imperial Heaven would not protect him, but looked about through all quarters, for one who could open and lead out the celestial decree, thus carefully seeking for one possessed of single-eyed virtue, that he might be appointed lord of the Skins. p. 52.

I reflect upon our former intelligent (Shin) princes laboring in behalf of your ancestors. p. 52.

When ceremonies are over-burden- some, they result in confusion; in such cases the service of the Shins will be difficult p. 53.

The people of the Yin dynasty rob and plunder the pure and perfect sacri- ficial animals, which should be offered to the Shins and K'hes p. 54.

(He) sitting at his ease, without serving the Supreme, or the Skins and K'hes. p. 54.

Only may you Shins be enabled to assist me in settling the millions of the people and do not bring disgrace on your Shinships. p. 55.

I am benevolent and obedient to my progenitors, and possess many abilities and talents, with which I could serve the Kwei Shins; but your grand-ne- phew is not like me Tan in these nu- merous accomplishments and abilities

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Medhurst's Inquiry.

with many talents and many capabili- ties, neither can he serve the demons and gods (shin), p. 212.

22. Reverential and respectful_to- wards both gods (shin) and men, p. 223. 23. Our kings of Chau alone could worthily receive the host, and ad- quately sustain virtue; only they could superintend the worship of the divine Heavens, p. 279.

495

fitted for the service of the Kwei Shins p. 55.

Reverential towards both skins and men. p. 56.

But our kings of the Chow dynasty have well succeeded in obtaining the hosts of the people, and are equal to the burden of sustaining virtue, so that they can preside at the sacrifices offer- ed to the Shins and to Heaven. p. 36. 24. The chief baron superintends The chief baron regulated the cere- the public ceremonies, regulates (the || monies of the country, and managed respect to be paid to) both gods (shin) || (the sacrifices offered), both to the and men, and arranges (the ranks of ) || Shins and to the manes of men, thus superiors and inferiors, p. 290.

harmonizing those above and those below, p 57.

25. I have heard (Chowking) say,|| that perfect government is fragrant and influences the immortal gods (shin ming), p 293.

I have heard it said, that the extreme excellence of good government is so fragrant that it influences intelligent and invisible beings (shin ming). p. 58. Here is evidence,-evidence which will stand until every copy of said Shú King, published in 1846, is obliterated or called home by the translator and burnt. Let us look at the fucts as they were pre- sented to view in 1846; in twenty-five examples of the use of the word, shin is translated :—Gods, fifteen times; Divine, five times; Divinely, once; Divinityships, once; Spirits, * three times.

Not in "three-eighths," but in twenty-two out of twenty-five in- stances, we thus have the word Shin_translated Divinity, or some thing nearly allied thereto." Turn now to the other column; there the same word Shin is translated in 1847:—Intelligent, twice; Inscru- tably intelligent, once; Mysterious, once; Shinships, once. Thus in four-fifths of the examples the word shin is left untranslated; while in the others we have not spirit, spiritual, or anything very nearly allied thereto. It was fair to leave the word untranslated while its true mean- ing was the point of discussion; and there was of course no necessity for rendering it "intelligent, mysterious," &c. But if it could be, and was translated divine, &c., in 1846, why not also in 1847? In one case, and in only one, that we recollect, does the translator acknow- ledge that he mistook the meaning of Shin, namely in what we have marked, 21 (see Theology page 56,) where the two words Shin Tien, occurring together, the first was taken adjectively, whereas it should have been regarded as a concrete noun. Coming down now to the late "Inquiry," just published, the word comes up to view exhibit- ing phrases altogether different from those of 1846, and this having been done without cause, we are constrained to look upon said "In- quiry" as very unsatisfactory.

* In these three, the translator is careful to tell his readers, in explanatory notes that the word Shin means “god.”

486

Animadversions upon Philo.

Ser.

ART. III. Animadversions on the Philological Diversions of Philo,

by W. H. Medhurst Sen, in his Inquiry into the proper mode of translating Ruach and Pneuma, examined in a Note by Philo. Communicated for the Repository.

PHILO presenta his compliments to the Editor of the Chinese Repository, and requests the favor of his publishing the accompanying Note, touching sundry animadversions recently made on an Article which appeared in the Chinese Repository for Sept. 1849.

NOTE.

THE object of the Article in question was to illustrate some of the various meanings and uses of the Chinese word Fung, translated ' wind,' ' breath,' ' spirit,' ' messenger of Heaven and Earth,' etc. As this word had been used for Ruach and Pneuma by those illustrious missionaries, Morrison, Milne and Marshman, in their versions of the Sacred Scriptures, and as some missionaries still prefer it, Philo thought that a few examples, selected from standard authors, exhibit- ing its uses, would be acceptable to the general reader; and he has the satisfaction of knowing that what he wrote has been commended by men of high erudition in Chinese. The animadversions are to be found in a pamphlet entitled "An Inquiry into the proper mode of translating Ruach and Pneuma, in the Chinese version of the Scriptures. By W. H. Medhurst Sen., Shánghái : printed at the [the?] Mission press: 1850." Of the spirit and manner of these animad- versions, Philo will say nothing; but their want of accuracy on some points, he can not low to pass unnoticed. The value of testimony, in every case, depends on its being accurate. Without this quality, philological pursuits, however extensive, are worthless and may prove very hurtful.

The principal animadversions have been directed to three of the quotations, which shall be here repeated, and each may form a separate

case.

CASE FIRST. The Producer of all things is Funo, or Spirit.

也物萬動以風

The translation of tung, the third word in the sentence, is here the

cause of offense. The critic translates the whole sentence thus: “wind is that by which all things are put in motion;

" and remarks, in a note,

"Philo has mistranslated the above sentence;" and then adds:

"We cannot imagine what authority Philo could have for rendering tung the producer: Morrison gives him no warrant for so doing. Tung, as an

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497

active verb, according to Morrison, means to excite or agitate, not to produce. Philo tells us, the Cirinese say, the word in question means to produce, to bring into existence. We shall be obliged to him to show us the Chinese lexicographer or commentator who so explains the word. Philo's object in thus rendering the passage is, doubtless, to exalt his sung into an intelligent agent, who, he says, brings all things into existence." This appears more evidently in his Synopsis at the close of his article, where he says, with re- ference to this quotation, “spirit means, the producer of all things; an active agent from and by whom the Chinese conceive all things to derive their ex- istence." We object altogether to this mode of representing the sentin ents of the Chinese, who do not conceive of the wind as an active agent, from and by whom all things derive their existence. Grammarians tell us that who is applied to persons and rational beings Fung, in the estimation of the Chinese, is without life and reason; the use of the masculine or feminine relative, in connection with sung is, therefore, improper. pp. €3,64.

If W. H. Medhurst Sen. will turn to the Shwoh Wan, or to the Kwang Yin, both of which "Lexicographers" are quoted in Ranghi's Dictionary, he will find tung explained by tsoh to make; and ch’uk

to produce; not absolutely to create, but to bring into their visible forms organic bodies, vegetable and animal,uch bodies as cannot come into being without some active agent. Considering the word tung, in this sense, to excite or to produce, Philo remarked, that the Chinese regarded this form of expression as equivalent to that which produces, or he who produces, i. e. the producer. Philo used the

two forms of expression, that which and he who, purposely, because he knew there were those who regarded fung like Ruach, as an active agent.

If "fung is that by which all things are put in motion," two ques tions arise; first, what, “in the estimation of the Chinese," is the motion in which all things are put, and second, what or who is the efficient cause or agent controlling "that by which" all things are thus put in motion? In Philo's estimation, the Chinese regard Heaven and Earth, "the Parents of all things," as this controlling cause, and fung as one of their active agents in this grand operation. Philo may be incorrect in saying "the producer," because the Chinese believe there are, other active agents, besides Fung, employed in producing all things. This, however, is plain, these two divine Be- ings, Heaven and Earth,—no matter in what way their influences are combined and exerted, do in and of themselves constitute the controll- ing Power, or chú tsái, “as the Chinese will have it." The motion, specified above, is one of the two states, "motion and rest," spoken of in the Book of Changes: See "Theology of the Chinese,” passim : these two, the Chinese say, revolve in uninterrupted succession: and exclusive of these two states, motion and rest, "there is no operation in nature."

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Animadversions upon Phila.

SEP.

Turn now to the Theology of the Chinese, (page 4.) and read of the "Ti ki," or "that which brings up all things;" further on, (page 5) again read, thus, "the expanding Spirit of Heaven is that which leads out all things." What this Expanding Spirit is, “in the estima- estimation of the Chinese" is stated, on the same page, in these plain words: it is Heaven that sends down its k'i breath or spirit to influence or lead out all things; and the expanding spirit, spoken of above, is this k'í or spirit. Philo does not think that the Chinese be- lieve "the expanding spirit" and the k'i here spoken of are identical; yet they are, in the Theology of the Chinese, so represented; and, passim, k't is translated, "spirit," "soul," or that which "travels abroad," and which is in no case divested of knowledge."

CASE SECOND. The messenger of Heaven and earth is Fung or Spirit. 使之地天者風

The critic translates these six characters thus: The winds are the messengers of heaven and earth;" this, it will be seen,

is not very

unlike the other, except that he prefers the plural form of the words “winds” and “messengers,” and rejects the capital letters in heaven and earth, a matter of no importance; in a note he says:

“Philo has quoted this passage also, and translated it, “the messenger of heaven and earth is spirit;" because shé, whien connected with kwoh, a nation, means a national messenger, or an envoy, Philo would argue that it is here a title of honor, equivalent to our word ambassador, and therefore implies an intelligent messenger. The passage adduced by him from the Psalins. “Who inaketh his angela spirits” if rendered as it ought to be “who maketh the winds his messengers,” would indeed correspond to the quotation from the Chinese author, in which case wind would be equivalent to fung and messenger to shé. The Hebrew poet, however, did not, as we conceive, mean to say, that the winds are employed as intelligent envoys, but that they are used by the Author of all to accomplish his purposes as flames of fire are also his ministers. When Philo goes on to say, that "the Chinese be- lieve heaven and earth to be the chief of all their gods, and the invisible agent of which we discourse (viz, wind), they regard as the ambassador of these high divinities,—everywhere abroad exciting to life and bringing into their proper forms all the myriads of beings that fill the universe-he has drawn entirely on the resources of his own imagination, and laid to the charge of the Chinese things which they know not.”

Philo agrees with those who think that in the quotation from the Hebrew poet, Ruach may well be rendered by fung or winds ;" and will only further remark, in this connection, that while the two He- brew words, here used for "angels and spirits" or winds," corre- spond most exactly with the two Chinese words she and fung, the notions of the Chinese regarding such messengers,-be they celestial, terrestrial or infernal, material or immaterial, are inere “phantasma.” Whatever others may have done, Philo did not believe and did not

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499

affirm that Fung was an “intelligent" agent; but an active agent it

certainly is, and is so regarded by "every intelligent Chinese."

CASE THIRD. When the Great Mass breathes forth its BREATH or

spirit it is called Fung,

風為名其氣噫塊大

This sentence, taken in connection with the two preceeding cases, forms a very hard subject for the Animadverter to dispose of, and he could not dismiss it without two separate notes. He translates it thus, "When the great frame of nature breathes forth its breath it is called wind;" and, on the same page, (64) adds.

"With reference to this passage; Philo saya, at the close of what he calls his philological diversions, that the breath of the Great Unity, is the spirit that gives life to all beings; it is a divine and all-pervading influence. The Chinese author, however, gives no sanction to this fancy, which is to be ascribed to Philo's own imagination.” On a subsequent page, 66, in a second note, he says: “We merely refer to Philo here to notice an expres- sion employed by him: his words are, "Wind-or as the Chinese will have it, the spirit of the Gods-renovates and gives life to all beings." This is very unfair; all that stands for “the gods,” in our passage quoted, by him, is tá-kưới, the great frame of nature; and all that can, even in his own estima- tion, be construed as renovating and giving life," is tung, to excite, to agitate. To extract such an idea as he has, therefrom, is most unwarrantable. The Chinese will not have it. But Philo will have it, whether the Chinese will have it or not.”

This is positive enough. Philo, however, begs to say that he has no will or wish in this matter, except to represent the case as it is “in the estimation of the Chinese." The Reader will please keep in mind that the “tung, to excite, to agitate,” is the saine that was rendered in the first case, by Dr. Medhurst, "motion," or to be put in motion, as all things are by the wind. Also the reader will please remember the statement, from the Theology of the Chinese, that "the expand. ing spirit of Heaven” and the k'i,” which is sent down “to influence or lead out all things," are, or were, as there represented, one and the same. and the identical k'i which we have in this third case before us. Accordingly, by a very plain and simple rule, as k'i was translated spirit in the one case it must be translated spirit in the other, unless good reason can be shown for a different rendering.

When Philo, remarked, that the Chinese believe Heaven and earth to be their chief divinities; that these two divinities are designated by the phrase tá kwái; and that k'i is correctly translated "breath" or "spirit;" he stated only what are well known facts-facts which can be sustained by evidence.

With regard to k'i, he is perfect'y willing to leave it on the evidence already adduced and referred to; and the Animadverter may accept or

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Animadversions upon Philo.

SEP.

reject that evidence, just as it may seem best in his own estimation. As to the other points, however, some of the evidence shall be adduced. Do the Chinese understand the phrase or term tá kwái to mean Heaven and Earth? And are heaven and earth, in their esti- mation, their chief divinities? These are two very plain questions; and if there be any laws of language, any jus et norma loquendi, they must be capable of plain and satisfactory answers.

In the Kú Wan Yoh Pien,

there is this sentence, Tá kwái Tien Tr Yé, †

"The Great-Mass is Ft. Heaven and Earth.” In the Yuen Kien Lui Hán, HE HB, we read, Tákwúi Chin táu, ★; the first two char. acters are explained to mean Heaven and Earth; the second two, to mould, to form, to fashion, as the potter does his material clay; and the four give us this meaning, that Heaven and Earth are the Form- ers, (or Makers, in the estimation of the Chinese,) of all things. Kánghi's Dictionary holds similar language, viz (sáu wuh chi ming,

yueh Ti-koái,造物之名日大塊 which Morrison translates

thus, “The name of that which creates (namely heaven and earth, nature) is called Tá kwái.” Medhurst's Dictionary reads thus, "Tá kwái

Heaven and earth, nature.”

It is thus plain enough that Heaven and Earth, “in the estimation of the Chinese," are two distinct Beings though they are sometimes spoken of as the tá kwái, or Great Unity. They are also regarded as divine. Of Heaven this is affirmed scores or hundreds of times in the Theology of the Chinese ; and no Chinese will deny that this is correct. In a book it is thus written: "The Chinese speak of Heaven as the one Great one," the fountain of being and the foundation of authority, producing, decreeing, bestowing, and directing all things." "In the Shú King, translated by Dr. Medhurst, we read of two beings, "High Heaven" and the "Divine Power," which Divine Power he says, means, “Earth.” In his “Inquiry," (page 49) Dr. Medhurst makes this very plain; he says: The Shin how [the identical "Divine Power," of the Shú King,] according to the Commentator, means the press Earth, which is associated in the Chinese mind, with Imperial Heaven, here called High Heaven." This is most explicit; and while the jus et norma loquendi of the Chinese language remain unaltered and in force, this dogma must stand, that, in “the Chi- nese mind," Heaven and Earth are two Beings. If now any mortal can doubt that these two, Imperial Heaven and Imperial Earth, are the Chief divinities of the Chinese-chief in the Chinese mind-

En-

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491

that doubt will be removed by an overwhelming mass of evidence contained in the Constitution or Magna Charta of the reigning Manchu family: it is called Tá Tsing Hwui Tien, or “The Collected Statutes of the Great Pure Dynasty." Referring the Reader to the ample tes- timony of that Great work, Philo submits the entire subject and here closes this long note.

ART. IV. Memoir of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, Missionary to

China. Edited by his Father. THIS is a work of five hundred quarto pages, neatly printed with large type. It is almost entirely a collection of letters and journals, and the editor, as he tells us in the preface, has done little more than to select and arrange these papers. He has however inserted a few remarks "with the view of noticing his early years, and con- necting the different periods of his short but active and not unvaried life." The letters and journals were in general hastily written and often "in the confidence of Christian and endeared friendship," but this fact invests them with an interest which could not be attained by any labor of composition. Their easy simplicity of style and the freedom with which the writer lays open the feelings of his heart, throw around them a charm which will, we doubt not, secure for the work an extensive circulation. With all who love to contemplate the exhibition of the emotions of Christian friendship, founded on the sympathies of the Christian life, or the workings of a heart panting after God, this will be a favorite volume. The position of the mis- sionary whose character is here delineated, the esteem in which he was held, his promise of great usefulness in the work to which he had de- voted himself, and the distressing circumstances of his violent death will conspire, with the more abiding excellences of the work itself, to place this among the most interesting of our missionary biographies. It is our purpose at present however to speak rather of the subject of this memoir than of the memoir itself. We embrace the occasion of the appearance of this volume to place on record in our pages a brief sketch of one who had labored for several years with more than ordin- ary energy and success for the welfare of the Chinese. We quote the following account of his early years from the memoir.

•

“Walter Macon Lowrie, the third son of Walter and Amelia Lowrie, was born in Butler, Penn., on the 18th of February, 1819. Until his

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eighth year his father was absent from home during the winter months. This left the principal part of his early training education to his ex- cellent mother, and well and faithfully did she perform this responsi- ble and sacred trust. From his infancy he possessed a mild and cheer- ful temper. He was a general favorite with his playınates, and always ready to engage in the usual sports of the play-ground. It was often the subject of remark, that he was never known to get into a quarrel, or even an angry dispute with his associates. To his parents he was always obedient and kind, open and ingenuous; he was never known to use deception or falsehood. His brothers and sisters shared his warmest affection and love, and his time with them seemed to be made up of pure enjoyment."

At an early period he was sent to school, where he learned the usual branches of a common English education. It was soon perceiv- ed by his teachers, that it required but little effort on his part to get the lessons assigned to him and the place he usually occupied was at the head of his class."

In November 1832, Walter, then not fourteen years of age, entered the preparatory department of Jefferson college, at Canonsburg Penn. He was graduated at this institution, with the highest honors in Sep- tember 1837. It was during the third year of his residence at the college, in the winter of 1834–35 that his attention was first perma- nently fixed upon the concerns of religion. At that time the college and surrounding neighborhood enjoyed a season "of refreshing from the presence of the Lord." Nearly every student in the college was made to feel, as they never felt before, the vast importance of a pre- paration for eternity. Walter was deeply convinced of sin, and for some time mourned as one without hope but he at length obtained a joyful hope that his sins were pardoned, and ever after he made it his highest aim to live to glorify God and to prepare for the enjoyment of hiin in heaven. His mind was early turned to the gospel ministry as the profession in which he would choose to spend his life, and this being decided, his thoughts were at once directed to the heathen world. Before he left the college his purpose had been fully formed to go as a missionary to the heathen. His sympathies were particularly drawn out to the African race, and it was his ardent desire to labor for them in Africa itself.

After leaving college in September 1837, Mr. Lowrie spent the win- ter in his father's family, then residing in New York, and in the fol- lowing spring entered the Theological Seminary of the Presbyterian church at Princeton, New Jersey. Here he remained during the usual

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term of three years, applying himself very closely to his studies, and very successfully. In December 1840 he was received as a missionary of the Board of Foreign missions of the Presbyterian church to be sent to Western Africa. "A man's heart deviseth his way but the Lord directeth his steps." The great Head of the church designed him for a different field. In 1841 the Rev. John A Mitchell having been removed by death, and the Rev. Messrs. Robert W. Orr and Thomas L. McBryde having been compelled to abandon their field by the fai- lure of their health, the China mission of the General Assembly's Board was left with a single laborer. In these circumstances the Executive Committee of the Board immediately turned their attention to Mr. Lowrie as one peculiarly fitted by his thorough education and superior talent for the China mission. They accordingly proposed to him a change of destination to which he, after much hesitation, consented.

On the 5th of April 1841 he was licensed to preach the gospel, and on the 9th of November following he was ordained as an evangelist. On the 19th of January 1842 he sailed for China in the ship Huntress, Capt. Lovett, and landed at Macao on the 27th of May. At the time of his arrival, the war with Great Britain was still in progress, and the result was as yet uncertain. Mr. Lowrie had received instructions to proceed to Singapore, to aid in the removal of the mission of the Board at that place, to a point on the coast of China, if in the providence of God it should be deemed expedient. He accordingly left Macao on the 18th of June in the Sea Queen. This proved to be a tedious and trying voyage. "They sailed slowly many days because the winds were contrary." The discipline was severe, but doubtless proved profitable. He was deprived of all the sympathies of Christian intercourse, and could not even enjoy the satisfaction of doing good by exercising his ministry, as few of those on board could understand English preach- ing. At length they were obliged to give up the voyage and put into the port of Manila, which they reached on the 23d of August. On the 18th of September he again set sail for Singapore in the IIarmony, and for some days the vessel made fair progress towards her destination. On the 25th however the ship struck a hidden rock. There was no appearance of danger in sight; no breakers, no signs of a shoal; but every time the vessel sunk in the hollow of the waves she was dashed with violence against the rock beneath her. The crew and passen- gers took to the boats and abandoned the sinking ship. Twenty-one persons were placed in the long boat and eight in the jolly boat. This was on Sunday. They were four hundred miles from land, and after four days sailing, during which they were a tornately exposed in their

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open boat to drenching rain and a scorching sun, they supposed them- selves to be approaching the islands. On Thursday the wind rose and the sea ran high, so that they were in imminent danger of being swamped. "Death," says Mr. L., "never seemed so near before, but my mind was kept in peace. I knew in whom I had believed, and felt that he was able to save; and though solemn in the near prospect of eterni- ty, I felt no fear, and had no regret that I had periled my life in such a cause." As night closed in, the danger increased, and was the more appalling to the little company in the long boat from their proximity to the land, toward which the gale was rapidly driving them. It was indeed a fearful night but Mr. L was kept in peace, trusting in Him who holdeth the waters in the hollow of his hand. "I know not," he says, "that my mind was ever in a calmer state, and though I could not feel those clear convictions of my safety I have sometimes felt, yet my faith was fixed on the Rock of Ages, and death seemed to have but few terrors for me." Next morning the land was in sight, and in a few hours they had escaped from their perilous position, and were safely landed on the island of Luban. Thus they were marvelously preserved in their little boat through a storm in which, as they after- wards learned, several vessels had been lost and several dismasted.

Returning to Manila he abandoned his purpose of visiting Singa- pore and embarked on board the Diana to return to Macao. Misfor- tune seemed still to follow him, for this vessel was found to be in a leaky state, and it was not without some difficulty that she was brought into port. He reached Hongkong on the 17th of October.

From this period until the beginning of 1844, Mr Lowrie resided chiefly at Macao, prosecuting his study of the Chinese language. He also during this period preached for the European and American resi- dents. In the discharge of this duty he gave great satisfaction to his hearers, and in consequence it was once proposed to him by a num- ber of the foreign residents to become their pastor, and give up his connection with the Board of Foreign Missions. He was however an- xious to engage in direct efforts for the good of the Chinese in some place where he could have inore free access to them than at Macao, and at once declined accepting the offer made to him. He was here made the instrument it is believed of leading some souls to the Savior, and of strengthening and confirming the faith of some of the disciples of Christ. He himself here still further experienced the "discipline of the covenant," and was ever afterwards deeply grateful for his trials and afflictions. “ "I tremble,” he was once heard to say, “when I think of what I was, and what I would still have been, without them.”

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In August 1943 he again left Macao for a short time, with the in- tention of visiting the newly opened ports in the north of China. Again his voyage was unsuccessful. When he had nearly reached the island of Chusan the vessel was driven back and compelled to put into Amoy. While here he visited Chang-chow-foo in company with Mr. Abeel, for which they were afterwards publicly censured in a government notification by Sir Henry Pottinger. The proclamation of his Excel- lency called forth a reply from Mr. Lowrie defending his own course and repelling this arrogant assumption of jurisdiction over citizens of another country with which Sir Henry had no connection. In this he carried with him the sympathies of the whole foreign coinmunity. He returned from Amoy to Hongkong in a Portuguese lorcha. Soon after leaving the, port the rudder was broken by the violence of a wave that struck it, and they were thus left quite helpless, drifting at the mercy of the wind and waves down the coast. For three days the ef forts made to repair the broken rudder were ineffectual, and they finally succeeded just in time to escape being driven out into the China sea, from whence they could not have got back at all in their disabled condition.

In the beginning of 1844 the China mission was reinforced by the arrival of D. B. McCartee м. D. and Mr. R. Cole, printer. Mr. Cole brought with him a printing press and matrixes for a font of divisible metallic type, Mr. Cole having no knowledge of the Chinese language the labor of arranging the characters in the cases, according to their respective radicals and the frequency of their occurrence, devolved on Mr. Lowrie. The difficulties incident to the commencement of such a work were happily overcome and the press was soon in operation. In January. 1845 Mr. L. again left Macao for the north. During the previous year a mission had been established at Ningpo by Dr. McCartee and the Rev. R. Q. Way. Mr. Lowrie reached Ningpo on the 11th of April 1845. His letters and Journal give a full and in- teresting account of his residence at this place, of his views and feel- ings as he entered upon some direct missionary labors, and of the progress of the work in the early years of this mission. In August 1845 the printing press was removed from Macao to Ningpo, and again made large demands upon Mr. L.'s time and attention. In con- sequence of this, he felt it his duty to give more attention than he might otherwise have deemed necessary to the written language. He was deeply impressed with the importance of the oral preaching of the word, and did not for a moment think of neglecting it, but being at first unable to speak the local dialect, he was the more easily induced

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thus early to make use of the written character to make known the truth to the people. He prepared a small tract on the observance of the Sab- bath, a commentary on the gospel of Luke, a commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, all of which were published. He had also completed a commentary on the Epistle to the Romans and a translation of the Shorter Catechism of the Westininster Assembly. The manuscript of the former was lost, and the latter never received his final revision. These early efforts give reason to believe that, had his life been spared he would have done much to forward the cause of Christianity in Chi- na by his contributions to that Christian literature of which the founda- tion must be laid by the missionaries of Christ.

As a student of the Chinese language he was exceedingly diligent and successful, and during his residence at Ningpo made rapid pro- gress. Evidence of this may be found in the fact that he had com- menced, and was steadily carrying forward, a Chinese and English Dictionary to comprise all the characters in the Four Books and Five classics, which contain the great body of the most useful characters in the language. Nor was he by any means backward in the acquisition of the colloquial dialect, although he himself seemed for a time to have thought his progress slow, so that he was sometimes tempted to give way to discouragement. In the second year of his residence at Ning- po he cominenced a regular Chinese service on the Sabbath, for which he always carefully prepared himself. He spoke with fluency and serined to secure the attention of his hearers. This service he maintained without interruption until his departure from Ningpo.

In May 1847, having been elected one of the delegates for the revision of the translations of the New Testament, Mr. Lowrie removed from Ningpo to Shanghai. He there took part in the discussions which were carried on relative to the proper term by which to render the word tog, and was an ardent advocate for the use of the word shin. But, alas, he was never permitted to engage in the work of translation. Before the discussions were closed circumstances called him suddenly back to Ningpo. He left Shanghái on Mouday the 16th of August 1847 and reached Chápú on the following day. He was detained at that place during the whole of Wednesday, the 18th, by a strong southerly wind. On Thursday the 19th he sailed, though the wind was still contrary, for Ningpo. Their progress was very slow, and after sailing several hours the hills still visible. A boat was descried in the distance. It was a large flat bottomed boat, propelled by many oars and crowded with men. The fears of the boatmen were excited, but Mr. L. dcemed them ground-

near Chápú were

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less. The suspicious boat drew nearer and nearer, and it was not long before the intention of those on board became but too evident. Then Mr. Lowrie's boatmen turned their boat's head towards Chápú, but it was too late. The pirate gained rapidly upon them. Mr. Lowrie seized his country's flag and waved it towards the pursuing boat, warning it to keep off, but he received no other answer than a discharge from the guns. The pirates were immediately on board, and everything was searched and rifled, though Mr. Lowrie's person remained untouched. He took his well-worn Hebrew and English Bible, and in this trying hour, when the possibility of the fate which awaited himself must have been distinctly before his mind, looked for consolation where he had so often found it before. We doubt not he found it again, for his deportment during these scenes of terror be- tokened a mind at peace. The work of the piratical crew was nearly completed, when some words of comfort addressed by Mr. Lowrie to a passenger who had been robbed and beaten, excited their suspicions. A consultation was immediately held as to the best mode of dispatch- ing their victim, and although some were desirous of a more bloody method, it was speedily decided that he should be thrown into the sea. He was seized by three of the ruffians. Resistance was vain. As he was carried to the boat's side he threw back his Bible—a precious relic for surviving friends-and freed his feet from the incumbrance of shoes. His presence of mind still remained. Another moment, and he was struggling with the waves. His murderers looked on, with long pikes in their hands to prevent the possibility of his cling- ing to the boat. Thus perished one who gave promise of as great usefulness among the Chinese as any man that ever came to China, and the name of Lowrie was enrolled among the martyr missionaries.

The estimation in which this beloved missionary was held may be inferred from the sensation created in the churches, and especially among his acquaintances, by the intelligence of his violent death. Wherever he resided, it was his happiness to secure the confidence and respect of the community in no ordinary degree. Even among the playfellows of his boyish days he was a general favorite. In the college and theological seminary, he was much beloved by his fellow students and his instructors. He was ever regarded with respect and love by his missionary associates, and it was eminently true of him that he had a good report among “them that are without.” His uniform consistency and steady rectitude of conduct, his general kindness of manner and his quiet firmness of character, could not fail to impress

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the Chinese who were in the habit of holding intercourse with him, and they had an exalted opinion of his character.

As a preacher he was always instructive and interesting. He made no pretensions to eloquent oratory, but his delivery was solemn aud appropriate, and there was an originality and solidity in his sermons which rendered them impressive, and fixed the attention of his hearers.

His qualifications as a missionary were of a superior order. His amiable and cheerful temper, his sound judgment, his superior natural talents eminently fitted him for this work. Besides this, his untiring industry and perseverance were such as to enable him to accomplish tasks in the most unfavorable circumstances which others would shrink from undertaking. One of his venerable instructors in the theological seminary says of him, that he was capable of enduring a greater amount of continuous literary labor than almost any man he ever knew. But above all, his piety was of that sober, steady, earnest kind, which peculiarly fits a man for meeting the difficulties, trials, and temptations which fall to the missionary's lot. His path was as the shining light, which shineth more and more unto the perfect day. He enjoyed much of the pleasures of religion. His hope seems to have been always bright, though his experience was not always joyful. Sometimes he was cast down and sorrowful, complaining of spiritual desertion and wandering from God. To others, however, even while he was “writing bitter things against himself,” it was evident that he was growing in grace and spirituality of mind. This was especially the case during the latter part of his course. His Heavenly Father was preparing him for his great change. Why one so young, and giving so much promise of usefulness, should be thus suddenly cut down, is one of those mysteries of Providence which we know not now, but shall know hereafter.

His remains were never recovered. They rest in peace under the care of Him who will yet fashion them like unto his own glorious body. They rest until the sea shall give up its dead-until that day for which he had “an inexpressible longing,” when the Lord shall come again to earth, and all those who love him shall be caught up to meet him in the air. A cenotaph was erected to his memory by his colleagues, a drawing of which, with the inscription, is given at the close of the volume.

L. N. N.

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ART. V. Course and topography of the Hwang ho or Yellow river. Tuis great river is regarded by the Chinese with peculiar feelings, amounting almost to a superstitious reverence; its sources lie in the region of spirits and genii, and its rapid current, its strangely ting- ed waters, its devious channel, and above all, the awful devasta- tions caused by the overflowing of its banks, conspire to give it a mysterious character. The name Hwang ho, or Yellow river, is applied through its whole course, and on common Chinese maps it is usually painted yellow; this appellation is given from the color of its waters, obtained when flowing through the clayey soil of the Ortous territory. Such is the depth of tinge, and the strength of the current, that the bay which lies between China and Japan is turbid and yel- lowish from the waters of this river, and has been usually known as the Yellow Sea on foreign maps. The river is also called the ho jus par excellence, just as the Yangtsz' kiáng is termed the kiáng I.

'The Yellow river is shorter than the Yangtsz', and also less useful for purposes of navigation and irrigation than its rival. It takes its rise in the snow covered mountains which form the western boundaries of Koko-uor in a depression between the ranges of the Bayankara Mts. on the south, and the Kwanlun on the north. In this low spot, more than a hundred springs are stated to rise from a level plain about forty miles in circumference; seen from an eminence these springs and pools are thought to resemble stars, and hence the tract has been called Sing- suh hài 星宿海 or Sea of Constellations by the Chinese, and Ho- tun tala

by the Mongols. A small stream flows in from

the west into this swampy district, called on Chinese maps Alotan ho 阿克但河, whose headwaters are named Horyuen 河源;

these take their rise at the base of a lofty peak called Mt. Katasu-káulau

噶達素齊老 HI. This mountain is situated about lat. 35°

N., and long. 95° E. The authority of Pinkerton quoted by the poet Moore for the lines,

"Though bright are the waters of Sing-su-hay,

And the golden floods that thitherward stray,”

will not, we fear, be enough to remove the cold desolation and icy barrenness which surround the sources of the Yellow river; while the golden floods of the “Altan Kol, or Golden River of Tibet," of which the geographer speaks, seem to have no existence according to other authorities. An explanation of the error is furnished in a letter of Amiot's given in the "Mémoires," Tome X, page 137. From this

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letter we learn that the words Alotan-kouolo mean "river of yellow metal," and that the waters of this stream possess a yellow tinge. The mountain from which this river proceeds is called, in full, Alotan Katasu-káulau, meaning "the golden rock of the North star;" this rock is about a hundred feet high, of a yellow color intermixed with red veins, and can be seen from afar, thus serving a purpose like the north star. On the top of this rock is a small pool of gushing springs, whose waters flow down its sides, and unite to form the R. Alotan.

The Chinese geographers formerly supposed that the headwaters of the Yellow river were fed from Lop-nor,—the outlet of that lake running under ground more than 500 miles through the intervening desert, till it reäppeared in this place; but the expedition sent by Kublai khan about A.D. 1280, dissipated this notion. The waters of the Singsuh hái unite as they flow eastward into two lakes called Dzaring and Oring, which are usually, from their size, regarded as the sources of the Yellow river; they are less than a hundred miles north of the upper branches of the Yángtsz', and not half that distance south of Ala-nor, a lake whose outlet flows north- west into the R. Kedurku, and is lost in the Desert. High mountains encircle these two lakes, however, and completely shut them off, leaving only an outlet on the east, at which the Yellow river begins its long course to the ocean. This course can conveniently be divided into an Upper, Middle, and Lower courses, the first reaching from Lake Oring to Lánchau fú, about 700 miles; the Middle from that city to the sharp bend in the S.W. corner of Shánsí, about 1130 miles; and the Lower from thence to the ocean, about (550 miles.

Upper Course. Lake Oring lies in lat. 34° 30 N., and between long. 98° and 99° E.; it receives two tributaries from the south, the Tarkun and Olokú, and the outlet is doubtless a good sized river. The plain around it is occupied by Mongolian shepherds, who pasture their flocks here in summer, and return to Koko-nor in winter. The stream which connects it with Lake Dzaring is called Chih-pien ho

(Red-bank river), but both lakes may be considered as one sheet of water with the Sea of Constellations, the whole area being in fact one large swampy basin. As the Yellow river issues from Lake Oring, it gradually turns south and east, running between

. ★

two high spurs of the Bayankara, called Alakshar

爾 or Chishi 積石克阡通拉 on the south. After flowing about 190 miles, it is

on the north, and Chochaksin-tunla

forced northwest by the Min Mts. in the northwest of Sz'-

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chuen, and takes a bold sweep as if it were returning to its sources, surrounding on three sides the eastern extremity of the Bayankara Mts. From Lake Oring to this turn, it receives nearly thirty small tributa- ries; the valley here is very narrow, some of the mountains rising in steep acclivities to the snow-line, and the whole of the region seems to be totally uninhabited.

After turning NW. and N., a number of rivulets swell the main trunk, until when it leaves Koko-nor and the defiles of its lofty moun- tains, and enters Kánsuh at Kweiteh-ting it has grown to be the largest river in this region. Up to this town its valley is very narrow, hardly wide enough even for a road in most places, and the few interval lands supply herbage for sheep and yaks, tended by tribes of Túrgouths, Hoshoits, and Khoits, who wander at pleasure over these wilds. These mountains also furnish the true rhubarb, which is collected near the confines of perpetual snow. The bed of the Yellow river itself is here probably not less than eight thousand feet above the sea. From Kweitehin lat. 36° N., the river flows nearly east to the capital Lánchau fú passing by Pajenyunk

and Ho- chau-wei y, and not far from Siunhwa ting on the south, its valley gradually widening and becoming less barren as it approaches Lánchau. Tribes of Mongols under the jurisdiction of the resident at Síning pasture their herds in this valley, and cross the ranges north- east of Kweiteh into the great basin of the Azure Sea. Some of the Mongolian towns along its banks are under the rule of local officers. Within fifty miles of Lánchan, four large affluents enter the Yellow

river; the Tatung大通 and Chwáng-liáng 莊浪 on the north,

洮河

and the Tábiáand Táu ho on the south The princi- pal branch of the Tátung rises northwest of the Azure Sea in the Kilien Mts., and collects the drainings of the region lying north and east of it, and joins the Yellow R. after a course of about 400 miles. Sining fú, the headquarters in this region of the Chinese authorities over the Mongols, lies on its main branch, the Hwang ho, in lat. 361° N., and long. 100° 48' E. Many towns and settlements are placed on the map in their valleys, showing that the soil is fertile, and the climate temperate. On the south, the R. Táu contributes the superfluous waters of a mountainous and wild country, almost as large as that drained by the Tátung; the towns of Min, Tauchau, Tehtaú, Lint'au wei, and some others, lie near its banks, but the in- habitants are fewer in numbers than on the northern side. Between Hochau and Lánchou, and on to Chungwei in Shensí, the valley of the

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Yellow river has been compared with that of the Adige in Tyrol; near Pajenyunk, there is an important post called Tsi-shi kwán, which though within the limits of Kánsuh, is still considered as the outpost of the Mongolian tribes.

Middle Course. At Lánchau fũ, in long. 104° E., the Hwáng ho turns, running near the Great Wall, and keeping on in a northeasterly course through five degrees of latitude for a distance of not less than 430 miles, along the eastern side of the Alá-shán, or Holán shán

a range of mountains forming a continuation of the Kilien Mts., and constituting the eastern side of the Central Plateau. When the river has passed lat. 41° N., it is turned east by the In-shón (a continuation of the Alá-shán) and flows about 180 miles eastward along their base, till it meets the mountains of Shánsí near Sárártsí in lat. 40° N., where it is forced to the south.

In the distance between Lánchau and Sárártsí, the Yellow river receives very few tributaries, and for a good part of this length its waters flow through a wild tract, sparsely inhabited by the Ortous Mongols. The level gradually descends from Lánchau to the junc- tion of the Tsingshwui ho

(or Clear-water R.), just before reaching Ninghia fú, until the mountains disappear, and are replaced by a hilly region, in which tracts of cultivated land are intermixed with sandy hills. The town of Tsingyuen lies at the junction of the Tsúlí ho

just south of lat. 36° N., where the river is defended on both sides by the Great Wall; and another town,

called Chungwei, is situated between it and Ninghiú fú, both of them small places. Proceeding north, the extent of fertile ground decreases, and the erec- tion of the Great Wall through these inhospitable wilds shows the energy and power exerted by its builder.

Ninghia fú lies in lat. 394° N., in a wide valley, through which the river runs in a great number of channels both natural and arti- ficial, rendering it one of the few fertile spots in this region; the small district town of Ling lies east of Ninghiá, and several villages also occur in this spot. Rice and fruits are extensively cultivated in these bottom lands, and the town itself is a mart of considerable trade. Beyond Ninghiá commences the steppe of the Ortous, a desert whose surface is mostly covered with sandhills, destitute of wood and nearly of vegetation, but in the numerous depressions between them are ex- tensive meadows and pasture grounds, intermixed with tracts covered with thick bushes, the haunt of numerous wild animals. On the west of the river, extending for about three hundred miles, is the mountain range of Alá-shán, rising 3000 to 4000 feet above its bed, and not

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over three or four miles wide. The Great Wall runs along its eastern declivity, which in its southern part at least is overgrown with forests. As the Hwang ho enters the desert, its bed lies in a valley greatly depressed below the surface; its appearance here is more like that of a canal than a natural stream, and its current is probably sluggish, for this part of Gobi is reckoned to be very high.

The course of the Alá-shán turns the stream nearly due east about lat. 41° N., and near this turn it flows through a depression similar to that about Ninghiá, the waters finding their way by a large number of channels; in one place, they collect into a good sized lake called Tengkiri-nor, but as most of our information respect- ing this part of its course is derived from Chinese maps, it is impossible to give any account of the size of this lake, or the character of this depression. Further east, towards Sárártsí, some small tributaries flow in; but the remarkable fact that from above Ninghia to this town, more than five hundred miles, not a single affluent above a rivulet of ten or fifteen miles long increases its volume of water, shows the barrenness of the region, and indirectly too the depth and power of the river. Within this Great Bend, as this part is sometimes called, tribes of the Ortous obtain a precarious subsistence by tillage and grazing; several isolated lakes and streams occur in it. It is in this part of its course that the water becomes so loaded with the yellow mud which tinges it until it is lost in the Pacific.

Below Sárártsí, in lat. 41° N., the R. Targhuen or Urhkan

flows in from the NE., and the river's width is about 800 feet. The stream has now fairly turned to the south, and keeps on a direct course in long. 111* E., for seven degrees, the current for this whole distance being very rapid for boats to stem. At the borders of Shánsí, it re- crosses the Great Wall, the towns of Pienkwán and Hokiuh lying not far from its banks. Páuteh chau, in lat. 39o, is the largest town in this region; here the Hwang ho is from 1200 to 1400 feet across, and so rapid that Kánghí required three days to cross it with his court, though great preparations had been previously made for the purpose. From this town to the junction of the R. Wei, according to the map, thirty. six affluents pour in their contributions on both sides, on nearly every one of which one or more towns are situated. The R. Kiuhyé (Environing-desert river) about fifty miles below Pauteh, and the R. Wúting

(Uncertain river), about a hundred miles further down, both derive their headwaters front the Desert beyond the Wall, and each of them are over 200 miles long. Just above the junction of the R. Fan, in lat. 35', at a place called Lungmun or Dragon-gate,

504

Topography of the Yellow River.

Ser.

rocks have been removed from the bed of the river to improve the navigation; the banks are here steep, and rapids like those in the Nile, embarrass the navigation. The country on both sides of the river is a succession of mountain ranges and valleys, and some of the former traverse the bed obliquely, causing it to form short and abrupt bends, and doubtless making the channel more zigzag than the map indicates. The entire course from Páuteh through Shánsí to the R. Wei is probably available for the descent of boats without danger, but the rapid current, as in the Mississippi, prevents their return.

The R. Fan 汾河 and R. Loh 洛河 are the largest tributaries of the Hwang ho in its Middle course. The former rises in the Jatitude of Páuteh near the centre of the province of Shánsí (see Chi. Rep., Vol. XI, page 625); and after a S. and SW. course of nearly 500 miles joins the main trunk at Hotsin or River-mart, below Lungmun, thereby connecting nearly half the towns in the province with the Great Plain. Few valleys in the north of China present a denser population than that of the R. Fan; thirty cities and towns of the largest size are inserted in the map. The R. Loh is about 250 miles long, taking its sources in the edge of the Desert in the borders of Shensí, and draining the northern half of the province. Several important towns lie along its banks, and the city of Tungchau fú is near its embouchure, but the whole valley supports a smaller popula- tion than that of the Fan. In both of them, and in general in all those smaller valleys whose streams pour their waters into the great artery, the valleys are wide and well cultivated, producing every kind of grain which does not require a great degree of heat, for this whole region experiences severe cold in winter.

Lower Course. This is the best known portion of the Hwang ho, and during this distance it receives its largest tributaries. The Lower course commences at the mouth of the R. Wei, just below the en- trance of the R. Loh, where the main trunk turns eastward and enters the Great Plain, being stopped in its southern progress by the Tá- hwá shina spur of the Peh-ling or Tsin-ling, the range which here divides the basins of the Yellow and Yangtsz' rivers. At the turn, the waters of the river are compressed between high cliffs; the defile is well known in Chinese history as the Tung kwan, or Tung pass. Across the river from the town of Tung- kwán lies the city of Púchau fú, and here the outlet of a lake called Wangsing hú

empties into it opposite the mouth of the

R. Wei.

1850.

Topography of the Yellow River.

505

The Wei ho is the largest affluent of the Yellow river, tak- ing its rise in the mountain-masses of the Peh-ling in the south of Kánsuh, in a peak called Niáu-shú shán § 4 (Bird-rat Mt.) not far from the district town of Wei-yuen (i. e. Fountain of the Wei) in lat. 35° and long. 104°, and draining the northern acclivities of this range, after a course of over 400 miles, pours its contributions into the main stream, and with those of the R. Loh, almost doubles its volume.

The upper valleys of the Wei are fertile, and several im- portant cities are found in them, as Kungcháng fü, Tsinguing chau, and Tsin chau, besides scores of smaller places, all in Kansuh. These streams are probably more useful for irrigation than navigation. At Páukí in Sheusí, the valley widens, and from thence to Tung- kwán it is one of the most populous and richest districts of northern China. Below Si-ngin fú, the provincial capital, the Wei receives the waters of the R. King flowing in from the N.W.. and of

the R. Tanju, from the S.E. The R. King rises in Kansuh in the Ki-t'au shan, and has a devious run of about 300 miles through a fertile and populous region. In its course the R. King becomes very turbid, and when it unites with the clear waters of the R. Wei, the two flow on together for many miles without mingling, like those of the Arve and Rhone at Geneva. This circum- stance is alluded to in the Book of Odes, where a wife complains, that because she has become old and wrinkled, her husband casts her off as the pure Wei rejects the dirty King.

After entering Honán, the Hwang ho does not immediately leave the hilly country, but rolls along in a fine valley for about 150 miles to the junction of the R. Loh and R. Tsino near Hwái- king fi; the bottom lands in this region are alluvial, and support a Jarge population. As the stream flows on, its deposits increase, and when it receives the two abovenamed confluents, its waters begin to rise to the adjoining country, and the banks serve only partially to con- fine them when they swell from the rains and melted snows. A vast morass occurs in the prefecture of Hwáiking, through which many wa- ter courses flow, making the whole country very fertile, but dangerous to the inhabitants when the river overflows. A considerable stream, called the R. Wei P proceeds from this marsby depression north- easterly to Lintsing chau in Shantung, where it unites with the Grand Canal—or rather, the canal there flows in the old bed of the R. Wei. There are many reasons for supposing that the Yellow river once flowed through the Wei ho, into the gulf of Pechele, and that the

6.1

VOL. XIX. NO. IX.

504

Topography of the Yellow F

rocks have been removed from the bed of th navigation ; the banks are here steep, and ・ Nile, embarrass the navigation. The coun' river is a succession of mountain ranges an former traverse the bed obliquely, causing bends, and doubtless making the channe' indicates. The entire course from Páut Wei is probably available for the descen the rapid current, as in the Mississippi The R. Fan and R. Loh

of the Hwang bo in its Middle co latitude of Páuteh near the centre of Rep., Vol. XI, page 625); and aft 500 miles joins the main trunk at H Lungmun, thereby connecting ne with the Great Plain. Few vall denser population than that of th the largest size are inserted in miles long, taking its sources i of Shensí, and draining the r important towns lie along its near its embouchure, but the tion than that of the Fan those smaller valleys whos artery, the valleys are wid. of grain which does not r region experiences sever

Longer Course. Thi and during this distanc

course commences al trance of the R. Loh the Great Plain, be

hwá shin大華!

which here

the tu

SEP.

..er.

usually property is .s, according of Great Britaiu, Kienlung to Lord

e trouble than all the in its full force. Be- he dikes in repair, which of pounds sterling, govern- means of averting the calami- nghi and Kienlung especially In the reign of the last-men- as made for the purpose of avoiding water in the Hwang ho, which joined the upper streams of the R. Hwái in or Kiú-hwáng ho (Old Yellow R.). azumired miles long, and has had the effect ize of the river many feet, and rendering

nder water fit for cultivation.

Love is mouth, the Hwáng ho receives a great el by which Lake Hung-tsih dis- ake receives not only the waters brought new canal, but also those of the Hwai ho. anite with the Hwái ho drain the extensive ameen the Hwang ho and Yángtsz kiêng, the eastern offset of the Peh-ling range. The

pography of the Yellow River

507

olled Yüho汝河and Hwui ho, 澮河

ses not far from the banks of the branch, the whole course of

ined by the R. Yi is

› of the Great Plain.. nnel of Lake Hung-

atrances of the Grand large square pieces of vide.

The Chinese who

of the river dangerous on nt, which frequently carries nce. Barrow gives the follow- and the religious ceremonies

eam of the Yellow River, which rolled es were conceived to be indispensably gion (which indeed may be considered less solicitous to avert a possible evil, d of all evils personal danger is most ap- ed expedient that an oblation should be the genius of the river. The animals that were different in different yachts, but they pig, two animals that were very common in with the feathers and the hair, was daubed upon

On the forecastle of some were placed cups of a, flour and salt; and in others, oil, rice and salt. thought by the Chinese, as well as Hebrews, a . every sacrifice. Every oblation of thy meat- with salt: neither shalt thou suffer the salt of the co- king from thy meat-offering." As, however, the high re to feast on those parts of the meat-offering which orthy the acceptance of heaven, which parts, by the best of the victim, one might, perhaps, assign a reason on of offering salt, this being a scarce article in many and the best preservative of meat against putrefaction. aughtered animal, and several made-dishes, remained on the ain standing over them on one side, and a man with a gong other. On approaching the rapid part of the stream, at the ne gong, the captain took up the cups one by one, in order reeks of old, he might ‘perform the rites, and pour the ruddy e did by throwing their contents over the bow of the vessel into e libation performed, a quantity of crackers and squibs and gilt burnt, with uplifted hands, whilst the deep-sounding gong was struck with increasing violence as the vessels were swept along rrent. The victim and the other dishes were then removed for the captain and crew, and the ceremony ended by three genuflexions any proctrations.

deet consisted of about thirty sail, and from each vessel there proceeded, Lunching into the stream, such a din of gongs and crackers, and such er of smoke from the burnt offerings, that the deity of the river must seen in a very surly humor if he was not pleased with such a multitude lations. The safe arrival, on the opposite bank, of the whole squadror s a proof of his having accepted the homage, and accordingly he was again

586

Topography of the Yellow River.

SEP.

deluge of Yu spoken of in the Book of Records was an inundation of the Great Plain by the forcing of the present passage, and not an imperfect tradition of the Noachic deluge. The Wei passes through a rich region, receiving many tributaries before it reaches Lintsing. At present the Hwắng ho runs in one channel eastward, and near the town of Káifung fú it borders on a very flat country, which is exposed to occasional overflowings. As the adjacent country is very low, it was at an early period considered necessary to protect it against the inundations by dikes built of quarried granite, of great strength. These dikes extend about 100 miles along the southern banks of the river. This had the effect, which has also been ex- perienced in the Po and Rhine, of raising the bed of the river, so that even when the river is low, its surface is considerably above the ad- jacent plain. This plain, whose soil is exclusively formed by alluvial detritus, is of extraordinary fertility, and covered with almost innumer- able villages and towns. When therefore the river, being unusually swollen, breaks through the dikes, the loss of life and property is immense; and as the country subject to such inundations, according to the opinion of Barrow, is equal in area to the island of Great Britain, the truth of the assertion made by the emperor Kienlung to Lord Macartney, that the Hwang ho gave him more trouble than all the other cares of government, may be understood in its full force. Be- sides the regular expenses for maintaining the dikes in repair, which annually amount to more than a million of pounds sterling, govern- ment is alway anxious to contrive some means of averting the calami- ties of inundations. The emperors Kánghi and Kienlung especially have done much towards that object. In the reign of the last-men- tioned monarch, a large canal was made for the purpose of avoiding the too great accumulation of water in the Hwang ho, which joined it with the headwaters of one of the upper streams of the R. Hwái in ffung hien, either the Peh-sh4 ho or Kiú-hwáng ho (Old Yellow R.). This excavation is nearly a hundred miles long, and has had the effect of lowering the general surface of the river many feet, and rendering large tracts of land formerly under water fit for cultivation.

About 70 miles above its mouth, the Hwáng ho receives a great supply of water by the channel by which Lake Hung-tsih dis- charges its waters. This lake receives not only the waters brought from the Hwang ho by the new canal, but also those of the Hwái ho. The numerous rivers which unite with the Hwái ho drain the extensive country which extends between the Hwang ho and Yángtsz' kiáng, and most of them rise in the eastern offset of the Peh-ling range. The

1350.

Topography of the Yellow River:

507

and Hwui ho,

河

two largest branches are called Yuho and when the first named, which rises not far from the banks of the R. Loh, is considered as the principal branch, the whole course of the river exceeds 400 miles. The country drained by the R. Yi is flat, but appears to be less fertile than other portions of the Great Plain. A short distance below the place where the channel of Lake Hung- tsih unites with the Hwáng ho are the two entrances of the Grand canal, which are lined with quays, built of large square pieces of granite and marble, and are nearly a mile wide. The Chinese who navigate the Canal consider the passage of the river dangerous on account of the great rapidity of the current, which frequently carries their barges far below the opposite entrance. Barrow gives the follow- ing account of the passage of the river, and the religious ceremonies observed by the boatmen :-

•

"Before our barges launched into the stream of the Yellow River, which rolled in a very rapid torrent, certain ceremonies were conceived to be indispensably necessary. In the practical part of religion (which indeed may be considered as nearly the whole) a Chinese is not less solicitous to avert a possible evil, than to procure an eventual good; and of all evils personal danger is most ap- prehended. It was therefore deemed expedient that an oblation should be made in every vessel of the fleet to the genius of the river. The animals that were sacrificed on this occasion, were different in different yachts, but they generally consisted of a fowl or a pig, two animals that were very common in Grecian sacrifices. The blood, with the feathers and the hair, was daubed upon the principal parts of the vessel. On the forecastle of some were placed cups of wine, oil and salt; in others, tea, flour and salt; and in others, oil, rice and salt. The last article appears to be thought by the Chinese, as well as Hebrews, a necessary accompaniment to every sacrifice. Every oblation of thy meat- offering shalt thon season with salt: neither shalt thou suffer the salt of the co- venant of thy God to be lacking from thy meat-offering. As, however, the high priest and his friends were to feast on those parts of the meat-offering which were considered as unworthy the acceptance of heaven, which parts, by the way, were always the best of the victim, one might, perhaps, assign a reason for the strong injunction of offering salt, this being a scarce article in many countries of the East, and the best preservative of meat against putrefaction.

"The cups, the slaughtered animal, and several made-dishes, remained on the forecastle, the captain standing over them on one side, and a man with a gong in his hand on the other. On approaching the rapid part of the stream, at the signal given by the gong, the captain took up the cups one by one, in order that, like the Greeks of old, he might 'perform the rites, and pour the ruddy wine;' which he did by throwing their contents over the bow of the vessel into the river. The libation performed, a quantity of crackers and squibs and gilt tin foil were burnt, with uplifted hands, whilst the deep-sounding gong was incessantly struck with increasing violence as the vessels were swept along with the current. The victim and the other dishes were then removed for the use of the captain and crew, and the ceremony ended by three genuflexions and as many proctrations.

"Our fleet consisted of about thirty sail, and from each vessel there proceeded, on its launching into the stream, such a din of gongs and crackers, and such volumes of smoke from the burnt offerings, that the deity of the river must have been in a very surly humor if he was not pleased with such a multitude of oblations. The safe arrival, on the opposite bank, of the whole squadror was a proof of his having accepted the homage, and accordingly he was again

508

Topography of the Yellow River.

SEP.

addressed in a volley of crackers as a token of thanks for his propitious and friendly aid.

"The width at this place was full three quarters of a mile; and the stream, where strongest, ran with the rapidity of seven or eight miles an hour; and the water was as thick and muddy as if the heaviest torrents of rain had just de- scended, whereas, in fact, there had not fallen a shower for many months."

Sir John Davis describes the passage here as not at all dangerous, though it would probably be so in a high wind for the clumsy barges of the Chinese; the stream is about two thirds of a mile wide, and estimated to average eight feet in depth. The channel nuust be far deeper than this, however; but in consequence of the bar at the mouth, the entrance is probably difficult. Sir John thinks that the evils inflicted upon the Chinese by the opium and guns of his coun- trymen would be more than compensated, if the government would call to its aid the engineering science of a Brunel to operate on the Yellow R. and Grand Canal, restraining the devastations of the form- er, and increasing the facilities of the latter. The navigation of the river is often seriously impeded in the spring by the floating ice; and the ice is so strong in some parts of Sháusi during winter that wains and loaded animals cross on it.

The number of cities and towns along the Yellow river in its Lower course is almost incalculable, and if the basin of the R. Hwái be in- cluded, no region of country in the world of the same extent can compare with it for populousness and fertility. From Tungkwán in Shepsi to its mouth, thirty district towns occur near the banks of the Hwáng no aloue, while in the basin of the Hwái ho, there are more than fifty. The prefect cities of Honán fú aud Hwaifung fő, Káifung, the provincial capital, Wei-hwui fú and Kweiteh fű, all lie on or near the Yellow river in Honán province; and in Kiángsú, the two important cities of Suchau fá and Hwai-ngán fü. The basin of the R. IIwái comprises about one half of Nganhwai, and three fifths of Honán, many of its headwaters rising in the Hiung-'rh shán or Bear Mts., within a few miles of the Yángtsz' kiáng. From the town of Tsing ho, where the Grand canal crosses it, to the mouth, the country is so low that few large places occur; Ngántung and Fauning

寧

are the only district towns within this distance. No seaport exists

at the embouchure, and this vast body of water almost imperceptibly joins the ocean, the colored waters of the iver being seen more than a hundre miles from the shore. Brrow has given the result of some calculations, from which it appears that fully two m Ilions solid feet of earth are deposite l in the Yellow sea every hour by this river alone, enough to make an island in it a mile square every seventy days.

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

509

The area of the region drained by the Yellow river is not far from 720,000 square miles, equal to that part of Europe lying west of a line drawn from Trieste northward to Stettin. Its entire length is computed at 2480 miles, but a straight line would not measure over 1300 miles. How far it is navigable is not known, though it is pro- bable that goods can be carried from Páuteh in the north of Shánsí to the Grand canal, a distance of about 1100 miles. No falls of any height are mentioned as occurring in this part of its course, while the general descent of the country, and the great rapidity of the cur- rent, render the return of boats almost impossible. The introduc tion of powerful steamers will we hope erelong make known the ca- pabilities of this river, and open up the country lying along its banks

far as they can ascend.

ART. VI. Journal of Occurrences: H. B. M. S. Mariner's visit to Japan; cultivation of tea in the United States; emigration of Chinese to America ; memorial respecting disturbances in Kwùng- si; insurgents in Kwángtung.

HER B. M. ship Mariner's visit to Japan made in April, 1849, is noticed in the proceedings of the Geographical Society of London. This cruise was taken after the return of the Preble from Nagasaki, and the treatment the Mariner received in the Bay of Yédo is an advance in good manners on that experienced by the Columbus.—In regard to the remark made in the pa ragraph here quoted that the court of Peking has granted the free navigation of the Sagalien river to the Russians, we should like to have some further corroboration, for it is new to us. If Dr. Gutzlaff is the authority for it, per- haps it was intended to be classed with the hope expressed in the sentence preceding it respecting the free commerce of China and Japan with the rest of the world. The paragraph is from the Athenæuin of March 2d, 1850:-

A letter from Commander Mathison, of H. M. S. Mariner was communicated by the Admiralty. In obedience to orders from the Commander-in-chief, Coin- mander Mathison proceeded in H. M. S. Mariner to the coast of Japan, and an- chored off the town of Uragawa, twenty-five miles from the capital of the em- pire, and three miles farther than any other vessel of a foreign nation had been allowed to proceed. The Mariner sounded all the way across and along the shores. "The Japanese interpreter on board having informed the authorities of the object of my visit, I sent my card, written in Chinese, ashore to the go- vernor, requesting him to receive my visit; to which he replied, that, out of courtesy to me and curiosity to himself, he would have been delighted to pay me a visit, and also entertain me ashore, but that it was contrary to the laws of the country for any foreigner to land, and that he, the Governor, would lose his life if he permitted me to proceed any farther up the bay. When about eight miles from Cape Misaki, which forms the southwest end of the bay, ten boats, man- ned with twenty armed men and five mandarins in each, caine alongside. I al- lowed the mandarins to come on board, when they presented me a paper, written

510

Journal of Occurrences.

SEP.

in French and Dutch, directing me not to anchor or cruize about the bay. Find- ing, however, that I was determined to proceed, they offered, when within two miles of the anchorage, to tow me up, which I accordingly accepted. Several boats were stationed around us during the night, forts were lighted up, and several hundred boats were collected along the shore, and fully manned and arined. In return, I had my guns loaded, and requested their boats to keep at a respectful distance during the night. Otosan, the interpreter, was in great dread; saying that in case we landed, the Japanese would murder us all, and as for himself, he would be reserved for a lingering death by torture. Uragawa appears to be the key of the capital of the empire, and contains 20,000 inhabi- tants. All the junks going and returning to Yédo must pass the custom-house here; and with a moderate force the whole trade of the capital might be com- pletely stopped. With an armed steamer, the passage up to Yédo might be surveyed; and I was informed that a ship could approach within five miles of the city. Between the capital and the port an excellent road exists. The mandarins here appear of an inferior class, treated us civilly, and were anxious to gain any information from us, but would give none in return. They took sketches of different parts of the ship, sent us some water, vegetables, and eggs, and then were continually inquiring when I intended to depart. Mr. Halloran, the master, having made a survey of the anchorage, I weighed, and proceeded to Semodi Bay, of which an accurate survey was made. I landed at this place,—but the mandarins immediately followed, intreating me to return on board. They supplied us with plenty of fish, and sent fifty boats to tow us out. The govern- or of the province came on board at this place; he lives at a town called Miomaki, thirteen miles off, and was evidently a man of high rank from the respect shown him by his suite. The Dutch interpreter from Uragawa likewise came on board with the two mandarins to watch our proceedings. They were, however, doubtless acting as spies on each other," &c., &c.—Dr. Gutzlaff hoped that the time was rapidly approaching when the commerce of these two empires would be open to the world. To Russia, the Chinese Empire, in a secret treaty, has granted the free navigation of the Amor, which will greatly facilitate the communication between the American and the Asiatic possessions of Russia on the Northern Pacific and St. Petersburgh, vid Kiakta. The Japanese carry on a restricted trade with China and Holland; but it is the opinion of the illustrious Humboldt that an opportunity for opening a liberal and honorable commerce between Europe and Japan will be afforded when the Atlantic and the Pacific shall be united by a canal across the Isthmus of Panama, and Japan thus brought more than 6,000 miles nearer Europe and America. "This neck of land," he observes, “has been for ages the bulwark of China and of Japan.”

Emigration of Chinese to the western coast of America has lately assumed a form like that of the engagement and shipment of coolies from India to the Mauritius. A few shiploads of the lower class of Chinese laborers have left for Lima within the last year, and more are expecting to depart erelong. They are engaged for a term of years (five is the usual period), and receive an advance of 8 or 10 dollars, their food and wages, and adequate attention in case of sickness, are guarantied on their arrival in Peru. One company in the Lady Montagu lost nearly 40 per cent. of the men, and suffered so much that 'she put into Hobart Town for relief and supplies, though she had a physician on board.

Another company of 180 in the French ship Albert rose upon captain Pain in revenge for his ill treatment of them, and killed him, two of his mates, the cook, and a supercargo, and forced the boatswain and crew to navigate the ship back to China, which they did, about 140 leaving her as she approached the Ladrone Is, carrying with them much valuable cargo. This dreadful case of murder and robbery is now undergoing examination. Those Chinese who have gone to California have either been taken as servants, or have gone on their own venture Their characters are doubtless as various as those of the other adventurers to California, but in general they seem to bear a good reputation, and to have wonderfully improved in cleanliness from con- tact with the barbarians, if we can judge from the following notice of them :-

“But we were intending to speak more particularly of the Chinese. We are so un- fortunate to be located in a section of the town where large numbers of the Chinese

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

511

have pitched their tents, and we remarked with much interest, the character and babite of these people. From early morn until late in the evening, these industrious men are engaged in their occupation of house builders, a great number of houses having been exported from China, and the quietness and order, cheerfulness and temperance, which are observable in their habits, is noticed by every one. Search the city through, and you will not find an idle Chinaman, and their cleanliness exceeds any other people we ever Baw. The buildings brought from China are generally twenty-eight feet square, one story in height, and twelve feet from the floor to the ceiling. The timbers are round, and many of them very crooked. We have noticed, in several instances, the erection of China buildings of double the size described above-but we suppose that in such cases two separate frames are erected together, thus framing a single building. The first movement after raising the frame is to attach the window, which consists of a frame and blinds without sash. The blind is so constructed as to close itself by its own weight- the slat being of double width outside. The timber is very uniform in size, and about six or eight inches in diameter. The boards are well seasoned, and resemble American cedar. The price of a Chinese building, such as we have described, including the erec- tion is $1500. The building, however, consists simply of the frame and covering. They are brought from Hongkong.”—Âm, paper.

The cultivation of tea in the United States is noticed in the Report of the Patent Office for 1849, as having been commenced by Mr. Junius Smith in Greenville, in the northern part of the state of South Carolina, and the hope expressed that in the course of years enough tea will be raised to supply the honie consump- tion. Mr. Smith purchased some five hundred shrubs at one of the Gardens in London, and succeeded in transporting them to South Carolina in perfect health, where they were transplanted into ground prepared for the purpose in Dec. 1845. He has also recently ordered plants and nuts from China in good condition, and purchased and put in order a farm of about 300 acres for their cultivation; and expresses the sanguine hope that he will erelong be able to furnish plants in any quantity to whoever is disposed to attempt the growing of tea. From the novel- ty of the experiment, and the éclat which will attach to the first production of tea in the United States, there can be little doubt but Mr. Sinith will find his la- bors well remunerated; but after the entire failure of the experiments in Brazil and Java, and the partial success in Assam, to manufacture tea, we do not ap- prehend that the exportation to America will materially diminish through these efforts to introduce the tea plant into America. The plant will doubtless grow in the Southern States, but the preparation of the leaf to suit it to the palates of tea-drinkers is quite another thing, and in Rio Janeiro, Java, and Assam has baffled even Chinese manipulators taken from China. The cheapness of labor in China is another point which it will be difficult to compete with, in bringing tea to market against the Chinese.

The movements of the insurgents spoken of in the last number have afforded topics for the newsmongers during the past few weeks; if all the rumors respect- ing them which have circulated during this city for the last six weeks could be collected, the recital would present a curious melange of contraries Amidst them all we have room for only a few particulars.—The following document from the China Mail gives many details of the proceedings of the insurgents in Kwangsí, in fact, pretty much all that is known :-

Lui Wei-hán upon his knees presents a memorial, praying Your Majesty to give orders for the extermination of the banditti who have been long multiplying in Kwangsi, the dis- order caused by them being excessive.

He would humbly state that whereas banditti have always multiplied (lit. ripened) in Kwang-si, the police service whose duty it is to apprehend them has of late much déte- riorated; the ulcer has been fed, and calamity is the consequence; the robbers have unit- ed themselves in bands to a yet greater extent than formerly, and have gone on without check, gradually spreading until there are some in every district of the province.

In the summer of last year they burned and sacked some tens of shops in the market town of Li-kau in the district of Ma-ping. In the 10th moon, in the district of Teien. kiáng, they burned and pillaged the houses of Moh King-yun, a kü-jin, and several hun. dred persons, whom they treated with the greatest barbarity; and it does not appear that these circumstances have been reported by the Governor. All that is on record is his denunciation of the authorities of the districts of Kwei, Yung-fuh, and Yung-an, where a large body of banditti had burned and sacked a number of shops, and killed the inhabi- tants of certain villages in the last moon of last year.

It has lately come to the knowledge of your servant (the memorialist), that the ban- ditti, already numerous, have greatly gained head in the different departments (of

512

Journal of Occurrences.

Kwang-si], and that they have behaved with horrible cruelty to the people of the villages and farms which they have pillaged. In the district of Siten-hwa, one Chang Kia-siang had collected a gang of some 2,000; in the department of King-yuen, he and his young- er brother Chang Kia-fuh had openly set up standards and banners, styling themselves Ta Wang (their Mujesties). In the district of Kwei-ping again, there was another gang of a thousand men or more. In the first and second moon (Feb. Mar.) they plundered Luh Chung-ming, a military graduate, and some scores of familics besides, in the dis. trict of Yung-ful, and at the town of Luh han in the district of Loh-yung, the !sin-sz' Wa Ting-yuen, and upwards of a hundred families; in the village of Píh-koh, in the dis- trict of Sin-jin, a ku-jin named Wei King-jú and some scores of families; and in the vil- Inge of Tsz', a graduate named Wei Kwang-han, and some scores of families. They had upwards of a hundred chiefs, wearing red buttons and blue, riding in chairs or on horse- back: with red and white standards and banners, and wall-pieces and small artillery, it is not known how many stand. The population of the villages they passed through, old and young, all alike suffered the worst; the women were banished in large numbers; houses and cottages were burned and destroyed. In the Liang-chau country more than 500 villages had been reported [to the authorities} as plundered. The houses of the nilitary graduate Wei Kwoh-sisng, and of Wei Tung-han, a military kä-jin in the village of Ta-shan, had been burned and all their property carried off, and the village of Ta- tking was robbed four times running, and Peli-shih thrice. In Wú-chau again, the village of Chih-shui had been burned and utterly ransacked, and forty-five trading vessels had been plundered on the rivers. But the local authorities merely reported that some strig- glers had entered their jurisdictions, disquising the real state of the case, while the Go- vernor's representation was equally false, as it went to show that the protection of his frontier against the banditti of Hu-nan, put it out of his power to take other steps re- quired in hus province, and he confined himself to deputing officers to make search for and apprehend these banditti. [Thes? of Hú-nan] have now found their way into the district of Vung, and should the several gangs unite themselves in one body, their ex- termination will be even a more difficult task to achieve than at present. If advantage were taken of their reverses, and no time lost in making the most of the valor of the troops, their adherents would be dispersed, and by the one move (viz. the suppression of the Hu-nan party) a victory would be gained over the whole of them. On the other lund, apathy, connivance, or cowardice on the part of officers will only tend to increase the confidence of these banditti, the black-haired flock will be daily subjected to greater horrors; where will they end 7 ___This is not the will of the Sacred Lord, whose chief de- light it is to love his people. The Governor in question has had the honor to be known to two sovereigns as the recipient of their excessive bounty. It was his duty to be to the utmost both falhful and diligent in his conduct, that he might fullfil the duties of his post; he has dared notwithstanding to make a confused and partial representation (to the Throne]; his offence against what is naturally right is most grave, worthlessness is not to be borne; but seeing that were he at once to be cashiered and punished, it would but have the effect of enabling him to escape from his present difficulty to the embar rassment of his successor, it is the duty of the memorialist to request your Majesty to direct that the case of this governor be submitted to the Board for their most serious consideration, but that he be charged to continue his inquiries, and to devote his whole attention to ascertaining the facts of the incursion of these robbers; giving orders to the local authorities, civil and military, to co-operate together and earnestly exert themselves to anihilate them; that the retributive justice of Heaven be made inanifest, and pro- tection of life afforded the people; and that, if he farther show himself unequal to the satisfactory administration of the matter, another memorial be thereupon laid before your Majesty,

The above having come to the knowledge of your servant, he ventures not to avoid the odium [attaching to his denunciation of the Governor] by remaining silent and so conniving at his guilt. Prostrate he requests your Majesty to glance upon what he has written, and decide whether his address be or not such as he should present. A respect- ful memorial.

The body of insurgents now in the district towns of Yingteh and Tsingyuen, is generally asserted to be formed by the union of marauders from this and the adjoining provinces of Kwangsí and Hunán. They have inarched from one town to another in the eastern parts of Kwangsi, and in the southwest of Kwangtung. The citizens of Canton have taken some precautions in the pros- pect of an attack, such as drilling the braves, making new and stronger gateways, establishing night patrols, preparing buckets of water on the housetops, and forbidding persons to pass unchallenged in the night. They have been incited to this energy by a descent of two boats-full of the insurgents one night near Shamien; no damage was done at the time, but the results were salutary. About five thousand troops have been sent against the insurgents, and the last accounts are that they have been induced to retire.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-October, 1850.—No. 10.

ART. 1. Consular Returns of the British and Foreign trade with

China for the year 1849.

ONLY a portion of the tables published in these Returns by the Hong- kong government are here reprinted—those which give the movements of shipping, and the amount of duties paid, not being of much interest for future reference. It has been our wish to publish all the Tables of the foreign trade which we could obtain, in order to preserve the statistics of the commerce with China, and these are inserted as part of the series; but owing to the manner in which the foreign trade is conducted, they are less complete and accurate than similar tables in other ports. We number the whole consecutively.

No. I. A RETURN of the number and tonnage of merchant vessels which ar- rived at and departed from the PORT of CANTON, during the year ending December 31st, 1849 :—

ARRIVED

DEPARTED

Under what Celers

Number | Tonnag e Under what Colors

of Shipt

·umber {of Ships

Tonnage

British..

214

93,095 British,...

214

92,124

American,.

75 36,904 American,

33,895

Dutch,....

6,811 Dutch,.

5,348

French,

1,291 French,...........................

941

Bremen,

1,127 | Bremen,

970

Chilian,.

390 Chilian,

390

Danish,.

726 Danish,

296

Hamburgh

616|| Hamburgh,

266

Peruvian.

300 Peruyian,

300

Prussian..

690 Prussian,

600

Spanish,...

320 Spanish,

320

South American......

177] South American

177

331

142,857

313

135,627

VOL. XIX. NO. X.

514

British and Foreign Trade with China.

OCT.

No. II.—A RETURN of the quantities and value of MERCHANDISE IMPORTED into the PORT OF CANTON, in 175 British vessels of 80,311 tons, and 72 Hongkong lorchas of 6,560 tons burden, from the countries and places undermentioned, during the year ending 31st December, 1849.

No. in Tariff

Denomination of Articles

I. BRITISH MANUFACTURES AND STAPLE ARTICLES.

47 | 1.--Manufactures of Wool. Broadcloth, Spanish

Stripes, Habit, and Medium cloths, Woolens not described,

Long Ells,

Camlets.

...

Bombazettes,

Bunting,

...

•

*** ...

Quantities

Chang 15,402 Pieces

Chang

960

62,110|| 259,010

57,011 26,501

...

9,386

From what Countries and Places imported

Estimated Value in Spanish Dollars

$113,280

169,937 356,152

92,923

23,650

12,100

185,265

641,115

4,195

London, Liverpool, Singapore, Bombay, Calcutta, and Hongkong.

13 2.-Manufactures'of Cotton.

Longcloth, white,

do. Gray and twilled,

Cambrics and Muslins,

Chintzes and Prints, Handkerchiefs, Ginghams, Pulicates,

Dyed Cottons, Velve- teens, Silk and Cotton Mixtures, and all kinds of Fancy Goods,

14 Cotton Yarn and Thread,

3.—Miscellaneous Articles, raw and manufactured.

8 Clocks and Watches, in-`

cluding Telescopes, Writing Desks, and Dressing cases, Hard- ware, Ironmongery,

Cutlery, Perfumery,&c.

20 Glass and Glassware,

Pieces

Doz.

66,160 258,513 1,353 5,330 16,20

Value $86,000||

Peculs 21,039

Value

$7,920

5,500

27,504

4,948

30 Iron in bars, rods, hoops, &c. Peculs

Lead, pig,

Tin Plates,

Steel,

269 420

40 Smalts,

45 Wine, Beer, and Spirits,

II. PRODUCTS OF INDIA AND

Value $20,328

14,444

18,650

86,000

525,975

7,920

5,500

100,000

31,667

3,110

2,175

1,225

201,388

British India, Indian Ar-

chipelago and Penang

OTHER COUNTRIES,

3 Betel Nut,

500

Bicho de Mar,

5 Birds-nests,

7 Cloves,

Cochineal,

Peculs

12,048

1,218

205

274

Catties

2,400

12 Cotton, viz:- Bombay,

Bengal,

Madras,..

Peculs 482,088

Miscellan's

17 Elephants' Teeth,

* Fishmaws,

..Catties Peculs

15,700

1,326

$2,414,671

34,450 45,690 92,700

4,000 3,000

4,769,641

10,500

17,000

1350.

British and Foreign Trade with China.

515

No II —Return of Imports into Canton.—Continued.

22 Ginseng,

Catties

24 | Gumn Olibanum,

Peculs

11,461 249

**2:=383A99A8

Do. not further described, Value Horus, Bullocks & Buffalo, Pecula

$5,912

135

26 do. Unicorn' or Rhinoceros,

Mother-o'-pearl shells,

30 Tin in blocks,

36 Rose Maloes,

Sharks'-fins,

Nutmegs,

33 Pepper,

Putchuck, Rattans,

35 Rice and Pulse,

39 Skins & Furs, viz :-Ox-hides|

Otter and Rabbit Skins, No.

Woods :-Sandal,

Sapan,

5 159 1,092 831 678

702 3,32 22,711

Catties

462

Peculs

5,399

Peculs

2,9

150 13,705 26,49€

Ebony,

III. MISCELLANEOUS IN- PORTS, AND Articles NOT IN THE TARIFF, Including Camphor, Coal, Copper-ware, Canes. Coral, Dragon's-blood, Feathers, Glue, Mats, Oil Essential, Sea-horse teeth, Soap, Stationery, Tortoise-shell, White Lead, &c., &c,

133

Value $39,185

Total of Imports in British Ships,

British India, Penang,

Singapore,

Batavia,

Australia, South

Sea Islands, Hongkong, and Great Britain.

At the Exchange of 4s. 2d. per Dollar,

...

6,320

2,500

5,912

4,300

2,000

800

19,930

4,000

4,070

4,300

9,710

56,500

355

119,200

1,200

5,7(X)

209,000

4,500 1,200

39,185

$7,902,244

£1,646,301

REMARKS.—The preceding Returns have been compiled from the entries in the books kept at this Consulate, and the quantities specified are those that have paid duty.—The Weights and Measures stated are those in use at Canton. 1 catty is equal to 1ļ pound Avoirdupois, and 100 catties correspond with 133] Pounds in England. 1 chang is 4 English yards nearly.—The value given has been computed upon the aver- age prices of the year in the Canton Market.—The Spanish dollars have been reduced to sterling at the average exchange of the year.

It will be seen from the above paragraph that this Table in- cludes only such articles as have paid duty. The total importation of opium is omitted, and the value of some of the articles given in the table may safely be doubled to arrive at the real quantity introduced into the country. It is impossible to ascertain the exact importation.

516

British and Foreign Trade with China,

Oct.

No. III A Rereas of the quantities and value of MERCHANDISE EXPORTED from the PORT OF CANTON, in 169 British vessels of 73,543 tons burden, and 53 Hongkong Lorchas of 4,525 tons, from the countries and places undermentioned, during the year ending 31st December, 1840.

Estimated Value in

No. in Tarith

To what Countries and ¦

Denomination of Articles] Quantities

Places Exported Spanish

Dollars

I RAW PRODUCE. 2 Aniseed star,

10 Canes,

Mille

Peculs 700 Great Britain, Bombay 53 Great Britain, Hambgh.

$6,600

2,600

Gt. Britain. Ham-]

12 Cassia Lignea,

Pels. 10,416'

burgh, Singapore,

Bombay, Calcutta,

113,650

Madras, S. America

Cassia Buds,

156

G. Britain. Hamburgh

2,2.10

13 China-root,

2,416

6,660

22 Galangal,

1,12]

Bombay, Calcutta,

3,100

Hartal or Orpiment,

395

Madras,

3,200

34 Marble Slabs,

1,350

3,400

Quicksilver,

5:33 Bom., Cal, Mazatlan|

57,800

45 Rhubarb,

775

***

46 Silk, raw,

979

London, Liverpool,

23,500

Do, course or refuse,

4,847

Bonbay, Calcutta,

519,000

Madras

341,000

52 Sugar, raw,

9,876

44,950

G. Britain, India,

55 Tea,

345,315

Australia, the Cape,

South America,

9,335,700

II. MANUFACTURED

ARTICLES.

Halifax, &c.,

$10,463,360

4 Bangles or glass armlet Boxes

488

Bombay, Calcutta

5,850

5 ¡Baiboo ware,

Peculs 14

London, Bom., Cal.

2,2010)

6 Brass leaf,

Boxes 402

Bombay

12,730

& Bone and Hornware,

Catt. 1,445|

Bombay, Calcutta,

{Monte Video

1,800

14 Chinaware,

56 Cegars,

16 Copper, Tin, and}

Pewter ware,

13 Crackers & Fireworks,

Pels. 1,764

London, Liverpool,

18,000

1,095

·Singapore, Bombay -

14,300

209

Calcutta, Madras

4,000

1,018

Bombay,Madras, S.

America, the Cape

7,075

London, Liverpool,

20 Fans (of all sorts,)

Catts. 4,955

Boinbay, Calcutta,

7,450

21 Furniture (of all kinds) Pcls.

915

Madras, the Cape,

20,100

S. Amer., Australia j

24 Glass and Glassware, Val. $3,300|

Bombay, Calcutta

3,300

25 Glass beads,

Boxes 1,676

Do.

25,150

26 Glue,

Pels. 2,565

Calcutta, Madras,

South America

19,500

Great Britain, India

27 Grass cloth,

Catts. 4,69

12,750

South America

29 [Ivory, M.-o'-pearl,& }

30 Kittisols,

31 Lacquered ware,

35 Mats,

38 Nankeens and co. )

lored Cloth,

2 Oil of Aniseed,

42 Oil of Cassia,

Tortoiseshell-ware,

2,456

London, Hamburgh

4,:00

Bombay, S America

28,600

Boxes 3,009 Pels.

Bon:hay, Calcutta

26,000

30,000

G. Britain, India,

434 3,952

the Cape, California

5,900

Great Britain, Bom

69 > bay, Calcutta, Sin-

7,820

gapore

12,900

1950.

British and Foreign Trade with China.

517

No. III.-Return of Exports into Canton.—Continued.

41 Paper of all sorts,

Great Britain, India

43 Preserves,

3,052 3,933

S America, Califor-

34,609

55,600

44 Rattan work,

321

nia, the Cape, Ham-

burgh, Singapore

13,500

46 Silk thread, Organzine, Cats. 10,900

Ribbons,

359

8. America, India

50,150

1,200

Silk Manufactures,

47 Silk & Cotton mixture,

52,811 | Great Britain, India 31,235 (South America

316,800

46,700)

50 Soy,

Pels. 1,571 London, Cape, Bombay

18,000

52 Sugar,

9,876

London, Bombay

50,000

53 Sugar Candy,

4,332

Bombay, Calcutta,

Sydney, M. Video

33,700

59 Trunks,

322

India, the Cape, S.

...

America, California

8,500

India, Bombay.

574

***

...

Calcutta, Singapore

53,500

Monte Video

61 Vermilion,

III. MISCELLANEOUS EXPORTS AND ARTICLES NOT in the TARIFF, Including Alum, Arsenic, Cam- phor, Capoor Cutchery, Drugs, Drums. Caps, Clothes, Artifi cial Flowers, Glue, Gold thread, Gold and Silverware, Hemp, Incense Sticks, Indigo, China Ink, Lamps, Oil Paintings, Pic- tures on Rice Paper, Salt Fish, Stoneware, Shoes, Tiles, Silk Umbrellas, and Vermicelli, &c.

Value $70,000

70,000

Total of Exports in British Ships,

At the Exchange of 4s. 2d per Dollar.

$11,485,935

£2.392 903

REMARKS.—The preceding Returns have been compiled from the entries in the books kept at this Consulate, and the quantities specified are those that have paid duty. The weights are those in use at Canton. I catty is equal to 1 pound Avoirdupois, and 1 Pecul or 100 Catties corresponds with 133↓ pounds in England.—The Value given has in most instances been computed upon the average prices of the year in the Canton Markets; aud where this has been found impracticable, an approximate estimate has been subfituted.—The reduction of the Spanish dollars into Sterling has been made at the average exchange of the year.

No. IV. -Synopsis of the Return of Tonnage Dues, Import and Export Duties paid at Canton by 216 British vessels of the burden of 89,124 tons, in the year 1849.

$52,047, at 48. 2d. exchange £10,843 Do. Do. £263,152

Tonnage Dues ..

Import and Export Duties

1,263,128

JOHN BOWRING,

H. B. M. Consul.

No. V —Synopsis of Return of British Shipping at the Port of Shánghái, for 1849.

89 Vessels arrived, amounting to 30,812 Tons; cargo valued at £974,302

110

departed

to 32,-75

£1,438,480

518

British and Foreign Trade with China.

Ост.

NO. VI-RETURN of the Quantities and Value of Merchandise IMPORTED into the PORT OF SHANGHAI, in 89 Britisk vessels of 30,812 tons, from the countries and places undermentioned, during the year ending 31st De- cember, 1849.

No. in DENOMINation of ArticLE

Tariff

QUANTITIES

From what Estimated Value Countries and | in Uterling at 40. Places Import- 5d. the average

Rate of Exchange

ed.

1. BRITISH ManufactuRES

AND STAPLE Articles.

Manufactures of Colton :--

Longcloths, Gray,

'Pieces

817,955

£424,856

White,

338,052

193,538

Twills,

3,843

1,977

Colored Cottons,

15,500

9,070

Diaper,

125

Muslins,

268

103

Fancy,

9,855

5,984

Chintz,

13,160

7,991

Printed Handkerchiefs,

Dozen

8,668

1,914

Velveta,

Pieces

1,872

3,811

Drills (American,)

20,855

9,685

Sheetings, do.

5,822

2,699

Cotton Yarn,

Pecula

2,576

12,246

Manufactures of Wool:—

673,901

Broadcloths,

Chang

124,697

London,

673,901

Long Ella,

141,908

Liver-

117,854

Camlets,

56,856

pool,

39,174

Dutch,

210

Canton,

19,473

1,908

Lastings,

Pieces

& Hong-

198

kong

Miscellaneous Articles,

Raw |

and Manufactured:

178,607

852,508

Iron, Nail Rod,

Ironware,

Pecula Cases

3,918

2,595

Tin,

Peculs

314

Plates,

1,248

Lead,

250

176

Flints,

1,390

276

Glass and Glassware,

Casos

1,120

121

II. PRODUCTS of India AND

OTHER COUNTRIES.

6,626

2,188

859,134

Woods-

སྟུཎྞཱ་པ

Sandal,

Pecule

7,879

9,962

Sapan,

5,277

2,745

Camaga,

1,932

639

Mangrove Bark,

3,161

British

698

Timber,

6,595

India,

1,454

Miscellaneous

Singa-

******

Rice,

Peculs

113,990,

pore,

S. Sea

55,380

Rattans, Pepper,

Bicho de Mar,

7,163 1,056

Islands,

9,031

& Mani-

1,399

180

943

Shark fine,

Birds-nests,

Sundries,

397

468

13,897

III, CARRYing Trade.

Sugar,

Candy,

Pecula

38,314 180

Chinese Produce

17.798

357

£974,302

1850.

British and Foreign Trade with China.

519

No. VII-A Synoptical Table of the IMPORT TRADE from Foreign countries, at the PORT OF SHANGHAI, during the year ending the 31st December, 1849, specifying the Description and Quantities of Com- modities as well as their estimated value, and distinguishing the na- tional character of the ships in which they were Imported.

QUANTITIES AND IN WHAT VESSELS IMPORTED

DESCRIPTION OF COMMODITIES

Cotton,

3 Spanish

2 Bremen { Prunin

89 British

25 American

Aggregate Quantities

Imported |

* Dutch!

7 Portuguese:

Estimated Value in Sterling Mt 48 5d Exchange

1 Siamese

Longcloths, Gray....

Pieces

817,955

45,543

8,000

871,498 £452,051

White,

338,052

6,382 1,950

316,381

197,677

Drills (American),'

20,855

91,200

112,055

51,979

Domestics,

6,917

61,126

67.073

31,156

量

Dyed Cottons,

15,560

260

15,820

9,222

Fancy

9,855

9.855

5,981

Chintzes,

13.160

600

13,760

8,355

Printed Handkerchiefs. Doz.

8,668

1.914

Velvets,

Pieces

1,872

3,811

Cotton yarn,·

Peculs

2,576

12,246

Musline,

Pieces

268

103

Jeans (American),·

3,150

3,450

1,904

Twills,

1,330

734

English Gray Drills,..

2,513

1,213

Woolens.

Spanish Stripes,

26.684

1,798

756

29,238

129,134

Long Ells,

23.956

1,700

120

25,776

41,987

Camlets,

4,409

400

4,809

21,239

do Dutch,.

360

200

620

3,171

Woolen Mixtures,

350

Lastings,

190

198

Metals.

Spelter,

Peculs

1,242

1,212

1,782

Iron, Nail Rod,

3,918

2,595

Tin,

314

1,248

Tin Plates,

Cases

176

Lead,

Peculs

250

2,550

2,800

3,654

Ironware,

Cases

Woods.

Sindal,

Peculs

7,879

1,299

1.662

10,810

13,231

Sapan,

5,277

2,702

3,747

11,726

7,017

Camaga and others,·

1,932

1.932

639

Mangrove Bark,

3.161

552

3,713

819

Timber,

Valuc

1,151

1,454

Sundries.

Rice,

Peculs 113,990

32,198

28.668

171,876

81,960

Rattans,

7,163

2,240

882

10,285

13.167

Sugar,

38.314

5.383

4,772

48,169

22.283

Pepper,

1,056

1,200

2,256

2.989

Indigo,

Biche de mer,

Glass and Glassware,

Liquid Indigo.

Miscellaneous,

180

146

1,741

2,070

14.299

Cases

1,120

467

1,587

2,600

1,008

3.116

Value

£15,210 £21,029

| £974,302

€19,564 £58,833

58,883

£161,978

£70,052❘

£1,209,332

38 Nankeens,

46 Silk, Raw

Taysaam,..

Tantlee.....

520

British and Foreign Trade with China,

Ост.

No. VIIL-Return of the quantities and value of Merchandise EXPORTED from SHANGHAI, in 94 British Vessels of 32,675 tons, to the undermen- tioned places, during the year ending 31st December, 1849.

No. in Denomination of Article.

Tariff.

Quantities.

Pieces 12,000

17,217 bls. Peculs 13,781]

To what Countries Exported.

London, Liverpool,

and Hongkong

Estimated value in ster. ling at 4. 5d exchange

£1,060

972,155

Sorts

Silk piece goods,

Casca

130

2,893

55 Teas

Congou,... 13,106,068

Souchong, 153,063

Fiowery Pekoc... ... · 76,523

Twankay,.. .33,083

Hvson,...

London, Liverpool,

Hyson Skin.

368,643 .273.953

15,535,572 lb.

Young Hyson... 378,629

Cork, Hongkong, Canton,& Sydney

415,841

Imperial,

€69.561

Gunpowder.,.

Sorts

· 350,695 .725,353

Hemp,

Miscellaneous..

•

Oil and Bean Cake,

Amov.

1,039 4.630

10.509

£1,438,480

REMARKS. The preceding Returns have been compiled from the entries in the Books kept at the office, and the Quantities specified are those that have paid duty.- The Weights and Measures stated are those in use at Shanghai. 1 catty is equal to 14 pound Avoirdupois, and 100 catties correspond with 1334 pounds in England. A chang is 4 English yards nearly.-The value given has in most instances been computed upon the average prices of the year in the Shanghái Market; and where this has been found impracticable, an approximate has been substituted. The reduction of Spanish dollars into sterling has been made at the average exchange of the year, of 4s. 5d. per dollar. No. IX-A SYNOPTICAL TABLE of the Export trade to Foreign countries, from the port of Shánghái, during the Year ending the 31st December, 149, specifying the Description and Quantities of commodities, as well as their estimated value, and distinguishing the national character of the ships in which they were exported.

Description of CommodiTY

QUANTITIES AND IN WHAT VESSELS

EXPORTED

M4 Briksh

19 American

Estimated

|Aggregate | valum iu Spanish Quantities: Sterling. 1 Bremen Saported at 28. 4d.

1 Prussian

3 Duich

Siamese

Exchange

Nankeens..

· Pieces

12,000

45,650

2,800

60,450

£6,194

|Silk, Raw,—Taysaam..

Tsatlee.... Pecul Sorts,.

13,781

644

14,436 | 1,023,082

Silk Piece Goods,..

.Cases

130

Tea..

.Ibs

15,535,572

1,626 4,416,932

1,756

49.472

445.533 20398037 |

628.967

Cotton, Raw,·

Peculs

521

1,265

Wool..

191

100

Hemp.

Value

£1.039

1.039

Miscellaneous,, .

£4.680

£11.492

£3.000

2.172

Oil cake, &c. (Clunesc cargoes) {

£10,500

9.984 £1,774

22.207

Total,

£1,438,430 | £299,931 ; £12,25

(£1,754,656)

1550.

British and Foreign Trade with China.

521

No. X-RETURN of the NUMBER and TONNAGE of MERCHANT VES- SELS which arrived at and departed from the PORT OF SHANGHAI, during the year ending 31st December, 1849, distinguishing the countries to which they belonged.

ARRIVED

Under what colors

British,

American,

Spanish,..

Prussian,

Bremen,..

Dutch,.

Portuguese,.

Siamese,

DEPARTED

No. of Shi◄ Tonnage

Under what Colors

No. of Nhẫng Tennage

83°

30.812

British...

33,875

10,252

American,

10,952

770

Spanish,.

770

474

Prussian,

474

440

Bremen,..

420

660 Dutch..

1,165

368

Portuguese.

368

250 Siamese,..

250

127

44,026

133

52,974

No. XI-IMPORT of OPIUM into WUSUNG for the Years 1847, 1848,

and 1849.

Description

1847

18-18

1849

Chests

Valve

Chests Valno Chests

Value

Malwa,...

Patna,

12 864 $5,999,232 3,496 2,263,408

Benares,.

140 86,BUN

31,920

Total,

16,500 $8,349,440

11,725 $8,793,750| 14,721 | $9,274,230 5,178 2,975,625 8,260 4,130,000

16,960 $11,601,:9)| 22,981 [$13,404,230

No. XII-A RETURN of the Quantities und Value of MERCHANDIZE exported from AMOY in 37 British Vessels of 11,106 tous, to the countries and places undermentioned, during the year ending 31st December, 1849.

No. in Tariff.

Denomination

of Article.

Quantities

To what Countries and places Exported]

Straits

... 2,646 pieces

30,000 in number

7 Tiles large and small 239,541 in number]

14 Chinaware all kinds 22,267 bund & bas

Reported or Estimated Valuc in dollars

14,887 00 6,230 00

105 00 25,882 00

9,809 00

30 00

Granite,..

事务

Bricks,

30 Kittysols,.

28,302 bundles

35 Mats,.

41 Paper of all kinds,.

383

2,275 00

43 Preserves,.

319 tubs & box

;)

1,444 50

46 Silks,.

52 bales

9,555 00

48 Shoes,.

936 boxes

203 00

52 Sugar,.

53 Sugar candy, 55 Tea,

56 Tobacco,

61 Vermilion,

4,328 peculs

576 & tubs, 112 chests, 5 pls. 1,946

Hongkong

8.140 00

4,382 00

Straits

147 00 16,810 00

400 00

10 cases

Iron ware,

Unenu-> Rice,...

articles

merated [Vermicelli,

Woods, Mushrooms, Oil, Combs, Joss-stick, Paint, Salt, &c.

Exch. at 4s. 4d. Exports, £45,297.10.6 Stg.

2,602 tubs & pkg

6,021 00

43,779 bags & pls

1,810 cases

Shanghái Straits

75,137 00

5,789 00

21,233 00

Tutal,

$209,065 50

VOL. XIX. NO. X.

No, in Tariff

Denomination of Articles

Quantities

Betel Nut,

Bicho-de-Mar,

1,017 bags, b. &c. 1,868

Birds' Nests,

¡Camphor,

708 cats. bxs, &c.

4 pecula

522

British and Foreign Trade with China.

Ост.

No. XIII. A RETURN of the quantities and value of MERCHANDISE IMPORTED into the PORT OF AMOY in 67 British vessels of 17,957 tons, from the countries and places undermentioned, during the year ending 31st Decem. ber, 1849.

Reported or Estimated Value in Dollars

3.575 28,465 00

5,970

3,500

From what Countries and Places imported

Straits

10 Cochineal,

28 cases

1,400 00

Cotton,

16,697 bales

India via Hongkong

487,884 00

White Shirtings,

23,510 pieces

England vid

81,400 00

Gray

do.,

43.911

143,714 00

Drills,

Gray Twills,

2,400 1.960

White do.,

3,100

Nankeens,

200

6,700 00 5,700 00 8,250 00 450 00

Chintz,

2,279

8,916 00

Turkey Red Cloth,

2,400

9,100 00

Velvets,

32 cares

5,300 00

Red spotted Cambrics,

600 pieces

3,000 00

Cotton Yarn,..

2,214 bales

160,295 00

Cutch,

139 bales and pls.

Straits

200 00

Elephants' Teeth,

6 in number

80 00

Flints,

1,156 pls., bask tons England via Singapore

1,173 00

Glass,

186 boxes

1,450 00

Gambier,

110 baskets

Straite

50 00

Tin.

630 pls. slabs bask

2,900 00

Rod Iron, ..

Lead & Sheet Lead,

200 bundles

1,000 00

Iron,

46 1,950 bundles

& rolls

1,000 00

1,200 00

Pepper, black & white

Rattans,

2.063 bags and pls. 9,423 bund, and'

9,213 00

3,802 00

Peas,

Beans,

Rice,

Pulse,

38 [Sharks' Fins.

308 bags 3,266 and ple. 3,727

25 bags

12 bas bgs & bls. 3,581, bls. pls. sks,

20 pieces

575 00

3,281 00

Arrakan Straits

5,180 00

Skins & Hides,

Red Wood,

Garroo

11 baskets

Sapan

Sandal

Iron

2,180 pieces

457 pieces

23,759 pls. logs, &o;

Teak

193 logs

Birch

}

Midding,,

436 pieces

Grangy

Mangrove Bark,

16,406 bun., and pls.'

Long Ells,

808

Bombazettes,

1.280 pieces

19 trusses

England via Hongkong

14,580 00

Camlets,

510 pieces

Uneun. inerarti azúcies:

Spanish Stripes,

Dried meats, shrimps, sugar, medicines

oil cake, bean cake, oysters, feathers, è cockles, salt pork, &c., &c., &c., Exch, 41, 4d. importe, £246,225.19.2 stg.

Straits and Shanghai

Total..

46,800 00

$1,136,427 00

T. H. LAYTON,

Consul.

17,970 00

1.900 00

6,050 00

50 00 4.58 00 4,616 00 125 00 70 00 710 00

21,685 00

40 00 160 00 2,400 00 200 00 20 00

5,860 00

1850.

British and Foreign Trade with China.

523

No. XIV. Synopsis of the Arrivals and Departures at Amoy under all flags

during the year 1849.

ARRIVED.

Flags & numbers

Tonnage

DEPARTED.

Value of Imports

Flags &

numbers

Tonnage

Value of Exports

67 British

17,957 | 1,136,427 50 37 British

11,106 | 209,065 50

3 American

1,733

11 Spanish

1,964

61,988 68 1 American 61,043 59 11 Spanish

536

3,205 81

1,964

19,451 52

1 Danish

104

5,940 00

2 Prussian

600

40,094 5

2 Prussian

600

13,304 64

6 Dutch

1,585

73,221 66 3 Dutch

515

14,553 00

2 Siamese

670

35,212 96 J Siamese

270

1,129 00

1 Bremen

120

5,780 00 1 Bremen

120

4,080 00

35 Portuguese 2,928

76,778 80 11 Portuguese

892

14,751 69

128 ships, &c. 27,663 | 1,496,487 77 67 ship lorchas 16,003 | 279,541 15

Total value of Imports at 4s. 4d. exch. £324,238 0.4

do. do. Exports

60,567 4.11

Increase in total trade in 1849, £172,390 2.113

No. XV.-A RETURN of the quantities and value of MERCHANDIZE IMPORTED into the PORT OF NINGPO to the countries and places undermentioned, during the Year ending the 31st December, 1849.

No. in the

From what Coun-

Estima ed

Value in Spanish Dollars

Denomination of Articles | Quantities.

tries and

Tariff

Places Imported

47 -Manufactures of Wool.

Camlets,

13 2-Manufactures of Cotton

|Longcloth, White,

Pieces

Hongkong

465

450

1,350

***

Clocks,

Glass and Glassware, Rattans, Rice,

Woods: Red Wood,

Twilled, Gray,

5201

1,560

3,100

7,750

Value $116

Shanghai

116

805

Peculs 474 H.kong & Sha.

2,370

2,740 Hongkong

6,754

601

120

III. Miscellaneous Arti-

cles not enumerated in the Turiff.

Value $3,650

Hongkong and Shanghai

3,650

Total IMPORts, |

$23,940

Exch. at 4s 4d. per Dollar, £5,187

No. XVI. A RETURY of the quantities and value of MERCHANDIZE EXPORTED from the PORT OF NINGPO to the countries and places undermentioned, during the year ending the 31st December, 1849.

No. in the

Denomination of Articles | Quantities

Peculs 2,110, H.kong & Sing.

To what Coun-

tries and

Estimated Value in

Places Exported

Spanish Dollars.

2,110

1,200

100

435

$3,845

G. G SULLIVAN, Consul.

Tariff

Alum,

Copper,

40 Fuhchau-fu

Mate,

Value $100

Unenumerated Articles,

Exch. at 4s. 4d. per Dollar, £833 1.8

Ningpo, 31st December, 1849.

Hongkong &

$435 Singapore

Total EXPORTS,

524

Letter to the Editor.

Ост.

ART. II. Letter to the Editor of the Repository upon Dr. Legge's argument of the word for God in Chinese. By A Looker-on. To the Editor of the Chinese Repository,

SIR, I happened to see only yesterday a copy of Dr. Legge's remarks on my letter to you. As to the error in transcribing Locke's words to which he alludes, I do not know whether I am to blame or you: in a rough copy which I happen to have by me, I find the expression rightly quoted. Very possibly, however, in writing a second copy, I may have made a mistake Would Dr. Legge allow me to ask him, since he is so particular as to the least word, what he means on page 71 of his last pamphlet by " eliminating" the truth? When I was a boy, I remember I was taught that to eliminate " an unknown

quantity from an algebraic equation meant to get rid of it, to banish it : I am not aware now of any other sense in which the word is used: surely, therefore, Dr. Legge would not have us “eliminate" the TRUTH !

I shall not allude to Dr. Legge's remarks upon my former views. I do not myself hold them now, having been convinced (at least very nearly so) by the arguments I have heard since, and as much as any other by Dr. Legge's own pamphlet, that Shin, and Shin alone, is a proper translation for the word God. I think it would be difficult to find a piece of reasoning more sophistical than that by which Dr. Legge tries in his first pamphlet to show us that God is a relative term. He does not tell us that God" satisfies the conditions necessary to be satisfied in order that a word may be considered a relative term; he says, "I have no hesitation" in adding to the list that of “God and creatures," but he does not state that it has the qualifications of the class of relative terms. To do this he must show the nature of the relation that is implied. I presume from his words quoted above, that this is that of creation : is the word God then the same as creator ? "Creator and creatures" are correlatives; are “God and creatures" the same idea in other words? If so, does Shángtí translate that relation? I would remark that this must be shown. Pater in Latin expresses a particular relation; Father in English expresses the same; we therefore translate the one by the other: does Shángti then tran- slate the word God, if it means creator? It will not do to say God is relative term, and Shángtí is a relative, therefore God will be best translated by Shángti; we must show that the same peculiar relation is implied in both, and Bishop Boone conclusively shows that this is not the case, as far at least as the idea of creation is concerned.

Again; Dr. Legge's reasoning to show that “ God" can not be a

1850.

Letter to the Editor.

525

generic term appears equally illogical. He points out a remarkable property of certain nouns not applicable to generic nouns, with one exception (this has been ably handled by others, but at present I waive the question of its accuracy), but he does not say that this is what constitutes the class of non-generic nouns,-in logical language, the differentia, or even a proprium of the class; indeed the admission of an exception prevents this supposition. Now, no doubt it is true that fying is a property of birds, but it is also one of some kinds of fish; if I were to infer, therefore, from an animal flying that it was a bird, I should clearly be reasoning illogically. So this test may be a re- markable property of

non-generic terms, but it must be shown that necessarily it is peculiar to them (and this not by numerous examples, but from their very nature), and the acknowledged exception of the word "man" prevents the possibility of this.

In syllogistic form, Dr. Legge's reasoning will stand thus (I may remark that I use the word “non-generic," because Dr. L. applies the test to several classes of nouns as well as relatives) :-

Non-generic terms satisfy this test;

But God satisfies this test:

Therefore God is a non-generic term.

Now the logician will at once see that here there is an

露露

undistributed

middle term." As, however, some of your readers may not be familiar with the technicalities of logic, the fallacy of the reasoning may be shown by a parallel case:

Birds are flying animals;

That fish is a flying animal; Therefore that fish is a bird!

Lastly, Sir, it is not God we wish to translate; it is Elohim and Theos. It must be shown, therefore, that these are relative ternis, and Dr. Legge's test of course fails to do this. When the people of Lystra (Acts xiv. 11.) said that “the gods (hoi theoi) are come down to us in the likeness of men," I would ask Dr. Legge did they not mean that there were two classes (or genera) of beings—gods and men, they themselves being in one class, and the Apostles in the other? "True," it may be replied, “but the relation of worship was supposed to exist between the two classes, as shown by the conduct of the priest and people." I have no objection to grant this, but it must be remembered that if this constitutes God a relative term, it also con- stitutes men one (for they are clearly correlative in the passage), and Dr. Legge I believe, has not yet stated that man is a relative term. Again, in Isaiah xliv. 17, we find the prophet showing the absurdity

526

Translation of Two Mongolian Letters.

Ост.

of idolatry by the different uses to which different parts of the same tree was put; one part served to give the man warmth and to cook his food, and "the residue thereof he maketh a god" (El); now of these two parts, one would be called a fire, the other a god, and I can not see why the latter should be a relative term and not the former; the fire gives heat, the god gives blessings, as supposed; if the man sits before the fire, he receives heat, and if he kneels before the god, he fancies he gets blessings; but I do not think that Dr. Legge will tell us that fire is a relative term, and yet I can not see any great differ- ence between the heat-giver and the blessing-giver.

Whether these views have been advanced by others or not, I do not know; if you think them worthy of insertion in the Repository, you will oblige, Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

19th September, 1850.

A LOOKER-ON.

ART. III.

Translations and Notice of two Mongolian Letters to Philip the Fair, king of France, 1305. By MR. MEADOWS, Consular Interpreter, Canton.

ALL the readers of the Repository know something of the crusades, and all have heard of Genghis Khan, but many probably do not know that the great-great-grandson of this conqueror had "friendly rela- tions" with the kings of France and England, and that “official com- munications" were exchanged in order to concert an attack on the Mohammedan sultan of Egypt by a combined army of Christian cru- saders, subjects of England and France, and of heathen Tartars, vas- sals of the emperor of China! Such is a historical fact, one recorded by old chroniclers, ridiculed in later times by Voltaire, but proved to be true by the sinologue Rémusat, who found in the royal archives at Paris, about 500 years after they were written, two letters in pure Mongolian from Tartar viceroys of Persia, sealed with Chinese seals, one of which was undoubtedly bestowed on the holder at his investi- ture by his sovereign-lord, the emperor of China.

These letters, which substantiated much that had previously been held for fabrication, were received and answered by Philip the Fair. Others sent at the same period to England were received and answer- ed by the first and second Edwards, and night possibly still be found in some of the English archives.

1850.

Translation of Two Mongolian Letters.

527

I subjoin a translation of those discovered by M. Rémusat, following, however, not his renderings, but those into German by the Mongolian scholar Dr. Schmidt of St. Petersburg, which are more correct; and probably only more faithful versions of the originals, because of a vagueness and obscurity in one or two places. He published a pamphlet on the subject, entitled Philologisch-kritische Zugabe zu den zwei Mongolischen Original-briefen der Könige von Persien Argun und Öldshäitu, to which brochure, to the Mémoires, &c., of Rémusat, and to D'Ohsson's Histoire des Mongols, I refer the reader who would like to acquaint himself fully with the events that led to the subjoined let. ters. A short summary only is here given.

The Mongolian people, at the birth of Genghis Khan, was composed of several tribes or clans who occupied a mountainous region on the present confines of China and Russia, not far from Kiakta, now the cominon mart of these two nations. There they seem to have fought among themselves as bitterly as did the clans of the Scotch Highlands in former days. Genghis was born chief of one of these clans, but his father, the old chief, dying when the heir was only 13 years of age, it was instantly pounced upon and dispersed by its enemies. Genghis himself was taken and cangued, but contrived to escape by getting to a small lake, and lying with his cangue round his neck, under water, his nostrils only above the surface, while his enemies were seeking for him on the banks. By dint of hard fighting during 30 years, after several reverses and many narrow escapes, he succeeded not only in re-establishing his own clan, but in subduing, first all the other Mongolian clans, then all the other races of Tartar nomads; from which time his life was one continued scene of successful warring. Hardy and courageous, rigidly just by nature, essentially barbarous by training and habits, he was eminently fitted for the career he ran, Before his time, among the Tartar hordes, “nothing," he said, was more common than theft and adultery, the child did not obey his parents, husbands had no confidence in their wives, wives were not submissive to their husbands, and robbery escaped with impunity;" and his rigorously enforced code punished theft and adultery with death. Conversing one day with his generals, he asked them what they thought the chief pleasure of man. They all mentioned hunting. “No,” replied Genghis, "the greatest enjoyment of man is to conquer his enemies, to drive them before him, to seize what they possess, to see the faces of the persons dear to them bathed in tears, and to press in his arins their daughters and their wives." His formidable, easily-moved, ever-ready, armies were not even encumbered with Sir Charles Napier's

324

Transation of Tas Morguim Letters

O.T.

bits of way, the Tunantesg verosóčen by one of zas laws to wash, thear chakes, which must be worn tù used cerma law dogítéss stricu! served by lumení. He was a ferocions, brave, mexxiie, sigiwNOS, diny miza L.ze severd aber great conquerors, ne latterly believed burself to be a special instrament of the Divine wil... Tant he was such an instrument, though we fe purposes of vengeance as he supposed, there can we be little doase... For when he died, nis dominiɔns extend- ed from the Billie to the Japanese sea, embracing on the west Ras sia, on the east Corea. His sons and grandsons, following up his com- quests, exuniod the Mongolian sway over the entire Asiatic continent, excepting the two peninsulas of India and Arabia, and over all Euro- pean Rumia, while their armies devastated Poland, Hungary and Silena European prisoners and soldiers in these armies, and adven- turous merchants like Marco Polo, spread in Europe reports about an empire of incredible extent, wealth, and population at the extremity of Asia. This led to the memorable voyage of Columbus; which, again, led to the existence of a new state, destined far to exceed in wealth and grandeur that he went to seek, and the establishment of which was a great step towards the ultimate civilization of the world.

•

Argun, a great-great-grandson of Genghis, ruled in Persia and the adjacent countries, where, though himself but a viceroy, a vassal of the Grand Khan or Mongolian emperorat Peking, he numbered among his subject states the Christian kingdom of Armenia The Mongols, heathens at bottom, were nearly indifferent to all forms of religion, and like the Chinese of the present day, ready to invoke the name of God whenever it suited their purpose. Their sway was therefore preferred by the kings of Armenia and Georgia to that of the proselyting Mo- hammedans of Egypt and Arabia, the inveterate enemies of Christiani- ty, to whom they must have fallen a prey at the time European ardor for crusades began sensibly to cool, had not the Mongolian power just then opposed a check to these rival conquerors. They consequently gave themselves much trouble to get the Mongols and crusaders to act in concert, and the letter of Argun is one of the results of their efforts.

says but little, and led to nothing at the time, but it has neverthe- Jess considerable historical and literary value. It is curious, among other things, to observe from it how powerful the influence of the un- varying Chinese literature has been throughout Asia. This letter, written by a Tartar ruler of Persia 600 years ago, is modeled so strict. ly on Chinese forms that it might, in so far, have been issued from a Chinese yamun of the present day. The writer in a letter sealed with a seal conferred by his sovereign lord speaks as an undoubted suj erior

1850.

Translation of Two Mongolian Letters.

629

to the King of France, whose title he places low in the page, and to whom he conveys, with sufficient plainness, the intimation that it was his duty to have sent in the tribute of a vassal.

The seal bears the inscription 輔國安民之寶 “ Seal of

Supporter of the State and Pacifier of the People." Rémusat's transla- tion is "Sceau du Ministre d'état, Pacificateur des peuples;" which I am obliged to think erroneous. From his own remarks it seems

plain that he has mistaken the construction. The phrase

does form a portion of some customary titles; but here the words are both verbs, holding parallel relations to their res-

輔 and 安

pective objects

and, and an exactly similar relation to 寶

During the reigns of Argun's successors, Gaikhatu, Gazan, and Öldshäitu, the Mongol armies began for the first time to suffer reverses. Syria was alternately occupied by them and the forces of the Egyptian sultans, but on the whole the fortune of war was against the Mongols, whose position in Persia became less secure. This may account for the more civil tone of Öldshäitu's letter. Argun merely answered briefly and haughtily in the affirmative to an overture made him: Öld- shäitu commences a correspondence, and writes in a style of solicita- tion, though even he is careful to place the title of the sovereign he is addressing lower than his own. This letter says as little as the other; but they were doubtless merely intended as the credentials of the envoys sent with each, and who were empowered to treat of affairs in detail.

With respect to the seal, Rémusat says "it verifies a fact which is perhaps not otherwise known; that Khodabendah recognized, like the first princes of his dynasty, the supremacy of the khan or emperor of all the Tartars, who reigned at Peking. It has been asserted that Gazan, on coming to the Empire, had caused the name of the grand khans of Tartary on the coin current in his states to be effaced, and that he had declined to recognize these princes. If that be true, his successor must have himself renewed the bonds, which attached him to the head of his house, since he makes use under solemn circumn- stances, of the seal which he had obtained of him, and the inscription of which in Chinese characters proves at once his authority and his vassalage." The inscription, which is as usual in the ancient seal character, decipherable only by those who have made them a special object of study, he transcribes as follows:-

之萬系皇眞

寶夷順帝命

• The Persian name of Öldshäitu.

VOL. XIX. NO. X.

530

Translation of Two Mongolian Letters.

Oct.

and translates it, “By a supreme decree, seal of the descendant of the emperor, charged to reduce to obedience the ten thousand barbarians (Par un décret suprême sceau du descendant de l'empereur chargé de réduire à l'obéissance les dix mille barbares). After taking the precau- tions that every disagreement with an accurate scholar like Rémusat requires, I ain compelled to give a different interpretation to the in- scription. Even allowing his transcription into Chinese characters of later times to be correct, his translation is a very forced one, separating as it does the fifth from the sixth character. But it is not correctly transcribed by him. Good native scholars, supported by the opinion: of the first seal engraver in the city of Canton, a man of some note in

his line, declare the fifth character to be not 系: The ancient seal form of p has not indeed the thick lines at the bottom given in Rémusat's fac-simile, but our experience of the impressions of Chi- nese official seals on letters has taught us that too much vermilion on the seal constantly transforms its thin lines into thick ones in the impression.

The fifth character being, the whole reads idiomatic Chinese ; and may be rendered "Seal of the Emperor truly decreed [by Heaven], for bringing to harmony the ten thousand barbarians;” that is to say the seal which the Emperor, whom the true decree of heaven has made such, uses when he writes for the purpose of bringing the barbarian nations into concord. It is usual that the in- sciption on a Chinese official seal should be explanatory of the duties of the holder, or of the business the documents to which it is affixed are written on. Thus when an insurrection in the empire becomes se- rious, a special officer is usually commissioned to suppress it, who gets the "Seal of the General charged to reduce the rebellious to order,” or some similar one. This was given to general Yihshán sent to Canton during the English war, while Yilking in Chehkiáng held that with the inscription "Seal of the awe-spreading general." Now the reader will perceive how much better the new rendering of the inscription now under discussion agrees with the tone of Öldshäitu's letter than that of Rémusat. He lays great weight on concord," but says nothing of “obedience." On the other hand my rendering makes the holder of the seal Hwúngti or Emperor, a title which no Chinese emperor would consent to give to a foreign sovereign. How then came this seal into the hands of the Persian ruler? The most credible solution of the problem this question raises seems to be the following: Those persons (probably Persian chroniclers) who Réin- musat states, as above, to have asserted that Gazan, the predecessor

1850.

Translation of Two Mongolian Letters.

531

of Oldshäitu, refused to acknowledge the supremacy of the Chinese emperors, were correct: Öldshäitu followed his example; and the seal was not given him by any emperor of China but made by himself. This solution appears to reconcile all inconsistencies, accounting, among other things for the absence at the beginning of the letter of the phrase occurring in Argun's "by the auspices of the Emperor;" which Rémusat renders “par le grâce du khakan,” and of which he says, “l'ommission est surtout singulière dans une pièce marqueé d'un sceau accordé par le khakan." Old usage, which makes us still keep to Latin and Norman-French mottoes, may have determined Öldshäitu to continue the use of the Chinese seal characters, already in his day very ancient. Besides, it may be remarked here that one of the tutors provided by their father Argun for his elder brother Gazan was a learned Chinese; from whom, or from some colleague of whom, it is hardly too bold a presumption to assume that he also received instruction.

LETTER OF Argun.

By the power of the eternal God, and the auspices of the Emperor Argun: Our word :—

King of France! Thou hast delivered to us through thy envoy Mar Bar-ssvema Sachora, the following message: When the troops of the Il'khan take the field against Egypt, we shall set out from hence to join them.”

Approving of this, thy delivered message, We now declare that We, trusting in God, will set out in the end of the winter month of the tiger year (1290), and on the fifteenth of the first spring month will encamp at Damascus. If thou, thy word truly holding, sendest thy troops at the time, and to the place fixed, We will, if We, by the help of God, con- quer these peoples, deliver Jerusalem over to thec. Should the fixed period and place of meeting not be attended to, and the troops march- ed uselessly about, would that be proper? And if one is afterwards at a loss how to act, what advantage will one obtain? Further, it were well if thou, offering tribute by envoys of different tongues and languages, didst send in presents of the agreeable and rare things of France, together with pictures of various colors. How it is to be ordered must be decided by the power of God and the auspices of the emperor. Thus informing you, We send Müskäril* Churtshi.

Supposed to be the “ Basquarel' of the old writers

شيفضل عن س وی مراسم

ور تهكير متحقق عندهم نسترن وهو حسن

·་

شمش وحسدهم هر سکس هر مسل مصر عمر محتشمصر صدر

remitats

Translation of Two Mongolian Letters.

Our letter is written in the ox year (1299), on the sixth day of the last half of the first summer month, during Our residence at Kündülän.

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Translation of Two Mongolian Letters.

533

LETTER OF OLDSHAITU.

Öldshäitu, Sultan, Our word.

King of France, Sultan! It can not have escaped you that you, the sultans of the Frankish nations, all from early times have lived in friendship with our noble great-grandfather, grandfather, father, and eldest brother, and that they, although distant, regarding each other as near, have mutually sent envoys with presents of greeting, in order to make various communications. Now as We have by the power of God ascended the great throne, let Us in nothing alter or de- part from the policy of the former noble personages, Our grandfather, noble father, and brother, in what respects the established administra- tion of the territories, agreed on by the former noble personages, but regarding the same as ou oath, knit the friendship still closer than be- fore, and always ser.d envoys reciprocally to each other. These are Our thoughts.

Through the inciting words of bad people we, elder and younger brothers, have lived in mutual illwill. Now having obtained from God one heart, we descendants of Genghis Khan, who have warred against each other for forty-five years, and in particular Temu Khan, Toktogha, Chäbär, and Togha, have reconciled ourselves; and have united the people and reëstablished friendly intercourse from the land of the Chinese where the sun rises, to the Talu lake. We have agreed that all shall fall united on any one among us who might think differently. And now how should We abandon your ways of friendship with the noble personages, Our grandfather, father, and brother. Thus informing you, We send the two envoys Mamuluk and Tumon. It has been reported to Us that you, the various sultans of the Franks live in concord; and truly what could there be better than concord? That we now by the power of God will fall with united force upon all opposed to concord, that may God know!

Our letter is written in the seven hundred and fourteenth year (of the Hejra), on the eighth day of the last half of the first summer month of the serpent year (1305).

* Each of the Chinese characters known as tí chí

地支

terrestrial branches, used in the names of their cycle of sixty years, has a certain animal approriated to it as a rat, an ox, a tiger &c, whose names, though never used in authorized or standard Chinese works to denote time, are frequently so employed by other nations of Eastern and Central Asia.

مسينس

་

سیانی مهمادر دعى سيحون مطور

مردد مر سکردی مصدر اشكو ميص عشر

534

Translation of Two Mongolian Letters.

Oct.

میسر میر محمود جبريل متر

1850.

royal comfizar of dental on Safe

@ corticamas d dread and ma

عرب نحو سيص ريم مصتحر اكون مصير

Pagodas in and near Canton.

rooms on antes de conson ExH

تصرا وحشر محن وبا مشخص وس حقيق

مريق

يشكرير. وتعد بينى مصحشر مشهد

ستو قدر وحسن حل مركل

Good food crew forme des Gracel

dead at mad Sagunt ad analy

وحدون مص وتتحول :

Note.-The words inclosed in parenthesis in the text of these letters are in- serted from Schinidt's copy as the modern orthography of the same word with that which precedes it.

ART. IV. Pagodas in and near Canton; their names and time of

their erection.

The term pagoda, now usually applied to the lofty hexagonal storied towers common near Chinese cities, is said to be derived from the Sauserit word bhagavati, or 'holy house. By the Portuguese and French writers, the word is still used to designate temples of all kinds in India, Siam, and China; the lofty, storied pagodas being called towers. Many of the temples in India have lefty pyramidal structures attached to them, as in the famous pagoda at Tanjore, and the applica- tion of the term to the Chinese structures was easy and appropriate. English writers, however, have looked chiefly to the towers in China as resembling the Hindu buildings, while continental travelers seem to have paid more regard to the general purposes of the latter establish- ments, and have called the temples in China pagodas. This distinc- tion needs to be attended to in reading books on China, for a large proportion of the pagodas here have no temples attached to them. Whether the tak or Chinese pagoda is derived from the Indian

535

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Pagodas in and near Canton.

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is a question which has been discussed at some length; we are inclined to think that it is indigenous, and that even the unimagina- tive Chinese architect would have produced something better than the simple nine-storied pagoda if he had tried to imitate the ornate pyrami- dal edifice of the Hindu. The similarity between the two is too slight, and the purposes for which they were erected too unlike, to lead us to suppose that one was copied from the other. The Chinese láh is somewhat connected with the Budhist faith, and a few still have mo- nasteries near them; but they are so much more closely related to the geomantic notions of this people, that they are not now much associated with the Budhists. The remark of Rev. Mr. Milne, in refer- ence to the Tower of Ningpo, "that the presence of such an edifice not only secures to the site the protection and favor of heaven if it already bears evidences of enjoying it, but represses any evil influences that may be native to the spot, and imparts to it the most salutary and felicitous omens," at once explains their purpose, and discloses the motive which has impelled the Chinese to erect such apparently use- less buildings.

The number of pagodas in China is unknown, and there is some variety in their height and mode of construction, but their general as- pect is marked with the same uniformity that attaches to everything architectural in this country. De Guignes has given drawings of seven, which he visited in his journey to Peking; the highest among them was near Káutång chau in Shántung, and was eleven stories high. This writer seems at a loss to account for the fact that those erected near small towns are lower and smaller than those in cities, and sup- poses there may be some proportion demanded by usage between the size of the pagoda and the town; but the difference is owing probably entirely to the greater wealth of the city. This author mentions one of seven stories near Yángchau fú in Kiángsú nearly uniform in size to the top, the stories of which were merely divided by three rows of black bricks. He also speaks of many pagodas of five and seven stories in height:—indeed no district town or prefecture is considered to be complete without one of these felicitous structures, and they are probably as numerous as the district towns, though in many cases a cheap brick edifice of five stories is made to insure whatever of good luck the táh can bring.

The following account of the pagodas in the vicinity of Canton by a visiter to one or two of them, we introduce in connection with the preceding general observations, assured that our readers will be in- terested in its notices of these structures, which arc such prominent

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Pagodus in and near Canton.

537

objects of sight and curiosity to every one who comes up the Pearl river to the City of Rams. A notice of an attempt to repair two of them will be found in Vol. IV., page 189, to which we refer the reader in connection with these notices.

"It was a cloudy fresh moruing in the month of May, when I left Whampoa in company with a friend to visit the Second Bar Pagoda. The tide was in our favor, and as we rapidly drifted by the ships, and found ourselves beyond Blenheim Reach and going down the river, the boatmen began to throw out hiuts of the proximity of pirates, river thieves, and other evilminded people; but not a word would we hear of all their misgivings. After a couple of hours' rowing we left the boat in a creek at the foot of the hill on which the pagoda stands, and went ashore at a farmhouse. The workmen in this establishment were a hearty set of fellows, and received us with loud protestations of good- will asking us a variety of questions, and replying to our inquiries with much good humor. Their dwellings and the buildings for stor- ing the grain, and the farming utensils, were arranged on two sides of a well made threshing-floor, above two hundred feet long. Many boats, apparently connected with the farmstead, lay in the creek, pro- tected by a stout fence of wattles from marauders going up and down the river. The whole boat population came into the floor, and after a few friendly words, we left them to proceed on our way. In passing through an avenue of fine plantain trees, which lay between the floor and the hill, I was led to observe the sagacity of the Chinese in planting this succulent vegetable in a spot where it would have plenty of nourishinent in the driest weather, at the same time that its roots served to strengthen the bank, and its fallen leaves manure the adjat- cent fields.

"The pagoda stands on a bluff hill of old red sandstone; the side towards the river is quite precipitous, a narrow path leading up to the top. About half the way up this path, we reached a ledge a rod or more broad, and came to more quarries similar to those at the base, but much more extensive. These excavations showed that the Chi- nese were well acquainted with cutting out freestone. Myriads of tons had been removed, and the walls had been in most cases left perpen- dicular; in their general aspect, they strongly reminded me of those at Silsilis on the Nile, though here the effects of moisture and vegetation had concealed most of the rubbish.

"As we mounted the brow of the hill, the landscape began to open upon us, and to increase in beauty as well as extent, so that by the

VOL. XIX. NO. X.

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time we had reached the foot of the pagoda, we were fully repaid for the toilsome ascent, and the discomfort of getting wet and missing our path. The pagoda stood alone; not a building, nor anything was near to show that habitations had ever clustered around it; while the old citadel wall a few rods off indicated that this place had not always been thus lonely. The larger portion of the hill was covered with plats of vegetables and a few fields of rice, raised for the most part on numerous terraces, which gave the impression of former agricultural labors far greater than the present.

"We mounted by the stairs in the walls to the eighth story, meeting here a disjointed human skeleton, the remains of some poor wretch who had probably gone up in this lonely tower to die. The prospect around us was magnificent and picturesque in a high degree. From our lofty point of view, Lintin I. and the city of Canton were both visi- ble, and the pagodas at Whampoa and Canton stood like guardians of the Inner Land. On the east, lay the wide expanse of the Pearl river, here called the Sea of Lions, and more than a mile wide; its further shore was once the scene of mortal strife during the late with England; and its now peaceful waters were once illuminated by the lurid flames and explosion of the ship Chesapeake, on which and the raft before it, the Cantonese had fondly trusted for defense against the invaders. South, the barren hills about the Bogue shut out most of the prospect; but on the west and southwest, a plain stretched farther than the eye could reach, rendered picturesque by a succession of rice-grounds and other fields, villages embosomed in groves, and canals and rivulets run- ning in every direction, whose course was apparent in many cases only by the masts and sails of boats peeping out of the rice fields; the whole showing the industry and thrift of the people. Hills bounded the horizon on the north, affording a pleasing transition from the plains in the other direction. Probably more than a hundred villages were in sight, and it was a melancholy reflection that all their industrious inhabitants were ignorant of the God who had spread out this fair expanse of fertility and beauty for their use.

"The stillness around us was the more pleasant in contrast to the noise of the Factories at Canton, and the feeling of repose which this quiet induced was deepened by the sight of the deserted citadel just below us, suggesting the toils and cares of its former human inmates— now all gone. Curiosity was excited to learn something of this ruin, and on since looking into a local topography, I have found a few notes respecting it and the pagoda, (usually called the Lien-hwá táh, or Wa- ter Lily pagoda,) which may interest other visitors, as they have me.

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Pagodas in and near Canton.

539

“The Shih Lễ (Stone Whetstone) hill is about a li east of Golden Goose hill; it in 2000 cubits or so high, 10) li broad each way, and surrounded by water, which runs by it on each side, this hill rising abruptly in the centre. Below it is the Sea of Lions, and on its east is a stone precipice, rising high and steep, which resembles a lion in its form; in its bosom is a cave in which six or seven men can be seated, and a rill runs many hundred feet down it; this hill thus forms the defense of the Bogne. At this place there is a cliff called Kin-láng, or the Variegated Porch, because it can be paced along like a corridor for a hundred paces or more, and visitors go there and sit, sometimes getting their garments wet by the spray of the streamlet. The geomancers say that it is by five [hills like] beasts which here lock up and obstruct the flow of the waters, that the great sea is warded off from the entrance—a circumstance of great importance to the good luck of the capital. In the time of the Ming dynasty, Páng and Koh, two scholars in the district of Nánhái, took upon then to require rental of this hill, and invited traders to come and cut stone, which wounded the pulse of the ground, and caused sorrow and evil to the literary people around. In the year 1566, five küjin of the district, named Li, Liú, Lin, Liáng, and Tsui petitioned the government to prohibit the quarrying of stone, and then they erected a pogoda of nine stories on the summit, called Shih-l

or Stone Whetstone pagoda; it is situated below Whampoa I. and above Tiger I. In the days of Kånghi, when the coast-people were removed into the interior, this place was fixed on as a limit, and a brick citadel was accordingly erected on the boundary line, with a camp and signal-fire tumuli; it is now called the Lien-hưá ching, or Lily Flower citadel. Since the second year of Tsungching, in A.D. 1630, for a period of a hundred and more years, the quarries in this hill had been repeatedly opened and shut up; but latterly miscreants of the place in combination with the traitorous merchant Láu, surreptitiously got stone there as they pleased, the underlings of government receiving bribes therefor, and preventing any one from interfering—thus making the leak in the dam still wider. But in the 29th year of Kienlung, A.D. 1765, Doctor Ling and others petitioned their excellencies the provincial officers, who ordered two tablets to be erected, one in the citadel on the hill and the other in the literary chancellor's office in Canton, prohibiting stone to be taken from the quarries.'

“From this it appears that this ruin is connected with one of the strangest freaks of despotism recorded in Chinese annals—that of ordering all the inhabitants of the coast to remove thirty miles into the interior to escape the ravages of a pirate from whom the imperial forces could not protect them. This event happened about 1665, so that this wall has stood not far from 180 years; not a vestige of the fire tumuli spoken of are to be seen, nor did we find the tablet ordering the quarries to be shut up, though perhaps a little search might bring it to light. The area inclosed by this wall is a few square

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Pagodas in and near Canton.

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rods, and several piles of brick in it, covered with weeds, show where buildings once stood. The pagoda is built of brick throughout; one beam stretches across the eighth story to support a pillar which once projected beyond the top several feet, and was intended to call down good influences from heaven. The total height is 150 feet. It would be a difficult affair to reach the top, and I suspect none of the numerous visitors whose names are cut in the walls at the lookout window have ever undertaken it.

“At the southern part of the hill is a small cave, and a solitary Budhist, in the true ascetic spirit of his faith, has taken up his abode in it with a number of gilded idols, whom he serves. The inhabitants of a small town on the southwest no doubt furnish him food and praise enough for his support and encouragement in addition to the produce of his own gardening, to make his life comfortable. Not far from his cell is a singular well or shaft sunk in the rock about forty feet, but though there is water in it, one can not be sure it was dug for a well ; perhaps this is the place where the stone-cutters wounded the pulse of the ground,' as the preceding account mentions.

"We returned to our boat by a path which wound around the inland slope of the hill, enjoying the varied prospect before us. The frequent presence of foreigners in this region on shooting excursions after the wild fowl which abounds in these low grounds, has rendered the in- habitants well acquainted with them, so that no one who is disposed need hesitate to refresh himself with a visit to the Second Bar Pagoda.

"As we approached Whampoa, its pagoda formed a prominent object of view, and as it is equally known by name with the other, I make a short extract from the same topography in explanation of its erection. Like that it is built of brick in an octagonal form, but the walls are thicker, and the stairs do not ascend regularly, but are cut in alternate flights on opposite sides. The floors or timbers which mark- ed the several stories inside, and connected these stairways, have long since disappeared, so that now it is necessary to bring a stout plank to lay across from window to window as one goes up, pulling it up after him as the ascent is made. The pagoda rests upon a substantial stone plinth, each of its eight sides being marked with one of the mystical diagrams of Fuhhí—in the eyes of the builders, doubtless considered to be essential to the prosperity of the building. It is finish- ed off circularly inside instead of angularly to correspond to the outside; the height is not far from 180 feet. The native account,

the Hai Ngan tinh iff a la or the Whampot Pagoda is as fol

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Pagodas in and near Canton.

541

“In the southeastern part of the district of Pwányü, thirty li from Canton, an island rises out of the river, about a hundred cubits high, having three hillocks on it, like guitars in shape. In the reign of Wánlih of the Ming dynasty, A. D. 1598, Kwoh Fi, Wáng Hioh-tsang, and Yàng Sui-yun, officers of the Imperial Banqueting House, requested permission of the lieutenant. governor and treasurer to build a nine storied pagoda, which standing prominently in the midst of the waters, would greatly add to the view. They named it Häi-ngáu táh, or the Sea Whale pagoda ; on the north a hall was built for Shangti, and at its side a monastery called the Hải-ngáu sz'. The governors Tai Yáu and Chin Tá-ko, with the two fúyuen Kú and Liú, iso subscribed for its erection.'

"The buildings here mentioned are now deserted by the priests, and so dilapidated, that they are hardly inhabitable; while the grounds about them, the walls, gateways and everything else, show neglect and poverty- weeds having taken the place of flowers, and disorder of neatness and regularity. Ruin and solitude seem to be more in harmony, however, with these relics of olden time, and notwithstanding the zeal of some devout people, it is likely that the pagoda and its precincts will gradually become more neglected and ruinous, though it does not show symptoms of immediate falling.

"From the Whampoa pagoda the Halfway pagoda stands in a wes- terly direction, by the side of a small creek, called Lob creek by the seamen, through which they sometimes pass to shorten their way in going up to Canton. This pagoda is surrounded by fields and habita- tions, and has not the neglected air of the other two, though like them its brick walls are crumbling, and low shrubbery on the projecting rooflets shows the progress of dilapidation. Its stairways are built like the Whampoa pagoda, and it is about the same height. I also subjoin a short extract concerning the Chih Káng táh from the same work which has furnished the preceding :—

"The Red Stone Knoll is more than ten li south of Canton; it is red like cinnabar. The geomancers say there is a precious thing below it. In the days of the Tang dynasty, a man from the Fú-nán kingdom (Annám?) wished to buy it for ten thousand pieces of money, but the prefect replied, "It is the hill which protects the southern region, and can not be parted with.'

In the reign of Tienki of the Ming dynasty (A.D. 1621-28), Li Shi-wan, a scholar of the district of Nánhái, took the lead in building a pagoda on the top of it in order to protect the river entrance to the prefecture and city; it is commonly called the Chih Káng tahor Red Knoll pagoda. There was once a Budhist temple and pavilion to the God of Lite- rature near it, and scholars often collected there to study and write, but these are now all destroyed.'

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Pagodas in and near Canton.

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"The two pagodas within the walls of the city of Canton are not as conspicuous to persons coming up the river as their height would indicate, in consequence of the intervening city walls, masts, flagstaffs, &c., which partly hide them. They are seen to good advantage, how- ever, from the hills north of the city. The Kwáng táhor Plain Pagoda, as it is commonly called, is remarkable, as it shows the wealth and power of the Mohammedans in Canton at the time it was erected, about a thousand years ago. The Mohammedans still reside in its neighborhood, and maintain a mosque for their religious services, which surrounds the base of the pagoda, it rising like a minaret from the centre. The Manchú garrison is also stationed in this quarter. The account of the Plain Pagoda given in the Kwang chau Chi is very

meager :-

**The Hưới Shing ', or Remembering-the-Holy Monastery, is situated within the city, and was built during the Táng dynasty by fo- reigners; it can be ascended by circuitous stairs. It is 165 cubits high. Ia the days of Ming,Abdallah, a foreign officer lived here with seventeen families. On the summit was a golden cock, which turned with the wind, and every year the foreigners used to go up to the top of it during the fifth and sixth moons about four o'clock in the morning, and call out with a loud voice, praying to the weathercock. In 1388, a tyfoon threw down the golden cock, which was carried to the imperial treasury, and a copper one put up in iw place; this was thrown down, and a [wooden] gourd put up, which was again thrown down in 1670.'

"If this notice is complete as regards its erection, it shows that the structure must be very solidly built, to have resisted the effects of climate and time; and though a few shrubs can be seen growing on

the upper part, it is not ruinous. Not far from it stands the Hwa

花塔

tahor Flowery Pagoda, as it is called for distinction's sake,

but as no foreigner can go in and see these erections, I can only give the native account, from which it appears that the Flowery Pagoda is a very ancient edifice, though not so old as its fellow :—

"The Tsing Weisz'

(i. e. Placid Intelligence Monastery) is situated in the northwest part of Canton, under the jurisdiction of the Nánhái magistrate. In the time of the Eastern Hán (A.D. 25-190), the Longevity Monastery was erected on the spot, and a niece of the Imperial house of Liú dwelt there as a nun. In the reign of Tátung (A.D. 537), the lama Tányü erected a pagoda here to hold a relic, and called the edifice the Precious Dig- nified Monastery; this was recorded in a tablet put up about the year 020 by Wáng Poh. In 988, the name was changed to Tsing Wei; at this date the pagoda was dilapidated. About the year 1090, Lin Siú, the deputy district magistrate of Páuki in Shensi, took the lead in giving funda for rebuilding it

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Pagodas in and near Canton.

543

He had fixed the limits of the ground, when a god appeared to him in a dream and told him to make the place broader ; so he made it 45 cubits broad; on digging, be came to an ancient well, and found nine rings spread around the wall just where he had measured to build, and a huge tripod in which were discovered three swords and a mirror shining as bright as a newly buried Bud- ha's tooth; under these the foundations of the old pagoda were recognized. He collected laborers and procured tiles, and raised it 207 cubits, calling it the Tsing Wei monastery and Thousand Budhas' Pagoda. In the reign of Shaushing (A.D. 1095), the minister Sú Tungpo coming here called the monastery the Six Banians; and in 1374, half of it was taken down to erect a granary ; two years after, the abbot Kienyü built a Budhist temple on the east side of the pagoda, and changed the gate of the monastery to the east, ordering the priest Kin-pien to fast there very strictly. At present, the monastery receives the rental of about 240 acres. Next to the Kwáng-háu sz', or Bright Filial monastery, this is the most ancient in Canton.'

"A native friend tells me that the banians mentioned in this notice still exist, but I suppose this assertion is to be taken like the legend given of the mulberry tree near Cairo, under which the Virgin rested when she came into Egypt from her flight out of Judea-namely, that other banian trees stand where they did; for since the famous poet Sú Tungpo came to Canton, it has been sacked twice, and almost burned to ashes. These trees are, I think, cherished for the sake of the poet, and it is pleasant to find that in China too, genius can hallow spots in the eyes of posterity. The Hwá táh is a good deal out of repair, and the citizens are no longer allowed to ascend it as formerly to enjoy the prospect, lest accidents occur.

"These five are all the pagodas visible when ascending the Pearl river, but according to the same work from which I have before quoted, there are fifteen others in this department alone, of which I have seen only the one near Hiángshán town, a lofty spire nearly 200 feet high perched on a hill fully 500 feet above the river, and forming one of the most conspicuous objects in thit region. On asking a na- tive friend the reason why none have been built during the present dynasty, he says the fung-skwui doctors, or geomancers, now decry them as bringing ill luck, and that they have gone out of fashion in these days. People now erect wan tahor literary pagodas, three stories high, and dedicate them to the God of Literature, whose image is usually found enshrined in them. This, he remarks, indicates the literary taste of the present day, but I tell him I think it proves the poverty and want of spirit of the people nowadays to be content with a wan pih or mere writing-pencil, which these are modeled after and usually called, while their ancestors put up solid structures two hundred feet high, and calculated to last a thousand years."

táh

544

Chinese Version of the Old and New Testaments.

(KT.

ART. V. Version of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese : proceedings of the Protestant missionaries at the several ports, and of their delegates at Shánghai, relative thereto; Resolutions adopted August 1st, 1850.

FROM the Committees of Delegates, now engaged at Shánghái on the revision of the Chinese version of the Sacred Scriptures, we have re- ceived two Resolutions, with permission to lay the same before our readers. Before doing this, however, we will bring down the narrative of proceedings, relative to the work, which has so long been an object of interest to many, viz., an improved version of the Holy Bible. This work, it will be remembered, was undertaken by Protestant missiona ries of various denominations, assembled at Hongkong in 1843. De- legates, elected in pursuance of measures then adopted, assembled at Shanghái in June, 1847; and finished their revision of the New Tes- tament at their session on 24th of July, as mentioned on page 464, having had the work in hand somewhat more than three years. This may seem a long time, yet perhaps not, if the nature and difficulties of the work be duly considered. In writing as above, finished their revision," we do not understand that the Delegates have no more to do in endeavoring to improve the version; and we will revert to it again after giving some account of what has been done with reference to a version of the Old Testament, and introduce the two Resolutions alluded to above.

The plan of having the work of preparing the improved version of the Sacred Scriptures in Chinese, apportioned to the missionaries at the several stations, having failed in a great measure with regard to the New Testament, it was not deemed advisable to adopt the same plan with regard to the Old Testament. Entertaining these views the Committee of Delegates, engaged on the version of the New Testa- ment at Shanghai, passed the three following Resolutions, December 18th, 1849:-

“Isl. That the plan of having the existing translations of the Sacred Scrip- tures portioned out for revision among the local committees of stations, re- cominended at the original meeting (at Hongkong in 1843), with reference to the New Testament be not adopted with regard to the Old,—because, on trial, that plan has been found to consume much time and to be productive of but little benefit, it being (as the secretary of the British and Foreign Bible Society remarked) beautiful in theory, but unsatisfactory in practical appli- cution.

1850.

Chinese Version of the Old and New Testaments.

5.15

“2d. That the work of revising the versions of the Old Testament in Chi- nese be placed in the hands of a Committee of Delegates, who shall be ap- pointed for that purpose by the several local Committees hereinafter to be mentioned, and who shall be the final judges of the version.

“3d. That the Protestant missionaries, who are interested in the original plan of revising the Chinese versions of the Sacred Scriptures, and located at the following places,—viz. Canton, Hongkong, Amoy, Fuhchau, Ningpo, and Shanghái—be recommended to form local Committees at their respective stations, which local Committees shall be entitled each to send one or more delegates at their option; it being understood, however, that the delegate or delegates from any one local Committee shall only be entitled to one vote." These three Resolutions were immediately communicated to the missionaries resident at the abovenamed places; and, consequent thereon, delegates were elected. It was also determined, by reso- lutions passed by a majority of these six stations, that Shánghái should be the place of meeting, and the time the first of July 1850, or as soon after that date as practicable,-it being deemed proper that the dele- gates employed on the New Testament should complete their work, before those for the Old should commence their sessions. At length, the work on the New Testament being nearly completed, the first of August was agreed upon as the day for the meeting of the delegates, elected to form the Committee for the preparation of the version of the Old Testament. Accordingly, so many of those delegates as were pre- sent at Shanghái on that day, assembled and organized themselves into committee; and immediately proceeded to their work on the Old Testament.

On the two following Resolutions, both passed the same day by the two Committees (the one on the New Testament and the other on the Old), we offer no remarks, further than to note the fact, that thereby the two Committees are relieved from any further discussion of, or action on, a most perplexing question. The meetings, at which these resolutions were passed, were held at the residence of Dr. Medhurst.

"Shanghai, August 1st, 1850.

"Present, Drs. Medhurst, Boone, and Bridgman, and the Rev. Messrs. Stro- nach and Milne; the following passed unanimously:

"The Committee of Delegates, engaged on the version of the translations of the New Testament in Chinese, having now completed their work, the words Osis and IIvsūμa being left untranslated, according to the resolution of the Committee of Delegates passed in 1847, do hereby Resolve,

"That the version, as it now stands, be offered to the Bible Societies of Europe and America, and to all and every one of the Protestant missionaries at present engaged, or who may hereafter be engaged, in the work of evan- gelizing China; with the understanding that all parties who shall make use of

VOL. XIX. NO. X.

546

Chinese Version of the Old and New Testaments.

OCT.

this version shall refrain from altering the text, as now given out by this Com- mittee, who reserve to a majority of their own body the right to make any alterations therein: this last restriction, however, not to extend to those who differ from us with respect to the rendering of the word Baliw, which is to be left open to various renderings, according to the Resolution of the General Committee passed in 1843.

“The vote of the members of the Committee of Delegates, being equally divided on the rendering of the words ✪sòg and IIvsûpa, this version must either leave their hands with the blanks that have been left for these words, or be laid side as useless, unless an appeal be taken to some other parties to fill these blanks ; to which appeal this Committee can not agree. Under these circumstances, being fully persuaded that several parties will issue on their own responsibility, versions that differ in the rendering of the words Oròç and IIvsữμ¤, and believing that said diversity of rendering will cause less injury if all parties use the same version, instead of having different versions as well as various renderings of these important words:

"The Committee of Delegates resolve, as before mentioned, to offer the version as it now stands, to the Bible Societies of Europe and America, and to all the other parties abovementioned, throwing upon said parties all the responsibility of any action with respect to the version thus offered to them, which they may severally deem it best to take for the spread of the Gospel in China, the Committee of Delegates feeling themselves released from any further responsibility with respect to the rendering of the words @soc and IIvsūpa by their inability to come to any decision in regard to it in their body.

"True Copy,

E. C. BRIDGMAN, Recording Secretary." “Shánghái, August 1st, 1850. *Present, Drs. Medhurst, Boone, and Bridgman, and the Rev. Messrs. Stro- nach, Milne, Shuck and Culbertson, the following was passed unanimously : "A paper, stating the grounds on which the Committee of Delegates for the version of the New Testament had agreed to offer to the Bible Societies of Europe and America, and to all the Protestant missionaries in China, their version of the New Testament in Chinese, with the words ☺sòç and IIvɛũμœ untranslated, having been read, Dr. Boone proposed the following Preamble and Resolution, which being seconded by Mr. Stronach, was unanimously carried:

“ Whereas, a majority of the Committees at the local stations having deter- minded, that the rendering of the words El, Eloak, Elohim and Ruach, shall be excepted from the decision of the Committee of Delegates appointed for the revision of the translations of the Old Testament in Chinese, it is there- fore,

“Resolved, that this Committee, with a view to place the rendering of the words God and Spirit in the Old Testament on the same basis as they have been put in the New Testament, will offer each successive portions of the Old Testament, as it shall be completed by them, to the Bible Societies of Europo and America, and to all the Protestant missionaries in China, leaving the

1830. Chinese Version of the Old and New Testaments.

547

words El, Eloah, Elohim, and Ruach, when they correspond to the words God, a God, Gods, and to the word Spirit, untranslated; throwing upon the abovementioned parties all the responsibility of taking such action with respect to the version of the several parts of the Old Testament thus offered to the.n, as they shall severally deem best for publishing God's holy word among the Chinese.

“The Committee in making this offer of their version to the Bible Societies, and to the Protestant missionaries in China, wish it to be distinctly under- stood, that they shall expect all parties who publish editions thereof to refrain from altering the text given out by this Committee, who reserve to a majority of their own body the right to make any alterations therein.

"The Committee feel themselves as a body released from the responsibility of making any decision with respect to the rendering of the words Elohim and Ruach, by the action of the majority of the local Committees, by which action the right to render these words is withheld from this Committee.

“True copy,

E. C. Brideman, Recording Secretary.”

There is yet one other Resolution which we are able to lay before our readers; it will bring up the point to which we alluded above. It was passed at a full meeting of the Delegates, April 2d, 1850:--

“ Resolved, that as we proceed with the revision, copies of each book, when completed, shall be sent to such of the local Committees as request them,-it being understood, that the missionaries at said stations defray the expense of transcribing their respective copies, and also that they do not pub- lish the same without the consent of this Committee.”

The "revision" here spoken of is of the version of the N. T., preparing and revising which has engaged the attention of the Com- mittee for nearly three years. In a preamble to the above resolution, the object of sending copies of each book to the local Committees is stated to be, "that suggestions and criticisms may be elicited for con- sideration previously to the separation of this Committee." Now as all the delegates forming the first Committee have been elected mem- bers of the second, the period for their separation will, we suppose, terminate only with the completion of the entire work. We draw at- tention to this point, because, if we have taken the correct view of the case, the delegates for the version of the New Testament, while they, by their resolution of August, “offer the version as it now stands to the Bible Societies, &c.,” do still “reserve to a majority of their own body the right to make any alterations therein." This is an im- portant provision, for by it any one, interested in the improvement of this version of the New Testament, will have opportunity to bring to the notice, and urge on the attention of the Committee every and all “criti- cisins and suggestions” he may think worthy of further consideration,

548

Tenets of the Budhists.

Ост.

Manuscript copies of the version of this New Testament are already, we presume, in the hands of most of the missionaries now in China; and we understand that it is the purpose of different parties to put it immediately to press, said parties filling up the blanks so as to ac- cord with their own respective views. This early printing of the ver- sion will not we hope, prevent it from receiving the closest possible examination by all the missionaries, with a view to further improve- ments, ere the separation of the Committee. We rejoice to know that several very able and competent judges have declared themselves high- ly pleased with the version. A variety of opinions however, there doubtless will be; and it will be strange indeed if all are favorable. We say,

Give it a full and fair trial; and to such as have the ability, we say, Improve it all you can. Whoever will point out its errors, and bring forward suggestions requisite for their correction, will do good service.

We have also received a copy of the following Preamble and Resolution adopted by the Committee of Delegates on the New Tes tament, Shanghai, August 11th, 1850.

“WHEREAS & diversity of opinion exists respecting the intention of this "Committee in regard to criticisms and suggestions which may be may sent "to them for the improvement of their version, after it shall have been put to press; and whereas all the Delegates forming this Committee have been "elected members of the Committee on the Old Testament, therefore un-

animously

“ Resolved, that this Committee will give all due attention to the criticisms "and suggestions, which may be sent to them, as well after as before the " version is put to press; and that they do not propose to put the version out "of their hands, finally, till such time as the Committee on the Old Testa- “ment is prepared to take the same step in regard to its version.”

ART. VI.

Tenets of the Budhists, and laws respecting their idols in Siam. By A Correspondent.

BUDHISM is a system of atheism. According to its religious teachers and their sacred books, they have no God, no supreme Being who made the world, whom they fear or venerate, or who will call them to account, or reward or punish them for their deeds. Reward follows merit, and punishment follows wickedness, as a certain consequence. Hence an accumulation of good deeds such as building temples and

1850.

Tenets of the Budhists.

549

feeding priests, secures either in the present or some of the numerous future states of being through which they are to pass, a reward of hap- piness; while wickedness, such as taking animal life, will be followed with a sure penalty of suffering, either in the present or some future state of being. But no God, nor intelligent agent, has any part in award- ing these premiums and penalties; they follow as a necessary sequence. Godama, the last god of the Budhists, according to their own chro- nology, died B.C. 543. He is said to be the 25th Budha, and the 4th of the present kulpa, or world. One more Budha, viz., Maitree, is expected during the present world. Godama was of princely birth; his native place was on the banks of the Ganges, some three or four hundred miles from its mouth. Near his birth-place are the present Patna and Benares-two places famed for the production of opium. Thus the same district may claim the honor of furnishing the world with two specifics for putting people to sleep. One reduces its votaries to a temporary dream of happiness from which they soon awake to real misery; the other promises its disciples, as the reward of their meritorious services, an absorption into nothingness! The Budhists do not imagine that Godama himself in any sense is now existent, but verily believe that when he died, his intellectual being which had till then, constituted his identity throughout the various stages of his transmigratory existence became absolutely extinct. The disciples of Budha, now including so many millions of the human race, have no god to fear, no god to worship, no god to punish or protect them,— since, according to their own theory, Godama, more than two thousand years ago, passed into absolute annihilation.

The images of Budha represent a human figure in a symmetrical form with a sleepy countenance, having the toes as well as the fingers all of equal length, and the ears extending to the shoulders. These are made of iron, or brass, or of bricks and mortar, of the size of a man and in a sitting posture; the images vary in size from those of a finger's length to some so immense that they might class with the won- ders of the world. One has been seen in Siam which measures one hundred and thirty feet in length, and is made in good proportions, lying in a reclining posture, and gilded from head to foot. At times more than a hundred of these gilded images, six feet high, are found surrounding a single temple, with one 40 or 50 feet high within.

The Budhist priests wear a yellow robe, shave their heads, and collect their meals in person by going at early dawn from house to house with a rice-pot to receive from the people their food already cooked, which they eat before the middle of the day. They may take tea and fruits

550

Tenets of the Budhists.

Oct.

after high noon, but not rice; and they may eat animal food, but must not take animal life. They may make their own garments, row their own boats, &c., but are not allowed to engage in remunerative employ- ments, nor hold offices of government. They live a life of celibacy, and some of them perhaps a life of chastity. They preach, or tell stories, at funerals or festivals, when invited at private houses, for which they receive pay. They also preach at the houses of the nobles when invited, as well as at the temples, and recite prayers at the temples morning and evening.

These prayers are recited from books written in the Bali, or sacred character. The Bali is a dialect of the Sanscrit, and has been em- ployed by the Budhists since the time of Godama, in like manner as the Sanscrit has been used by the Brahmins. The Budhists' sacred books are said to number 3,683 volumes, and contain 84,000 sections. They are written on the palm leaf by means of the stile, each leaf be- ing 4 inches wide and 24 inches long, written on each side. Twenty. four of these leaves make a volume, or more properly a bundle, since they are bound or tied together by means of a string passing through the centre of each leaf. One of these volumes may be read in about an hour. The word Bali has by some been supposed to mean the text, but among the 3,633 volumes, all written in this sacred character, some are doubtless commentaries on original works, and both text and commentaries are included in the list of Budhistical sacred books. The Bali language is written in a different character in different coun- tries. In Camboja, Laos and Siam, it is written in the Cambojan cha- racter; in Burmah, in a different character, and in Ceylon with still another; but in all of them, the language and its pronunciation is essentially the same. Few of the priesthood understand more than the sound of the words, not troubling themselves about the significa- tion. During the life time of Godama, Budhism found its way into many of the central countries of India, and numbered among its sup- porters men of wealth and power. About two hundred years after his death, it was driven by Brahminical persecution to seek an asylum in the island of Ceylon, which has long been regarded as its stronghold and headquarters. It is now the prevailing religion of China, Annam ̧ Camboja, Laos, Siam, Burmah, &c.

•

In Siam, no other faith is allowed among the people by government, and the laws respecting the usage of the images of Budh, and the penalties for injuring them are severe. The following extracts from the code of laws (Section on Theft and Robbery,) show the reverence attached to them :—

1830.

Tenets of the Budhists.

351

SUB-SECT. 47.—If any malicious thief shall steal an image of Budh, whe- ther made of gold, silver, precious stones, pinchbeck, nickel, copper, or lead, or any other material; and go and sell it, or destroy it, or has not yet succeed- ed in selling or destroying it; if he can be apprehended, let him be examined and all his friends and accomplices, and if found guilty, let each be flogged 60 lashes; let the feet and hands of all his accomplices be cut off, and then fined 700,000 cowries out of respect to the image of Buch. As for the thief himself, let him be slain to pay for his wickedness, and thus finish it.

SUB-SECT. 48.-If a thief steal an image of Budh, and use various devices for getting off its ornaments, as washing, smelting, &c., let him be put into a furnace and treated in the same way as he treated the image, and thus pay for his wickedness; and make thorough work of it.

SUB-SECT. 49.—If any thief strip a Budhist image of its gold or gilding, let him be taken to a public square, and a redhot iron rubbed over him till he is stripped of his skin as he stripped the image, and thus pay for his crime. If a thief scrape off the gold, or ornaments of a Budhist image, pagoda, tem- ple, or sacred fig-tree, and on apprehension, it be proved against him, let his fingers be cut off, or at least let himn be flogged 60 lashes. If he is not flog- ged, let him be fined double the value of restoring the image, &c. If he de- stroys such things repeatedly, let him he publicly exposed by land and water for three successive days, then let his head be cut off, and his breast cut open that none may follow his example. If those whose business it is to guard the irnages, abet the thief in his depredations, and it can be proved against them, let them be put to death; but if those guardians have been slaves for several generations let them be flogged 60 lashes, fined to the limit of their incans, removed, and other guardians appointed in their stead.

SUB-SECT. 50.—If any malicious person steal articles belonging to Budh, his law or priesthood, such as jewels, rings, silver, or gold, clothing, or other things which have been dedicated to Budh, his law or priesthood-if he steal them to sell, or steal the sacred books to sell; let him be punished as other thieves, then placed in the pillory and exposed, that his example may not be followed; let him be flogged 60 lashes, his fingers cut off, and he fined four times the value of the stolen articles.

SUB-SECT. 51.—If the relatives or servants of any person who strips off the gold or ornaments of any image of Budh, or any pagoda, or temple, or conse- crated shed, or priest's dwelling, or cut down a sacred banian tree; whether those relatives be rulers, or common people or slaves, if they are aware of his guilt, and do not bring and deliver him up to the authorities, let thein be brought to the Court that they may be punished as transgressors liable to eight kinds of penalties:—viz. ]. to be put to death; 2. to have their mouths cut off; 3. to have all their goods confiscated, and themselves made to cut grass for the elephants; 4. to be flogged from 25 to 50 lashes; 5. to be dis- abled from all civil functions; 6. to be fined fourfold; 7. to be fined two- fold; 8. to be fined one fold. Either of these penaltics to be inflicted at the discretion and direction of the sovereign.

SUB-SECT. 52-If any mahcious person stealthily destroy any priest's dwelling, bridge, or consecrated shed, let himn be obliged to repair the dam- age; and then flogged from 30 to 60 lashes, and delivered over to his master If he dig into or undermine a Budhist image, a pagoda, or temple, be is liable. to punishment in three ways; I. to be killed; 2. to have his fingers cut off; 3. to be flogged sixty lashes.*

J. T. J.

*The above extract is taken from the Siamese Code in 55 Vols, written on the black book and sold for 120 ticals (about $72); the work is now printing at the Mission press at Bangkok at the expense of a Siamese nobleman, and will be furnished in the printed form for about 20 ticals, the whole contained in two volumes.

552

Corrections in the Syrian Monument.

OCT.

ART. VII. Corrections in the Inscription on the Syrian Monument,

erected in A. n. 781, contained in Vol. XIV.

In our fourteenth volume, pp. 202-222, a copy of this inscription was given, taken from Kircher's China Illustrata. Recently, by the kindness of William Lockhart, Esq. of Shánghái, we have obtained what purports to be a copy of the Inscription, printed from the stone monument itself: if such be the fact, then of course this copy is a facsimile of the inscription. Dr. Lockhart's copy was given to him by some of the Roman Catholics. In Vol. XIV., there are three transla- tions; and as we suspected at the time, there are some errors in the Chinese characters; we now give a list of them, noting the places where they occur. We also improve this opportunity to correct a few other errors, which we have detected in the same notice. In the heading on Vol. XIV. page 201, the monument is said to have been erected in a. D. 718; the date given on page 222, a. d. 781, or the 3d year of the reign of Kienchung is the correct one.

In the introductory note on page 201, it is stated that there are 28 lines in the inscription of 26 characters each, which would make 728 characters; but there are in fact, according to this impression, 1,764 Chinese characters on the monument, besides the names of the priests in Syriac. The heading given from Kircher on the top of page 202 is wanting in the copy before us. The corrections are as follows:-

Corrections in the Chinese text.

Vol. XIV. Page 202, 3d column from the right hand, and 10th charac- ter from top; for I read. in the proper name Aloah.

Page 204, 3d column, 6th character, for

an incorrect form of the second.

read ; the first is

Page 208, 3d column, 11th character, for

read; the trans-

read

; the transla-

read

; the trans-

lation is correct, “9th year of Chingkwán,” i. e. A.D. 636.

Page 208, 0th column, 9th character, for

tion is correct.

Page 210, 5th column, 21st character, for

lation would then read, "The country produces a cloth that can be

cleansed by fire."

Page 218, 6th column, 18th character, for

lation is correct.

Page 220, 4th column, 22d character, for

is correct.

read; the trans-

read ; the version

1850.

Corrections in the Syrian Monument.

Page 202, 2d column, 16th character, for

553

read

; and in the alteration also

next column, 4th character, for read; the first occurs on page 208, 1st column, 1st character.

Page 204, 1st column, 3d character from bottom, for read t 5th column, 5th and 6th characters,

read

Page 206, 3d column, 3d character from bottom, for

7th column, 3d character, for

rend

read ; and change the sentence

"Anxious to make it clear and manifest," to "Its practice illustrates

it clearly."

Page 208, 1st coluinn, 6th character, for

Page 210, 3d column, 16th character, for lumn, 3d character from bottom, for

character_from

read i

read

;

same co-

read; 5th column,

1st character, for read, which shows that "Shúpáu" is not a proper name, and the version should read, "On the north by hills bearing all precious things." Same page and column, 10th character,

for 林 read 枝

Page 214, 3d column, last character, for read; 4th col. 2d character, for 載 read 戴.

Page 216, 4th column, 16th and 17th characters, for read

耑靜

Page 218, 2d column, 6th character, for read ; same co-

lumn, 14th character, for

read

Page 220, 3d coluinn, 15th character, for

read

; the version

"in reason joining all that was possessed by former kings," should

read, “who wore his crown [better than] former kings." Samne

page, 4th column, 14th_character, for

character, for read; same column,

廠: same column, 12th character, for

read ; 5th column, 2d

10th character, for

rend

read; 7th col 2d char.,

for read but the first seems to be the correct reading.

Page 222, 3d column, 5th character, for read; the whole

sentence may now be read, “and in the recesses of the mɔon (i. e.

the palace) all were assembled.”

read

; same

Page 222, 4th, column, 19th character, for column, 22d character, for read; and in the translation, in- stead of "Word,” read “Illustrious." Same page, 6th column, 13th character, for read, and leave out the word "special" in the

version.

In all these corrections, where no change in the translation is no- ticed, the alteration of the character does not affect the meaning, or else the translation is already the right one.

VOL. XIX. NO. X.

554

Topography of the Province of Kúnsuh.

sion, the words 真主阿羅訶

Oct.

In Dr. Lockhart's copy, taken from the stone, the groundwork is black, the characters standing out in white relief. The dimensions of this black-ground, showing the size of the engraving, are sixty-six in- ches long, and thirty-four and one half inches broad. In the Latin ver- are rendered "veritas Dominus kolooy;" what the Nestorian Christians intended by these words is not very clear; if the first and second, Chin chú, were, like Tien chú, in- teaded for Elohim, the remaining three might be considered as in ap- position. We are not aware that the Nestorians ever attempted to tran- slate the Bible, and we are left in doubt, therefore, whether they intend- ed Chin-chú and Aloak to stand in apposition or not. When we made the translation given in Vol. XIV., we supposed that Chin chứ was to be regarded as the Tien chú, and Aloak as a transfer of the proper name Jehovah.

ART. VIII. Topography of the province of Kansuh; its boundaries, mountains, lakes, rivers, divisions, cities, population, productions, historical notices, &c.

Kán Suk甘肅

WHEN Du Halde compiled his geographical notices of China, this province formed part of Shensí, and was ruled by a deputy stationed at Lánchau fú, and the nomadic tribes within its borders were kept in subjection by garrisons at important points. Since that time, the in- crease of the population and the quiet of the region, has led to a division of the province, and the substitution of civil for military juris- diction, though the garrisons have not been withdrawn. The words mean Voluntary Respect, and are obtained by com- bining the names of the two departments Kánchau and Suh near the termination of the Wall. Since the division, the limits of Kánsuh have been extended across the Desert of Gobi to include Barkoul and other towns lying in the valleys of the Tien-shán. Its extreme points extend from lats. 321⁄2° to 45° N., and longs. 85° to 106° E.; the out- line is irregular, not unlike an hourglass in form, the neck of which is at Kánchau fü. The longest line which can be drawn in the

pro- vince, from lake Ayar in the nothwest to Pingliáng fú, is upwards of a thousand miles; in Kánchau fú at Yungcháng hien, between the R. Edsinei and the Kilien Mts., the breadth is hardly forty miles.

1850.

Topography of the Province of Kánsuk.

555

The total area is computed at 400,000 square miles, of which one third lies within the Great Wall, and the remainder includes the De- sert and the department of Barkoul. Probably one half of Kánsuh is a wilderness, unsusceptibie of cultivation, and traversed by caravans and wandering hordes of Sunites and other Mongols.

It is bounded on the north by the Great Wall, which separates it from Inner Mongolia, by the Dzassaktu khanate, and by Kúr Kara- úsú, a part of ĺlí; east by Shensi and Mongolia; south by 8z'chuen and Koko-nor; and west by the latter and Harashar, a district of the Southern Circuit of ĺlí. It is probable, however, that these limits are much better defined on the Chinese maps than they are in these wastes themselves.

The mountains in Kánsul comprise the lofty ranges of the Peh-ling and the Kilien, in the eastern part, and the Tien-shán in the western. The Peh-ling is a name applied by foreigners to the range which extends from the Bayankara eastward through the south of Kansuh into Shensí, forming the watershed of the Yellow and Yángtsz' rivers, and which bears many names among the Chinese. Some of its peaks rise above perpetual snow. The Kilien is a well de- fined range, inclosing the valley of the Azure Sea on the north, and se- parating this vast depression from the Desert, and the shut up valley of the R. Edsinei. Many of the conspicuous peaks of both these ranges bear particular names. The Tengkiri

Mis. (Tokty or Erin-kabirgan Mts.) constitute the eastern portion of the Tien shán or Celestial Mts., no part of which rise as high as the peaks further west. Arable tracts exist in some parts, and a vast number of small streams flow through their valleys, and lose their waters in the desert on the east side.

ocean.

The rivers of Kánsuh are numerous; all of them are tributaries of the Yellow river, or else inland streams having no connection with the The Yellow river enters the province at Kweiteh ting, and flows in an easterly and northeasterly course to Ninghiá fú, a distance of about 600 miles. Its confluents during this part are the Tátung and Chwángláng ho on the north, and the Táhiá and Táu ho on the south, all of which join it within fifty miles west of Lánchau. Be- sides these four, the Tsúlí ho and Tsing-shwui ho, which flow in be- tween the capital and Ninghiá, are the only branches of the Yellow river in Kansuh. The southern departments are watered by the nu- merous branches of the King and Wei rivers, which drain off the su- perfluous waters of the Peh-ling into Shensf; the Kúshwui✯✯ (Bitter-water R.) and Málien ho

are the largest of these

headwaters.

556

Topography of the Province of Kánsuk.

OCT.

North of the Kilien Mts. are two rivers, each over 200 miles long, the Edsinei and Purunki, which lose themselves in desert lakes.

The Edsinei or Etzina river flows from the northern acclivities of the Kilien east of the Pass of Kiáyü, in many streams, the whole of which, north of the Wall, at last combine into two, the Edsinei

額濟納 and Tola 滔賴, and these finally into one, which falls into the Sobo and Sogok lakes, both called Kü-yen hái Mi on the Chinese maps. The upper streams flow through a fertile re- gion, and the cities of Kánchau, Suh and Káutái lie on them; but beyond the Wall, the towns are few. One of the roads to Barkoul runs north along the eastern bank to the lake, and there are several settlements of Mongols in the bottom lands.

The R. Purunki 布隆吉河 runs westerly. It takes its rise in a marshy depression between the Wall and Ngánsí, where many small streams unite and flow west for about 70 miles, when their wa-

ters are nearly doubled by the R. Sirgalzin

BYOŁA

this has a course of about 80 miles from the southeast. The unit- ed stream, after running about 80 miles further, loses itself in lake Kara

Ain long. 93° E.

Between the R. Purunki and R. Tola, there are two short rivers running parallel with each other about fifty iniles north, which lose themselves in two small lakes, the Alak-nor

阿拉克泊 and Altan-nor 達巴遜泊: The valleys are

fertile and cultivated. Besides these streams in eastern Kánsuh, there are scores of small ones running among the valleys of the Teng- kiri Mts., but only two of them empty into lake Ayar.

Lake Ayar Blies in the extreme northwest, north of the Tengkiri Mts. in lat. 45° N. and long. 86° E.: it is about fifty miles long and twenty broad. The R. Loklun

emp- ties into it after a course of about 200 miles. The great Lake Lop is placed within the confines of Kansuh on Chinese maps; this sheet of water receives the Tarim river, the largest inland stream in the world. Lake Lop occupies an extensive depression in lat. 41° N., and long. 87° E., on the western side of the desert; it is surround- ed by marshes and small lakes, and lies in a region of wild desolation. Near Barkoul, there is a lake about a hundred miles in circuit, called Lake Barkoul; the region around it is fertile and well peopled. Two small lakes south of Lake Kara, called the Great and Little Serteng

complete the list of lakes in Kansuh. All of them are probably salt, and none of them are connected with the

ocean.

1850.

Topography of the Province of Kansuh.

557

The Desert of Gobi divides Kánsuh into two portions totally unlike in their productions and climate; and even in population, language, manners, and government, there is almost as great a difference as in natural features. That part lying within the Great Wall is Chinese in all its characteristics, that beyond the Desert is still Mongolian and nomadic, despite of the civilizing tendencies and efforts of the Chinese sway. The former is under a civil government, the latter is still es- sentially a military rule; but during the last fifty years, the process of assimilation and concord between the heterogeneous materials has pro- bably been more rapid than during the two centuries preceding. The whole province is now subdivided into fifteen departments, comprising sixty-five districts, according to the following list.

I. Lánchau fú, or the Department of Lánchau, contains seven districts,

viz., 1 ting, 2 chau, and 4 hien.

1皋蘭 Káulán,

2 K

5 靖遠 Tsingyuen,

Yintáu chau, 6

河州 Ho chau,

3 Kin hien,

4渭源 Weiyuen,

7 循化蒻 Siunhwá ting.

II. Pingliáng fú, or the Department of Pingliáng, contains six districts,

viz., 1 ting, 2 chau, and 3 hien.

1 平凉 Pingliáng,

2 HỆ | Hwáting,

4 鹽茶廳 Yenchá ting,

5 Lungteh,

3 固原州 Kúyuen chau, 6靜寧州 Tsingning chau.

III. Kungcháng fúor the Department

of Kungcháng, comprises ten districts,

viz., 1 ting, 1 chau and 8 hien.

1 隴西 Lungsí,

2 Lê Cháng hiên,

3 寧遠 Ningyuen,

123 O

4. 伏羗 Fuhkiáng,

5 西和 Siho,

6岷州 Min chau,

7 洮州麗 Táuchau ting,

8 安定 Ngánting,

Tungwei,

10 Hwuining.

會

559

Topography of the Province of Kansuh.

IV. Kingyáng fú, or the Department of Kingyáng, comprises five districts, viz., 1 chau and 4 hien.

Ngánhwá,

2正寧 Chingning,

3 寧州 Ning chau,

4環縣 Hwán hien,

Hohshwui.

V. Ninghia fú, or the Department of Ninghiá, comprises five districts,

viz., 1 chau and 4 hien.

1 寧夏 Ninghiá,

Ningsoh, 朔

3靈州 Ling chau,

4 中衛 Chungwei,

5平羅 Pinglo.

Ост.

VI. Sining fú, or the Department of Síning, comprises five districts, viz., 2 ting and 3 hien.

1 西寧 Síning,

2大通 Tatung,

4碾伯 Chenpeh,

5貴德 Kweiteh ting,

3巴燕戎格 Payenjungkih ting.

VII. Liángchau fú or the Department of Liangchau, comprises six districts, viz., 1 ting and 5 hien.

1 武威 Wúwei,

2 Pingfán,

3古浪 Kúláng,

4番 Chinfán, 5永昌 Yungcháng,

6 莊浪廳 Chwángláng ting.

VIII. Kánchau fú #, or the Department of Kánchau, comprises three districts, viz., 1 ting and 2 hien.

1張掖 Chángyih,

2山丹 Shántán,

IX. Chinsí fú

3Fú-í ting.

or the Department

of Chinsí or Barkoul, comprises four districts, viz., 2 ting and 2 hien.

1宜禾 fho,3哈密廳 Hámih ting or Hami,

Kítái, 4 Tú-lú-fán ting or Turfan.

1850.

Topography of the Province of Kansuh.

559

X. King chau, or the inferior Department of King, comprises three hien districts.

1 景臺 Lingtái,

2鎮原 Chinyuen,

XI. Kiái chau

3 崇信 Tsungsin,

or the inferior Department

of Kiái, contains two hien districts.

1文縣 Wan hien, 2成縣 Ching hien.

XII. Tsin chau. or the inferior Department of Tsin, comprises five hien districts.

1 兩當 Liángtáng,

4 # * Tsin-ngán,

8 in

2徽縣 Hwui hien,

Lí hien,

5清水 Tsingshwui.

XIII. Suh chau

or the inferior Department

of Suh, contains the single district of

高

Kautái hien. 縣

XIV. Ngánsí chau, or the inferior

Department of Ngánsí, comprises two hien districts.

2玉門 Yuhmun.

XV. Teh-hwá chau or the inferior Department of Tehhwá or Oroumtsi, contains three hien districts.

1 敦煌 Tunhwáng,

1 Ệu. HF Faukáng,

2 Ê – Chángkih.

3綏來 Suilái,

Faukáng ching,

or寜邊城 Ningpien ching,

Kángkih ching.

Garrisoned Towns in Tehhwá chau.

Suining ching 綏寧城 Kinghwa ching Kungning ching

寧城

Kái-ngán ching 愷安城

Fauyuen ching

Muh-lui ching**

or Manas 瑪納斯

or Kutupi

呼面壁

or Oroumtsi 烏魯木齊

or Tsimusah 濟木薩

or Kú-ching Old city.

I. The department of Lanchau extends along the southern bank of the Yellow river, for about 120 miles, and includes the valleys of the Tahia and Táu rivers north of Kungchang fú; the area of the depart

560

Topography of the Province of Kansuh.

OCT.

ment is probably five thousand square miles. The provincial capital is situated in lat. 36° N. and long. 103° 55′ E., near where the Yellow River turns to the northeast. The Great Wall approaches the town on the opposite side of the river, and in former times this point was regarded as the strongest post to oppose the incursions of the nomads. Lánchau is a great mart for skins, felt cloths, brick tea, and rhubarb, which are brought here to exchange for other commodities.

II. The department of Pingliáng lies on the borders of Shensí, south of Ninghia fú and east of Kungcháng, including many of the headwaters of the R.King. The chief town stands on this stream not far from Mt. Kungtunga peak of the Peh-ling, and the source of the river. The region is very rough, but affords much arable land and good timber for the use of man. The climate is mild, and the pleasant streams which irrigate the country, together with the fine scenery, render it a desirable location.

III. The department of Kungcháng is one of the largest in the pro- vince, extending along its whole southern border from Koko-nor on the west to near Shensí on the east, having Lánchau fú on the north. The ranges of the Min Mts., a spur of the Peh-ling, extend into the depart- ment from Sz'chuen ; these hills are so rough as to render access to the towns rather difficult, thus proving one source of their security. They afford musk, rhubarb, metals of various kinds, and drugs. The chief town lies on the river Wei, and the upper waters of this stream take their rise in the prefecture. The Chinese say the tomb of Fuhhí is in Kungchang,—an older artificial monument than one will hardly credit can be found in China, as it would be over 4500 years old. This department and Pingliang fu rather belong to the province of Shensí in the character of their productions and climate than to Kánsuh, the difference in these particulars being great on the two sides of the mountains.

IV. The department of Kingyáng lies in the extreme east of the province, on the borders of Shensí, in the valleys of the R. Málien, a large branch of the R. King. The chief town is pleasantly situated

at the junction of the Hwán 環河 and Jauyuen 柔遠, two

streams which combine to form the Malien. It is surrounded by a strong wall and deep ditches, which with the forts placed on the con- tiguous eminences, and the river on two sides, make it a very strong position. The productions of this and the two preceding departments are wheat, millet, gold, siver, varnish, wax, salt, cornelian stones, musk, felt carpets, drugs, and timber, the surplus of which finds its way down through Shensi to a market or to Peking.

1830.

Topography of the Province of Kánsuh.

561

V. The department of Ninghiá lies in the northeastern part of the province between the Great Wall and Shensí, along the shores of the Yellow river. This town was once the capital of Tangut, and for five hundred years after the decline of the Táng dynasty, i. 2. about A.D. 850, was one of the leading towns in this region. It is about five miles in circuit, and access to it is rendered difficult by its position on an island in the Yellow river, which here finds its way by many channels through a large depression, in which the labor of man has been great- ly assisted by the waters of the tiver to render it a very productive re- gion. The Holan Mts. form its boundary on the west, and serve to ward off the harsh winds of the Desert, but still the climate of Ning- hiá is very severe for lat. 38°-snow sometimes falling in April. The town is the mart of trade for the tribes wandering through the De- sert, who bring their herds and skins here to exchange for manufac- tures. Marco Polo visited Ninghia, which he calls Egrigaia, and speaks of it as a large trading-place, from whence merchants carried the camel's hair cloth manufactured there to Cathay and other parts of the world. Three towus under its jurisdiction were held at the time by Nestorian Christians. A large number of towns still exist in this region, proving the fertility of the district. A general of division, supported by generals of brigades and a large body of troops, is stationed on this frontier city, to keep in subjection the Mongols.

VI. The department of Sining extends westward of Lanchau fú to Koko-nor, north of the Yellow river, and along the banks of the R. Tá- tung, occupying one of the most fertile parts of the province. The chief town lies at the junction of the Sining and Peb-chuen rivers, and is the residence of the superintendent of the Mongol tribes of Koko-nor, who resort to this place to dispose of their surplus produce, and receive the stipend allowed them by the government. The road leading to Tibet through Northern China passes up the val- ley of the Tátung, and diverges from Sining westerly by the Azure Sea. The road beyond the Sea lies partly over numerous large monn- tain masses, furrowed by narrow glens, und partly over rocky and sandy table-lands, the whole forming a desert region in which only a few mountaineers of the Hoshoit tribes are met with, and where the traveler finds no other accommodation for forty days' journey than what their tents can afford him. Sining is the entrepôt of the rhubarb which is collected on the mountains, and here are found even many luxuries brought by the caravans from Hami across the Desert. With- in the limits of the prefecture, a large number of settlements are met with of the nomadic Mongols, who have settled down to an agricultural

VOL. XIX. NU. X.

562

Topography of the Province of Kánsuh.

Oct.

life, and ruled by their own officers. Síning fú is mentioned by Marco Polo under the name of Singuy, as a large city inhabited, like the sur- rounding towns, by a mixed population of Nestorians, idolaters and Mohammedans.

VII. The department of Liángchau extends north of Ssning be- tween the Kílien Mts. and the Great Wall, having Kánchau fú on the northwest, and Lánchau on the southeast. The region is watered by several short streams running northward through the valleys, and losing themselves in the Desert beyond the Wall. The chief town is of considerable size, and the number of villages shows that these inter- vals are fertile and the climate salubrious. Liángchau fú seems to be the place called Erginul by Polo, who speaks of many towns attached to it.

VIII. The department of Kánsuh lies between the preceding on the east, and Suh chau on the west, like them both shut up in this Thermopyla of China, having the Desert on the north and the moun- tains on the south. Kinchau has increased in population and wealth under the Manchús, and the manufactures of woolen stuffs and felts for the consumption of the Eleuths, Hoshoits, and other Mongolian tribes, have attracted a large trade. Wool, rhubarh, drugs, and the produce of herds, are the chief articles of traffic. Kánchau has al- ways been one of the most important places in this region, as the fer- tility of the valleys has induced multitudes to settle near it. Marco Polo and his relatives lived here a year; he calls it Canpicion, and says it is "chief and capital of the whole province of Taugut;" there were three large and beautiful Christian churches in his day. He also mentions a city named Ezina, twelve days northward of it, the last town met in crossing the Desert on the road to Karakorum.

IX. The department of Chinsí lies in the northwest of Kánsuh, be- yond the Desert, Hami, the most southeasterly town in it, is 320 miles from Kiayi kwán. The towns in this extensive region are comparative- ly few, and we refer the reader to Vol. IX. page 115, for a description of their position and inhabitants. Chinsí fú is better known under the name of Barkoul; south of it is the fortified place of Palikwan

called in Chinese works Hwuining ching. by which names it is better known abroad than by the local ones.

X. The inferior department of King has been detached from Ping- liáng fú; it is a small section lying on the R. King near where it flows into Shensí. The country, though hilly and cold, is well culti- vated, and in its productions resembles the departments on its west and north.

1850.

Topography of the Province of Kánsuh.

563

XI. The inferior department of Kiái has been set off from Kung- cháng fú in order that its officers might exercise a closer scrutiny over the mountaineers on the borders among the Miu Mts. It is a rough region, producing quicksilver, musk, timber, deer's horns, and drugs.

XII. The inferior department of Tsin has been, like the preceding, set off from Kungcháng fú. It lies between King chau and Kiái chau, along the frontier of Shensí, in the valleys of the R. Wei; and in its productions and appearance resembles those two prefectures. It has a denser population, and carries on some trade with Shensí.

XIII. The inferior department of Suh lies west of Kánchau fí, in- cluding in its limits the important pass of Kiáyü kwán

(i. e. the Pleasant Valley Pass), at the termination of the Great Wall, in lat. 971°, about fifty miles west of the town. Suh chau is a large and well fortified town, with numerous bazars, well provided with pro- visions and manufactured articles. The Chinese live in one part, and the Mohammedans in another, the two divided by a wall, and the inhabitants placed under a modified separate rule. The trade in provisions and garments at this place is very great. At Kiáyü kwán, a special officer is appointed to examine every one who passes through, and to levy a slight transit duty on goods. Suh chau is called Succiur by Polo, and is mentioned by him as a great mart for rhubarb; the people were Christians and idolaters. The whole of this region seems then to have almost recovered from the devastation and destruction of life caused by its conquest by Genghis Khan in A.D. 1227, or else the accounts given in De Guigne's Histoire des Huns of the slaughter made by the Mongol troops in Taugut are greatly exaggerated.

XIV. The inferior department of Ngánst lies in the valleys of the R. Purunki and Sirgalzin beyond the Pass, including however, in its limits the whole Desert between the territory of the Alashan Mongols and Lake Lop, as far north as Barkoul, being nearly one half of the whole province. The population chiefly inhabits the few fertile valleys between the Kilien Mts. and the Desert, an area about 150 miles long and 60 wide; they are said to be numerous and wealthy. The num- ber of towns in this region is apparently considerable, but of their size and importance, we have very little reliable information. Ngánsí is the largest town in the region; Sha-chau or Sandtown, is the outpost towards the Desert on the road going west to Tibet and Lake Lop. Marco Polo reached this town first when coming from Lake Lop, and describes the passage across as occupying thirty days; water was met with in about twenty-eight places, but no food. He thus describes the people of Sacchion or Shá-chau :—

564

Topography of the Province of Kansuh.

OCT.

“When you have rode thirty days through this desert, you find a city named Sacchion, which belongs to the khan. The province is called Tangut, and The people are idolaters, inixed with some Nestorian Christians and Saracens. The first have languages of their own; they subsist not by merchandize, but by the grain which they produce from the earth. They have many abbeys and monasteries, all full of idols of various shapes, to which they offer fre- quent sacrifices and hoinage. Every mau who has children rears a sheep, and at a particular festival at the end of the year, leads them along with that animal into the presence of the god, to whom they all perform reverence. They cook the sheep and offer it very humbly hefore the idol, leaving it while they make their prayers for the safety of their children. They then take the meat and carry it to the house, or wherever they please, send for their relations, and eat it with great joy and respect. They afterwards col- lect the bones, and preserve them with much diligence. You must know Jikewise, that when any one of them dies, his body is burned, and after he is carried to the place for this last ceremony, they erect in the middle of the path a house of cane, covered with cloths of silk and gold. When the dead man is laid before this ornamented house, they place before him wine and victuals, believing that he will be similarly honored in the other world. At the place of burning, too, they cut in paper, men, horses, camels, and coins of the size of bezants, convinced that the deceased will possess all these things in the future state. On this occasion, all the instruments in the land are sounded before the corpse. I must tell you, ton, that after death the re- lations send for the astrologer, who is informed of the day, month, and year of his nativity, and then divines, by his diabolical art, the day on which the burning ought to take place. If it should be a week, a month, or six months, they keep it all that time, and never burn it till the appointed day. During this interval, they deposit it in a large box covered with cloth, and so pre- served with crocus and spices that no stench arises. Throughout this period, they daily place meat and drink, before the box and leave it there for some time, till they think he has eaten it. These sorcerers, too, often tell the re- lations that the dead body must not be carried out by the main door, but by a private one, or even through a breach made in the wall. All the idolaters in the world proceed in this manner.”—Murray's Polo, page 247.

The inhabitants of this region are still Budhists, and still observe these rites. The principal productions are melons, hides of wild horses, wild sheep, nuts, wild boars, scaleless fishes, 'great headed sheep,' liquorice 'fire foxes,' and pheasants. The town of Yuhmun, or Pearl Gate, is just beyond the Pass, on the road northwest to Hami, and is a stopping-place to refresh the caravans before they enter the Desert.

XV. The inferior department of Teh-hwá lies west of Chinsí fí on the north side of the Tien-shán, around and east of Lake Ayar. The whole formerly belonged to Songaria, and is still inhabited by various tribes of that race, intermixed with other Mongol tribes and Chinese settlers and troops. The peace which has reigned in these distant parts of the empire has been favorable to the increase of population and amalgamation of these various races, and they are now probably favorably disposed towards the Chinese rule.

The population of Kánsuh is given at 15,193,125, in the census of 1812; this amount probably includes the population of the entire

1950.

Journal of Occurrences.

565

province, but we have no means of ascertaining how many inhabitants are found beyond the Great Wall, or even a base for a guess of the size of the towns in and across the Desert.

That part of the province of Kansub north of the Peh-ling to the Desert, including Ninghia and part of Shenss, with the arable portion of Koko-nor, anciently formed the kingdom of Tangut, one of the most celebrated names in the history of Central Asia. The people emigrat- ed to this region from Tibet, bringing with them the tenets of Bud- hism, and established themselves along the valleys of the Yellow river, and extending their conquests across the Desert, until they presented a consolidated government and formidable army to resist the aggres- sions of the nomads and the power of the Chinese. Their kingdom was conquered by Genghis khan, who died very soon after. When the Mongols were expelled, Tangut became gradually incorporated with China, and the very name has gradually died away.

ART. IX. Journal of Occurrences ; trade with Camboja and Singa- pore; edict against Christianity by the prefect of Kiáying chau; honorary portals in Canton; proclamation of the insurgents; Lin Tsehsü sent to Kwangsi.

TRADE with Camboja in vessels of European construction is gradually open- ing with Singapore through Chinese merchants residing at the latter port; these send cargoes of piece goods hardware, opium, and sundries to Kampôt (the only port in Camboja not lorded over by the Siamese or Cochinchinese), and receive in return rice, gamboge, pepper, dyewoods, and small sundries of pro- visions. The exportation of rice can be developed to any amount, by fostering its growth. Owing to the aggressions of its neighbors, the maritiine limits of independent Camboja have gradually become reduced to this port of Kampót, and a few miles on each side of the river of that name. A person in the employ of the king of the country lately reached Singapore to publish a dictionary of the Cambojan language, or to learn if it could be done; and also to ascertain if any assistance could be rendered his master to suppress the piracy which bida fair to destroy every vestige of the trade. The present limits of Camboja and the position of its seaport, are thus described :-

"The coast of the Cambojan territory formerly extended from cape Liant, near the head of the gulf of Siam, in lat, 12" 30' N. long. 100 50 E. to Cape St. James, on the east coast of the Peninsula, in lat. 10° 20′ N. long. 107° 10' E. comprising upwards of 500 miles of coast line, which included the mouth of the great river Mekong, and several important commercial towns, as Saigong, Cancão or Ahtien, about 25 miles to the south of Kainpot, and Chantibon, a city near the frontier of Siam, and now the great naval arsenal of that power, owing to the abundance of teak timber in the vicinity. The encroach- ments of the Siamese on the one hand, and the Cochinchinese on the other, took their course along the coast, where facilities were afforded for the transport of heavy artillery, without the aid of which they would probably never have been able to deprive the Cambojans of any portion of their territory; for in the interior, where heavy guns can only be transported along the rivers, the Cambojans retain their independence, the boundaries being still the same as they were three centuries ago. At present the wes- tern limit of Camboja is the seaward base of the mountain range which extends along the eastern shore of the gulf of Siam, and terminates near Kampot,-in fact_that_town is situated on its uttermost southern extremity. It its probably owing to the circum- stance of this range being still in possession of the Cambojans, and thus affording a se- cure retreat in case of attack from either enemy, that Kampot is the spot at which they

566

Journal of Occurrences.

Ост.

descend to the sea whenever a cessation of warfare invites them to renew their inter- course with foreign countries. The southern bank of the Kampot river is in the actual occupation of the Cochinchinese, so that the desire of the Cambojans to have trade carried on in English vessels is easily accounted for. The two nations, however, dwell in peace with each other just now. The southern boundary of Camboja is the delta of the Mekong, or nearly a straight line drawn from the mouth of the Kampot river to Saigong. To the east it is bounded by a desert tract which extends in a parallel direo- tion with the left bank of the Mekong; and to the north by the Laos nation, which is met with about 14* N.

“Kampot is in lat. 10° 38′ N., long, about 104* 40 E. It is situated at the point where the coast, after running in a due north direction from the south extreme of the peninsula, takes a sudden turn to the W. and S.W., thus forming a bight at the head of which is the Kampot river. Its position may easily be recognized by the high land to the north, which slopes down and terminates on the western side of the river's entrance, the land to the south being uniformly low. The anchorage is_to_the S.S.W. of the western mouth, in 3 fathoms, distant about 5 miles. During the N.E. monsoon, when the wind is off the land, the water is perfectly smooth; and during the other season ships are tolera- bly well sheltered from west and S. W. by Koh Dud, a long island which lies to sea- ward of the Roads; but during this season intercourse with the shore is sometimes sug- pended by a heavy surf on the bar of the river, which prevents loaded boats from coming out."-Singapore Free Press, Aug. 30th.

The following edict respecting Christianity was issued Aug. 8th, on occasion of the arrest and imprisonment of several native Roman Catholics in Kiaying chau in the northeast of this province; a foreigner was also imprisoned at the same time, but has since been liberated and sent to Canton.

Wan, prefect of the inferior department of Kiá-ying chau, translated to his present post from another of the same degree, raised ten steps and recorded ten times, puts forth a proclamation in earnest language ; that the hearts of men may be rectified, and that the laws may be had in due respect.

Be it known that there is in the western world a doctrine of the Lord of Heaven which originated with Jesus. So long as the barbarians propagate or practice this amongst themselves, expounding its books and worshiping according to its ritual, there is no occasion to take notice of it; but it is not permitted them to enter the Inner Land to propagate this doctrine, and natives of the Inner Land who invite men from far places to flock hither, who, in league with them, inflame and unsettle the minds of the people, who inveigle females [to join their sect], or commit any other offenses contrary to the law, are punishable under the statute still in force. The provisions of the codo are explicit; who shall venture to act otherwise than in observance of it?

In this department the literary persuasion is held in chief esteem; the character of its people stands high ; descended from and connected with men in office, fragrant with scholarship, they are assuredly not about to desert the learning of the sages and wor- thies of the Central Kingdom to run wildly after another doctrine. It has come to my knowledge, notwithstanding, that the simple unenlightened population of the village of Chú-kang and its vicinity have of late invited hither men from afar, and have seduced some to link themselves with these ; and that females as well have joined [their socie- ty]; a serious infraction of the laws. It will be my duty to seek out and apprehend such persons as may be guilty of so inviting [foreigners], and of connecting themselves with them, and to punish them severely, in conformity with the old established law; and, farther, to put forth an earnest proclamation. I issue this accordingly, for the full information of the military, common people, and others.

You should all be aware that Jesus, born in the time of Ngai Ti, of the Hán dynasty, ranks no higher than Hwa To, Chuh-yu, and others of the same class; being merely skilled to relieve mankind by curing them of disease. His power of breaking seven cakes into food for three thousand men, is not either any more than the witchcraft of the Rationalists, by which things are shifted from one place to another: in other ways he had no peculiar ability. As to his extravagant title of the Lord who made heaven, be- thank you, the three sovereigns (B.C. 3369-2622), the Five Emperors (2169), Yâu, Shun, Yu, Tang (1743), Wan, Wú, (1105), the Duke of Chau, and Kung (Confucius) the Philo sopher (500), spread abroad civilization, as the agents of heaven, during thousands and tens of thousands of years; the different countries beyond the sea had from an early date rulers and peoples, forms of government, and lawn to punish crime: Jid none of these exist until Jesus appeared to create them in the time of the Han?

It will be found, in the Hai-kwoh Tú Chí, that Mary, the mother of Jesus, was the wife of a man named Joseph; that he (Jesus) broke off all intercourse with his father, and regarding himself as the offspring of his mother, conceived while she was a virgin, falsely affirmed that he was her illustrious son created by heaven. The converts to his doctrine therefore allowed no sacrifices or obeisances to be performed to ancestors or sovereigns, or before any sacred representations of supernatural beings (shin k'i); they distracted the people with doubts, and musled them to believe that there was no heaven.

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567

no law, no father, no ruler (sc. superior to Jesus), and that there was no such thing ac filial piety or loyalty, no sympathy with one's kind, and no moral duties: for which cause the wrath of heaven was excited, and the judgment of heaven fell upon Jesus ; on its behalf, the king of Judea seized him, and his guilt being proved, punished him ac- cording to the laws of the realm, by nailing him upon a cross. His blood flowed until bis whole form was covered with it; he was unable to move his body ; and so in seven days he died, and orders were given to the local authorities to have him interred ; but his vagabond disciples fabricated a report that when he had been three days buried, he revived, and after forty days took his flight upwards : this tale was devised with a view to delude men by the doctrine they preached, and it, again, resembles that of Sun-ngan, who drowned himself when his troops were defeated, and was reported by his followers to have become a water-sprite ; or that of [the rebels] of the White Lily faction, who were put to a slow and ignominious death by being cut to pieces, when their fellows gave out that the body, killed by a metal weapon, relaxed [its hold of the spirit, which] disengaged itself, and ascended to another state amongst spiritual beings.

The fact could not have been as it is stated; for if it were, how should a body that was lord of heaven be yet so little lord of itself, as to let ordinary mortals cause its death by binding and nailing it fast? The idle fiction of his disciples, that, as lord of heaven, he suffered punishment of sin for the sake of man, is also extremely ridiculous. So, to hide the traces of the death upon the cross, the body which was high minister of heaven and earth, could do everything but remit men the punishment of their sins, and to do this was obliged to undergo punishment on their account!

Then, this doctrine pretends to the encouragement of virtue and the repression of vice; but this is the language constantly held by the literati (Confucianists). Its dogma, that those who believe in the Lord of Heaven will be made happy, and that after death their spirits will ascend to heaven; and that those who do not so believe will be visited with misery, and that, after death, their spirits will enter the prison of hell, is of the same import as the saying of Wú San-ess', “Those who are good to me are good, those who are evil to me are evil." Suppose the believers in the Lord of Heaven all robbers and vicious persons; happiness is to be hereafter bestowed upon them all, while those who are not believers, although just men with as tore of merit, are all to be hereafter subjected to misery. Never was the fair order of reward for virtue, and punishment for vice so in verted and confused. Is it not fatal to what heaven (sc. nature) teaches us to be right ? Again, the terms “palace of heaven" and "prison of hell" are simply from the lowest class of Budhistic works; [Christians] notwithstanding, vilify the Budhists as people for evermore fallen into the prison of hell; if so, who has seen them there? The crucifixion of Jesus alive is like the tree of swords and the mountain of weapons in the bell (of the Budhists,) perfectly [incapable] of proof.

It will next be found that of all nations beyond the sea, none so much believe in the Lord of Heaven as Germany, and yet [its inhabitants are] scattered, [its power] is in ruins, and more than one partition of its territory has been made: why, as believing in the Lord of Heaven, has happiness not been bestowed upon it? Of those that do not believe in the Lord of Heaven, none can compare with Japan: on a quay in their port is engraven a crucifix, and every merchant who repairs thither, and does not, as he lands, tread on the crucifix, is immediately beheaded as a warning to others; there is besides this, outside the city-gate, an image of Jesus sunk in the ground, so that it may be daily exposed to the insult of being trampled on and yet this kingdom has endured 2000 years; why has not the Lord of Heaven visited it with calamity? It follows accordingly that the statement regarding the power to confer happiness or misery is utterly without foundation; it will merely make the simple people in this life, leave their ancestors without the power of enjoying the oblations of sweet-smelling incense and of the offer. ings which should be set before them in sacrificial vessels; while after death, they are to become blind ghosts, undergoing in addition the torments of burning till their bones are scattered in ashes. What happiness results from such a doctrine ?

Again, as to the adoration of the crucifix, the stone tablet of the “luminous doctrine” says “[Aloa] signed with a cross to determine the four quarters (sc. of the heavens);" the professors of this creed, it is not known at what period, thence devised the tale of (their teacher's] crucifixion : but were their tale fact, it would still be quite inexplicable" why the worshipers of Jesus should adore the instrument of his punishment, and consider it so to represent him as not to venture to tread upon it. Would it be common-sense, if the father or ancestor of a house had been killed by a shot from a fowling-piece, or by a wound from a sword, that his sons or grandsons should adore a fowling-piece or a sword, as their father or ancestor ?

Although an ordinance of a late date did give permission to barbarians to expound their religious books to each other, it gave none to them to stray into the Inner Land, mixing with its people, and propagating their doctrine amongst them; and if there be any passing themselves off as barbarians, or any inviting mon from far places to flock hither, leaguing with them to excite and unsettle the public mind, inveigling females [to become converts], or otherwise offending against the law, they will be punished, as of

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old, under the statute, with strangulation summarily, or strangulation after detention in prison, or transportation to greater or less distances, or flogging with the heavier bamboo; the law admits of no leniency. But if any guilty persons shall come to the authorities and declare themselves to be penitent, and shall walk over the crucifix, the penalty shall in each case be mitigated one degree. The laws of the state are of a stern severity, but it has ever been their wont to allow men to repent of their errors. If therefore there be any among you, simple people, who have been led astray or excit- ed as aforesaid, lose no time in waking up, and by coming forward save yourselves from falling into the meshes of the law; but you who, regarding [this command] with an unfriendly eye, continue to indulge in your own liking, it will assuredly be my duty to seize forthwith and bring to trial and punishment, as a warning to the doltish and perverse. Families of literary fragrance, and those whose members are in office, or descended from officials, must at once draw up rules to be displayed in their ances- torial temples, and publicly and conjointly expel from their tribe all sons or brothers who may have adopted this creed, as persons who have of their own accord broken communion with their kindred, past and present; and they must, as occasion shall re- quire, report them to the authorities, that they may be subjected to judicial investi- gation; to the rectifying of the natural relations. In the village jurisdictions, the head- Boroughs and inhabitants must be prompt to fdetect and to make inquiry; and if there be any members (of a society) engaged in propagating this doctrine, they must not leave them to entice or excite our population, but must immediately inform against them to their superiors, and assist in their apprehension; lest they be involved in their crimina lity. By these means the hearts of men will be daily rectifiod, and the laws more so- lemnly observed. It is my earnest desire that this should be. Let every one tremble and obey. Let none resist. A special proclamation.—China Mail, No. 296.

Six pái-fáng, or honorary portals, are now erecting in and around Canton to commemorate the victory over the English in April, 1849, and the elevation of Bu to the peerage for keeping them out of the provincial city. One is in Honám suburb, three are inside of the city, one is near the southerù, and the sixth near the eastern gate. They are all made of stone, and built on the usual plan of these structures, a large gateway in the middle, and a sinaller one in each'side. Small roofs project over the top and side gates, more for ornament than use. The edict given in our last volume, page 250, conferring honors on the provincial autho- rities, is engraved in intaglio on the frieze over the main entrance, and on the lintel below it is the inscription Yih tái sik yung

"Reverently

to commemorate glory conferred." The names of every village and neighborhood which contributed its quota of braves, are inserted in the frieze over the side doors. The total force enumerated on the six portals, as having been drafted to resist the English if they attempted to enter the city, is 89,598. The total ex- pense of their erection is about 6,000 taels, which has been defrayed by the provincial treasury.

The insurgents in this province gained a victory over the imperialists during the month, having decoyed a detachment into a defile in the hills between Tsingyuen and Yingteh, and cut the entire body of 200 to pieces. The insur- gents seem however, to be retiring, or acting on the defensive. They issued a proclaination of their intentions when they first appeared from which it is ap- parent that nothing beneficial can be expected if they should succeed :——

"The present dynasty are only Manchus, people of a small nation, but the power of their troops enabled them to usurp possession of China, and take its revenues, from which it is plain that any one may get money from China if they are only powerful in warfare. There is therefore no difference between our taking inoney from the villages, and the local authorities taking the re- venues. Whoever can take keeps. Why then are troops causelessly sent against us? It is most unjust! The Manchus get the revenues of the eigh- teen provinces (China Proper) and appoint officers who oppress the people, and why should we, natives of China, be excluded from levying money? The universal sovereignty does not belong to any particular individual; and a dynasty of a hundred generations of Emperors has not been seen. All depends, therefore, on obtaining the possession."

Lin Tsekså has been commissioned by his young master, to proceed from his home at Fuhchau to Kwangsí, in order to concert measures with the authori- ties to repress the troubles there and quell the insurgents.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-NOVEMBER, 1850.-No. 11.

ART. I. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and Oɛos into the Chinese language. By W. J. BOONE. (Continued from page 479.)

HAVING shown the reasons which forbid us to regard the Chinese Tien as the true God, and also why we can not use the phrase Shángti to render the words Elohim and Gso : 1st. because it is a mere title, and we want an absolute name; 2d, because it is the distinctive title of a false god; and 3d, because it is a compound term, and wo want a simple uncompounded term to express the monotheism of the Bible; I now pass on to the consideration of the last proposition that I proposed to discuss, which reads as follows:-

(e.) "Admitting that under the above-mentioned circumstances the generic name of the Chinese gods should be used, if such name can be found, deny that shin is this generic name, and affirm on the contrary that the Chinese have neither a name for any being who is truly and properly God, nor any generic name of their gods; and since the words Elohim and Oɛog must be rendered by a generic term, we have no resource but that of transferring the original word.”

After making ample trial of Shángti, Tien-ti, and lastly Ti, this is the ground taken by Dr. Medhurst and those who act with him, in their letter of 30th Jan. 1850. They admit that Elohim and (sos are generic terms; they maintain that we need a generic term to render these words, and propose to make one for the Chinese, as they have no generic term for god in their language.

The ground taken by Dr. Legge is in every point the opposite of that maintained by Dr. Medhurst and his friends, and also of that maintained in my Essay; and I think it will aid the reader in getting a

VOL. XIX. NO. XI.

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Defense of an Essay, &c.

Nov.

clearer view of the whole case to point out this contrariety at this stage, before entering upon the defense of the argument of the Essay.

Dr. L. maintains that the Chinese Shángti is truly and properly God. We maintain that the Chinese know no being who is entitled to be called God propriè. Dr. L. maintains that even if Shángtí is not the true God, this title should be used as the rendering of Elohim aud Os; as such a title can properly belong to God alone, and the words Elohim and sog being relative terins-mere titles, which "do not in- dicate the essence, nor express anything of the being of Jehovah they must be rendered by a relative term. We maintain, on the cou- trary, that as the Chinese do not know the true God, we must not use the name of any individual god, but the general name of their gods; that this appellative name must be absolute, and not merely a tille, because Elohim and Geos are absolute names that do "indicate the essence, and express something about the being of Jehovah." If it is objected that, according to Chinese usage, this general name has never been employed to designate the Being we design to call by this name ; we answer, that the absolute name of a class of invisible beings, who among them govern the world, and are sacrificed to and addressed in prayer by all persons in the empire, in all places, and at all times—a class, who divide among them all the attributes and acts of GOD that the Chinese have known or discoursed about,—that such absolute term "ought to belong to Jehovah;" that to predicate-e. g. the hearing of prayer at the same time in every house in China of any invisible Being but Him is false; therefore this name of right belongs to Him, and we must give it to Him, and maintain that He alone can properly be call- ed by this name; and this we must do to reduce the Chinese polytheisin to monotheism.

Dr. Legge's view of the character of the word God differs fun- damentally from mine and from that taken by Dr. Medhurst and the other signers of the letter of the 30th Jan., and this difference affects our whole systems. If this word is, as Dr. L. contends, only a title of office or dignity, the mere exponent of a relation, and not the absolute appellative name of the Being so designated; it would seem only ne- cessary to decide definitely what the relation indicated by this word is, and to render it accordingly. If God mean Creator, this is easily expressed in Chinese; if Ruler, Ti is ready to our hand indeed, any relationship can be easily expressed. If this too is the character of the word God, it can be no objection to the use of the term pro- posed as its rendering to say, "The Chinese have never so called any Being;"—"This term will give them no idea what sort of Being the

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one thus designated is;" the answer would be, the word God “does not indicate the essence, nor express anything of the being of Jehovah.” The only question to be asked would be, Does this word or phrase clearly express the fact that the being so designated does sustain the definite relationship indicated by the words Elohim and sog? If so, then it conveys all the information that the term which renders “those relative words elohim and 8tog” should convey. If Dr. Legge's view of the word God is correct, these answers to my mind would be amply sufficient.

If however, the words Elohim and so are the absolute appellative names of Jehovah, the reader will agree with me that to render them by any mere relative term whatsoever is wholly out of the question ; and that if no absolute appellative name of the Chinese gods can be found, then the ground taken by Dr. Medhurst and his friends in their letter of the 30th of January, viz., that we must transfer the original term—we must make such an absolute appellative for the Chinese— is the true solution of our difficulties.

I must confess that ever since the question of rendering elohim and so by the generic name of the Chinese gods has been agitated, I have had the strongest impression that they must have such a term in their language. That such a people as they should have never con- ceived of the existence of any gods at all; or that, having the beings, they should have no general name for them—both of these things have seemed incredible to me; and the more I have inquired into the mat- ter from the Chinese around me, and looked into their books, the inore firm has my conviction grown that the Chinese people are poly- theists, and that Shin is the general name of their gods—let us decide by what test we please, who and what the Chinese gods are.

This is the definite point for our consideration at present, and I must be allowed to say that it can only lead to an endless war of words for one party to affirm that “ Shángtí is not merely the chief god of the Chinese, but is the true God also,” to be denied by the other party, while they affirm that shin is the generic name of the Chinese gods, and that these shin are not mere spirits but gods; to be denied again :— unless both parties will consent to define their terms God (propriè) and god (impropriè), and make proof according to their definitions.

I have urged above the importance of our regarding the word God, whether, used propriè or impropriè, as the name of a Being or Beings (as the case may be), and not as the mere symbol of an idea. If the views there expressed were correct, they should guide us in the pre- sent part of our inquiry. To try the points here at issue, viz., Is

572

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Shángti the true God (God propriè)? and, Are the Chinese shin gods and not mere spirits? we should determine what are the characteristics of a Being, who is truly and properly God; and also of a being, who is a god according to the polytheistic sense of the word; and then use these characteristics as tests to ascertain whether the Tien of the classics and the Chinese shin are respectively God (propriè) and gods. Unless we consent to this, our discussions will only lead to endless logomachy.

When we contend that the shin are the gods of the Chinese, Dr. Medhurst replies that they are mere spirits, not gods; the Chinese are polypneumatists, not polytheists. To settle the point, we must inquire what is the characteristic difference between a spirit and a god?

The word God, whether used propriè or impropriè, is closely allied to the word spirit; spirit may be called the genus; God, god, gods, the species. This we soon perceive if we attempt to form a defini- tion of the word God, when used propriè. No matter what attributes of power, wisdom, &c., we may ascribe to a being, if this being be material or corporeal, he is not God (propriè); to be God he must be a spirit possessed of certain characteristic attributes. Let us then look into the matter minutely, and endeavor to ascertain, Ist, The characteristic difference between a being who is truly and properly God, and a mere spirit; and 2dly, The characteristic difference be- tween a god, gods, as these words are used by polytheists, and mere spirits.

To the question, "What is God?" the Westminister Assembly of Divines in their Larger Catechism, answer, "God is a Spirit, in and of himself infinite in being, glory, blessedness, and perfection; all suf- ficient, eternal, unchangeable, incomprehensible, everywhere present, almighty, kuowing all things, most wise, most holy, most just, most merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth."

Melancthon defines the word, "Deus est essentia spiritualis, intelli- gens, verax, bona, pura, justa, misericors, liberrima, immensiæ poten- tiæ et sapientiæ, Pater æternus qui Filium imaginem suam ab eterno genuit, et Filium imago Patris coæterna, et Spiritus sanctus procedens a Patre et Filio.”

The first article of the Church of England reads as follows: "There is but one living and true God, everlasting, without body, parts or passions, of infinite power, wisdoin, and goodness, the maker and pre- server of all things both visible and invisible. And in unity of this

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573

Godhead there be three Persons, of one substance, power and eternity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost."

These definitions all agree; for the words “without body, parts or passions" are a mere periphrasis for the word spirit. According to these definitions, God is a spiritual being, or essence, possessed of cer- tain attributes which distinguish Him from all other spirits. Should it therefore be affirmed of any being that he is God (propriè), the first question should be, Is he a pure spirit, or a compound, corporeal be- ing? Next, Is he a Spirit, "and of himself infinite in being, all-suf- ficient, eternal," &c., &c. ?*

The Chinese Tien, Heaven, the Supreme Ruler, tried by these characteristics as a test, is not God (propriè). He is not self-existent from eternity; he is not the first principle of all things, the making of the heavens and the earth being ascribed to another agency than his by Confucius and his disciples, who teach us all that the Chinese have predicated of him. This, I think, has been sufficiently shown in the previous part of this Defense.

The question then arises, If the Chinese have no being who is tru- ly and properly God, no word in their language which answers to God (propriè), can they have any word that will answer for the rendering of Elohim and 850g into Chinese? To this question I answer unhesi- tatingly, Yes; it is quite possible for a people to have had a subject bo- fore their minds for centuries, to have discoursed and written much about it, and yet never to have discovered the truth concerning it. It is quite possible for a people, who do not know the true God, to have thought much about the subject of Deity in general, to have a general name for their false gods, and to have sinned greatly against the true God, by the worship of these false ones.

If we look into the argument for the existence of God from the general consent of mankind, as it is presented by most writers, we shall find that the passages cited to prove this point, most of them, refer to this general view of the subject, and do not show that heathen aa- tions generally have believed in a simple, self-existent, spiritual being, the Creator of the world and the author of all other beings.

Calvin, in his Institutes, writing on this point, thus expresses himself; Certainly, if there is any quarter, where it may be supposed that God is unknown, the most likely for such an instance to exist is among the dullest tribes, furthest removed from civilization; but, as a heathen tells us, 'there is no nation so barbarous, no race so brutish, as not to

* See Appendix A.

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Defense of an Essay, &c.

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be imbued with the conviction that there is a God.'" From the use of the capital G in both instances in which the word God occurs, we might suppose that Calvin used the word here propriè, i. e. to desig- nate definitely the true God; but his quotations show that this can not be the case. These are,

Intelligi necesse est deos, quoniam insitas eorum vel potius inna- tas cognitiones habemus. Quæ nobis natura informationem deorum ipsorum dedit, eadem insculpsit in mentibus ut eos æternos et beatos haberemus." Cic. de Nat. Deor., lib i. c. 17. Itaque inter oinnes omnium gentium summa constat; omnibus enim animo quasi insculptum esse deos." lib. ii. c. 4.

inuatum est, et in

Here the word, in both quotations, which are cited to show that there is no quarter in which “God is unknown" is in the plural,

deorum,” “deos.”

"deos,'

19 66

Witsius, when commenting on the first Article of the Creed, to prove that the heathen derive a knowledge of God from the contempla- tion of the heavens, quotes the following proofs; “I shall quote another passage from Cicero: Who is so stupid and infatuated,' says he, 'as not to perceive, after having looked up to the heavens, that there are Gods, or to ascribe to the operation of chance works which discover so great intelligence that scarcely any one is able, by any art, to trace their order and their revolutions.' But why do I insist on the con- victions and declarations of individuals? Zaleucus, the lawgiver of the Locrians, by a law which he enacted, bound all his citizens to acknowledge a Divinity, from the contemplation of the heavens. Ac- cording to the testimony of Diodorus Siculus, ‘Zaleucus having been chosen by the people to frame laws, and attempting to confirm them by new sanctions, began by directing their attention to the celestial Gods. At the beginning of the preamble to the whole code he says, that the inhabitants of the city are required, first of all to believe and to be firmly persuaded that there are Gods, and having attentively considered the heavens and their astonishing magnificence and order, to conclude that they are neither the production of chance, nor the workmanship of man.'"

Here we see that Witsius, to prove that the heathen derive a know- ledge of God from his works, and that they acknowledge " a Divinity," quotes sentences in which the existence of Gods is asserted. There is very great looseness of expression on this point in almost every book into which I have looked Barrow expresses himself much more accurately. His words are, “That in the world there are beings im- perceptible to our senses, much superior to us in knowledge and power,

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that can perform works above, and contrary to the course of nature, and concerning themselves sometimes to do so for the interests of man- kind; for these qualifications and performances deserving extraordinary respect from ns, hath been a constant opinion in all places and times, to which sort of beings some one general name hath been in all lau- guages assigned, answering to that of God among us. Of such beings that there is ove, supreme and most excellent, incomparably surpass- ing in all those attributes of wisdom, and power and goodness; from whom the rest, and all things beside have derived their beings, do de- pend upon, are sustained, and governed; the author, I say, of all be- ings, and dispenser of all good; to whom consequently supreme love, reverence, and obedience are due, hath been also the general sense of the most ancient, most wise, and most noble nations among men; to whom therefore, in a peculiar and eminent manner the title of God (and those which answer thereto) is appropriated; so that when the word is absolutely put, without any adjunct, or limitation, or diminu- tion, he only is meant and understood; to which sometimes for fuller declaration, are the epithets Optimus, Maximus, Summus, Eternus, Omnipotens, Dominus, and the like; the Best, the Greatest, the Most High, the Eternal, the Almighty, the Sovereign God.”

Of the almost universal consent of heathen nations to the polytheism stated by Dr. Barrow in the first part of this quotation, there can be, I think, no doubt; with respect to the second point, I am persuaded that a careful examination of what these nations have said for them- selves, not trusting to what too-indulgent theists have said for them, will greatly diminish the number of those who cau fairly be set down as believing in one Supreme," from whom the rest and all things have derived their beings." Such examination will show that the same na- tion, at different stages of its existence, is to be placed in a different category with respect to its explicit belief of a self-existent, intelligent, first cause of all things.

In my Essay, Vol. XVII. page 70, I expressed the opinion that we now “ineet Shin just where the Greek philosophers found @ɛ 5; de- signating any one of a class of beings who are all regarded as proper objects of worship." The correctness of this opinion has been ques- tioned, and it is of such importance that it demands our consideration. Above, (on pp. 423, 424,) we have considered the probability there would be of our finding the posterity of any of the rebels who were scattered abroad on the face of the earth from Babel, say B.C. 2554, retaining a knowledge of the true God, when they come up to our notice on the pages of profane history, say in the 8th, 9th, or 10th century before Christ.

نازن

Defense of an Essay. &c.

Nov.

We saw above, that the ancestors of the chosen people, and the na- tions around them, had fallen into idolatry before the time of Abraham. These facts are referred to for the purpose of repelling the presump- tion which many seem to entertain that patriarchal tradition will prove so efficacious a means of transmitting this truth, that we shall, yea, must, find a knowledge of God (understanding this word pro priè) among every people, in the first records we have of their exis- tence as a nation. A calm consideration of the circumstances of the case, it seems to me, removes any such presumption, and produces on the contrary a conviction that we should come to the examina- tion of the early documents of any people, when we desire to learn what their religious creed was, with minds perfectly unbiased, and base our decision wholly upon the facts made known to us.

If we do this in the case of the Greeks and Romans, we shall, I think, con- clude that their knowledge of a monadic ☺ was owing, not to tradi- tion, but to their philosophy; or, at any rate, if derived from tradition, that this tradition was not handed down from the patriarchs, by their own ancestors, and recorded by their own poets and other early writers, but was gained by their philosophers at a comparatively modern date in their foreign travels.

If we take Homer, Hesiod, and Orpheus as the oldest Greek au- thors whose productions have come down to us, how much do we find in these writers “of a Spiritual Being in and of himself” existing from eternity, the Creator of the world, and the Author of every- thing extrinsic to himself? "In the Homeric poems, Ocean is term- ed the origin of the gods and of all things, though Jupiter is commonly described as the Father of gods and men.'

"Homer represents Father Oceanus as the generator of all things.”+ In what part of the Iliad or Odyssey shall we find a being called Oros who is superior to Zeus, who is self-existent; the Creator of heaven and earth and ocean; of Zrʊs, and of all the gods?

“First in order of time (we are told by Hesiod) came Chaos; next Gæa, the broad, firm and flat Earth, with deep and dark Tartarus at her base. Eros (Love), the subduer of gods as well as men, came im- mediately afterwards. From Chaos sprung Erebus and Nyx; from these latter Æther and Hemera. Gæa also gave birth to Uranos, equal in breadth to herself, in order to serve both as an overarching vault to her, and as a residence for the inmortal gods; she further

• Thirlwall's History of Greece.

+ Brucker, Historia Critica Philosophiæ, Tom. II. quoted in Elton's Remains of Hesiod.

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produced the mountains, habitations of the divine nymphs, and Pon- tus, the barren and billowy sea. Then Gea intermarried with Uranos, and from this union came a numerous offspring-twelve Titans and Titanides, three Cyclopes and three Hekatoucheïres, or beings with a hundred hands each. The Titans were Oceanus, Koios, Krios, Hype- rion, Iapetos, and Kronos: the Titanides, Theia, Rhea, Themis, Moe- mosyne, Phoebe, and Tethys." Kronos and Rhea intermarry; " but Kronos foreboded to himself destruction from one of his own chil- dren, and accordingly as soon as any of them were born, he immediately swallowed them, and retained them in his own belly. In this manner had the five first been treated, and Rhea was on the point of being delivered of Zeus. Grieved and indignant at the loss of her children, she applied for counsel to her father and mother, Uranos and Gæa, who aided her to conceal the birth of Zeus. They conveyed her by night to Lyctus in Crete, hid the new-born child in a woody cavern on Mount Ida, and gave to Kronos, in place of it, a stone wrapped in swaddling-clothes, which he greedily swallowed, believing it to be his child. Thus was the safety of Zeus ensured.”* And this being is henceforth to be the chief god, the Father of gods and men.

There could surely be no knowledge of a self-existent, understand- ing Being, who was the first principle of all things, among those who could write and believe such a cosmogony as that above given. If Homer had believed in the existence of any being who could truly and properly be called God, could he have written sixsavov is down yeviçi, xai unsspav Trouv?—Iliad, XIV. 210. The Homeric and He- siodic gods are to us a mere fable, but the whole story to the men of their own times was not romance, but history-sacred history.

"Homer and Hesiod were the grand authorities in the Pagan world respecting theogony; but in the Iliad and Odyssey nothing is found except passing allusions and implications, and even in the Hymns (which were commonly believed in antiquity to be the productions of the same author as the Iliad and the Odyssey), there are only isolated, unconnected narratives. Accordingly, men habitually took their in- formation respecting their theogonic antiquities from the Hesiodic poem, where it was ready laid out before them; and the legends con- secrated in that work acquired both an extent of circulation and a firm hold on the national faith, such as independent legends could seldom or never rival. Moreover, the scrupulous and sceptical Pagans, as well as the open assailants of Paganism in later times, derived their

* Grote's History of Greece, Vol. 1. pages 5, 6—8.

VOL. XIX. NO. XI.

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subjects of attack from the same source; so that it has been absolutely necessary to recount in their naked simplicity the Hesiodic stories, in order to know what it was that Plato deprecated and Xenophanos denounced."

It was philosophical inquiry, a better acquaintance with nature, more correct views of geography, &c., &c., which led the philoso- phers of the 5th and 6th centuries before the Christian era, to doubt the story of the gods which was so firmly believed by all in the days of Homer and Hesiod "The honor of having first represented God as the intelligent cause of the universe is ascribed to Anaxagoras by the ancients.....That he maintained an infinite mind to be the au- thor of all motion and life, is attested by many ancient authorities. Plato expressly asserts that Anaxagoras taught the existence of a Dis- posing Mind, the cause of all things. Νοῦς ὁ διακοσμών δε και πανίων aífios. Aristotle gives it as his doctrine that mind is the first princi- ple of all things, pure, simple and unmixed; that it possesses within itself the united powers of thought and motion; and that it gives mo- tion to the universe, and is the cause of whatever is fair and good. Plutarch confirms this account of the doctrine of Anaxagoras, and shows wherein it differed from that of his predecessors. The Ionic philosophers,' says he, ' who appeared before Anaxagoras, made for- tune or blind necessity, that is, the fortuitous or necessary motion of the particles of matter, the first principle in nature; but Anaxagoras affirmed that a pure mind, perfectly free from all material concretions, governs the universe.' The infinite Mind, or Deity, which his pre- decessors had confounded with matter, making them one universe, Anaxagoras conceived to have a separate and independent existence, and to be simple, pure, intelligence, capable of forming the eternal mass of matter according to his pleasure. Thus he assigned an adequate cause for the existence of the visible world." Enfield, Vol. I. p. 161.

•

Here we have, if this account may be relied on, this great truth of the existence of an intelligent mind or God, separate from matter, first asserted in Greece in the 5th century B.C. The word tog was much older than this. Homer, and Hesiod, and Orpheus had used it. If, as used by them, this word designated, when standing absolutely, an understanding, spiritual being, who is self-existent and the former of the universe, how could any respectable ancient authority "ascribe to Anaxagoras the honor of having first represented God (80) as the intelligent cause of the universe?"

* Grote's History of Greece, Vol. I.

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If this honor is denied to Anaxagoras, and it be maintained that Thales and Pythagoras are also theists, it will not alter the force of our argument that ɛog was not used by Homer, Hesiod, and the earliest Greeks, as the name of a self-existent, spiritual Being; for if this had been the general belief in the age of Homer, how can we account för the existence of any controversy with respect to the theism of Thales and others of the Ionic sect, and for the direct assertions above quot- ed that Anaxagoras was the first among the Greeks, who conceived of mind as detached from matter?

If the belief in a monadic →s was the ancient traditionary faith of Greece, handed down to them by their ancestors from the patriarchal age, and not either the fruit of philosophic speculation, or a tenet of foreign importation, how can we account for the treatment of this very Anaxagoras and the Greek philosophers generally by the comman pev- ple, who are sure to adhere most firmly to the tradition of their fh- thers? Cudworth says, “It is certain the vulgar in all ages have been very ill judges of theists and atheists; as for example, Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, though he was the first of all the lonic philosophers (unless Thales ought to be excepted,) who made an infinite mind to be a principle, that is, asserted a Deity according to the true notion of it; yet he was, notwithstanding, cried down for an atheist, merely because he affirmed the sun to be a mass of fire,' or a fiery globe,' and 'the moon to be an earth;' that is, because he denied them to be animated, and endued with understanding souls, and consequently to be gods. So likewise, Socrates was both accused and condemned for atheistical impiety, as denying all gods, though nothing was pretended to be proved against him but only this, that he did teach that those were not true gods which the city worshiped, and in the room thereof introduced other new gods.”* What is this, but saying in other words, that he was condemned for rejecting the old traditionary gods for the new philosophic ones; among when the monadic Oros is to be in- cluded?

•

If 60s when standing absolutely in Homer and Hesiod designates God (propriè), and not some particular god, either Zavç or some other, to be inferred from the context, how can we account for the facts men- tioned above, and fʊr a thousand others that might readily be brought forward?

The truth is, we are prone to read old weiters with our modern eyer. Polytheisin scems infinitely foolish to us; and it is inconceivable, in

Cudworth's Intellectual System, Vol. 1, page 190

580

Defense of an Essay, &c.

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this age of philosophy, and among Christian men, bow any could rest content without clear and definite views of the first cause of all things ; hence, if the ancients talk only of material, physical causes, and keep silence about a self-existent mind, many are impelled by their kindness to give them credit for knowing all about such an intelligent first cause, and suggest that they only forgot to mention it in their cosmo- gonies. Others again, if they meet with the word →→sog standing abso- lutely (in any old writer, as Homer), and can not readily infer from the context what god is meant, immediately jump to the conclusion that it is used propriè. They do not stay to inquire whether any such Being, as Him whom we call God (propriè), was known and worshiped in the Homeric age, (without which fact being established it seems over hasty to conclude that the writer had this Being in his mind, when he wrote the word dog in question) but decide at once that this being is designated, because, by dog standing absolutely, Greek wri- ters of a later age unquestionably did mean the intelligent First Cause.

To jump thus to conclusions without examining the premises can serve no purpose but to deceive ourselves. If we wish to ascertain whether the Greek word brog is used in Homer as the name of a being who is truly and properly God, we must inquire whether he and the Greeks of his age knew such a being, and called Him by this name; and not content ourselves with merely finding a few instances in which this word stands absolutely, and thereupon refer it at once to such a Being, without taking the pains to inquire whether Homer knew any such Being or not, before we determine that he wrote about Him. From the Greek theogonies, from all their early writings, and from the gradual manner in which the idea of a monadic ósos grew clearer among the philosophers: from the reception this view met with from the common people, and from the fact that it never was popular among them even down to the time that Paul preached at Athens, I am satis- fied that it was not a native traditionary doctrine in Greece, and that the word dog was in use among them, as the name of a class of in- visible beings superior to men, who were regarded as proper objects of worship, long before Anaxagoras, or some other philosopher, first used it as the name by which to designate "a disposing Mind, the cause of all things.” This is the reason that induced me to say in my Essay, that we find the Chinese skin where the Greek Philosophers found 80s, designating any one (as shown by the context or some qualifying word) of a class of Beings, who are all regarded as proper objects of worship. Whether I am correct or not in the opinion

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that drog in the Homeric age meant a god, and if used xal sğoxnv, designated the Homeric Zeus, and not the Being who is truly and properly God, still I think that the position for which I contend that the general name of the false gods of a people should be used as the appellative name of such a Being, when He is to be first made known to them, can be shown to be correct. That the Chinese are in this position has been already sufficiently shown. We have seen that the Tien of the Shú King, worshiped alternately with 7 Earth, in the kiáu sacrifice can not be accounted God (propriè) and I think it is certain that there has no Anaxagoras yet arisen among the philo- sophers of China, who has clearly taught an intelligent first cause of the heavens and the earth, or who has pointed out any Being, who is the author of all other beings extrinsic to himself.

If any idea, however, is correct, that Homer, Hesiod and the Greeks of their age, used ésos, as the general name of their deities, designat- ing any one of them indifferently by this name, to be determined by the context, or occasionally using it when standing absolutely to de- signate Zeug, the highest Being known to them; then, when the phi- losophers learned from foreign travel, or from their own reflections, that there was an intelligent First Cause, a Being wholly different from Zsʊs, and one who had not been spoken of before; the question must have arisen, by what name He should be called? Anaxagoras called his "Disposing Mind, the cause of all things" Osos, and from this grew up the monadic sos of the Greek philosophers.

But whether we may consider this course, viz., that of calling God (propriè) by the general name of their objects of worship, when He is to be first made known to a heathen people ignorant of Him, to be sustained by the analogous action of the Greek philosophers or not; it can, I think, be clearly shown by independent reasoning to be the correct course to be pursued under such circumstances. Be- cause men fail to discover a First cause," to which they ascribe spirituality, free-will, intelligence, omnipotence, &c., we must not conclude that they have had no thoughts on the subject of Deity. "No one,” says Morrell, “will affirm that the earlier ages of the world were destitute of any searchings after God. So far from that, everything in the mythological period was wondrously gilded with the divine. The only thing to be noticed is that men in those ages con- versed mainly with nature; that they formed their conceptions of the numina divina without much reflection, and chiefly from nature; and that the argument from this source resulted more frequently than not, in polytheism. Can we say that the process was illogical? I think

592

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Confine our view to nature only with its endless variations, and what is there unnatural in admitting the whole hierarchy of Olympus? Nay, history and present experience prove, that under such circum- stances, the polytheistic hypothesis is by far the most acceptable to the human understanding. Even on this ground, however, the chief share in the argument is derived from the mind or the consciousness. The irresistible belief we have of causation is a primary law of our cou- sciousness, and the first attempt we make to hypostatize the cause of the universe around us, is the transference of our own forms of intel- ligence, and our own personality into the conception of that vast archi- tect, or hierarchy of architects, by whom the world was constructed. The theistic argument then in which the appeal to nature is the pro- minent feature, ends at best in the idea of a Anywoupyos.'

#10

Men thus working out for themselves polytheistic systems every- where, we fiud false gods in possession of the field, and in teaching them monotheism, it is as in teaching men to become good-we meet them in a state the opposite of that to which we desire to lead them; as in the one case we must say, cease to do evil, learn to do well,” so in the other, the burden of our preaching must be, “put away your false gods; learn to love, honor, and adore Jehovah the true God.” To enforce this exhortation, it seems plain to me, Jehovah must be called by the same name as the false gods who are to be put away. He is the truth of the very thing of which they are the falsehood; and we shall succeed most easily in conveying to polytheists a general correct idea of Him, by representing Him as taking the place of all their gods, rather than that of any particular one, however exalted that one may be. We must teach that He can afford them protec- tion, succor, &c.—yea, and tea thousand times more than all their gods put together were ever supposed to afford; that He is the alone God, there is no place left for any other; hence, we give Him the common name of all, and write over our system mono-theism.

While this general name is the best word by which to teach a peo- ple who have hitherto been ignorant of Him, a knowledge of the true God, the use of this word is absolutely necessary to forbid the false worship in which they have previously indulged. The great sin with which a missionary must charge a polytheistic people, the sin which, when God pours out his Spirit, and carries home the preached word to the hearts of his heathen hearers, they will feel more deeply than all others, is that of having worshiped false gods to the dishonoring

Morrell's History of Modern Philosophy, page 738.

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of the true God. With this sin we must, here in China, charge our hearers; but what conviction of sin could be expected to be produced from a sermon or tract charging the Chinese with the worship of false Alohos or false @sor? Would not their answer be that so far from hav- ing sinned in this particular, they had never so much as heard there were any such beings or things in the universe?

If we maintained that the Chinese had never had this subject up be- fore their minds so as to have predicated anything either right or wrong about it, then it would be consistent to contend that we must either transfer a foreign word, or invent a new Chinese character to represent this perfectly new subject: but if we admit that the Chinese have worshiped false gods, then we admit that they actually have had the subject up before their minds, though under a false aspect, and we must inquire by what name they themselves have called this subject: for we may rest assured we can best teach them the truth with respect to this subject, by predicating said truth of the Chinese name thereof.

We must teach them what their errors with respect to this subject are; so that, being properly instructed, they shall understand that the Being designated is one, not many as they have incorrectly supposed; that He is self-existent from eternity, the Creator of all beings and things, &c.

Now to point out their past errors, to convict them of their past sins with respect to this subject, and to warnt hem against the false gods they have been in the habit of worshiping, of what avail will the use of either of the foreign words, Aloho or Oɛos be? They have never written or spoken of any Alohos or ɛ; they have never worshiped them; it would be a mere waste of breath to preach against false Alohos or false dɛOI.

I need not however detain the reader any longer to prove that the generic name of god, if such exists in the language of a polytheistic. people, should be used to render Elohim, if such can be found, for Dr. Medhurst and his friends expressly contend for this, and differ from us only in denying that the Chinese have such a word in their language. Dr. Legge insists upon the use of a native appellative in opposition to any transferred term, differing from us only in contending that this appellative must be a relative, and not an absolute term.

The points on which we differ from Dr. Legge have been sufficiently discussed : let us now inquire if the Chinese have any generic or absolute appel- lative name for god in their language.

As in the case of the word God when used propriè, we inquired what is the difference between a being who is truly and properly God and a mere spirit, so here we shall inquire what is the characteristic

634

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difference between a spirit and a god. I shall pursue this method as the shortest course leading to the most direct issue. The skin wor- shiped by the Chinese are admitted to be spirits: gods are spirits ; so far we are agreed : the point on which we differ is, are they mere spi- rits, or are they, in addition to being spiritual beings, regarded by the Chinese as something more—as gods? To state the matter logically, we are agreed as to the genus-spirit; but differ as to the species- god. We must therefore inquire, what is the differentia or characte- ristic of the species, for the genus, plus the differentia, gives us the species. In my Essay, I contended that the best mark and distinguish- ing indication of the differentia or characteristic was, "supposed to be a proper object of religious worship." If this be the true characte ristic, as it is admitted that the skin are spirits, I have only to show that the Chinese regard them as proper objects of worship, to prove that the Chinese shin are gods, and not mere spirits.

I may illustrate the propriety of pursuing this method of proof, viz. Inquiring what is the characteristic difference between a god and a spirit, by taking an analogous case.

If asked the meaning of the word man, I should answer, It is the name of a class of beings.-Qu. What kind of beings, spiritual or what? Ans. A class of animals.—Qu. What kind of animal? Ans. Rational.-Here then, in the words animal and rational, we have reached the characteristics of this class of beings.

If we were contending whether a word in a foreign language should be rendered "man" or "animal," the point to which inquiry should be directed would be, Are the animals in question rational or not? It would be beside the mark to inquire whether the word, in the foreign language, corresponded etymologically with Adam (red), -anthropos (to turn the eyes to heaven)-homo (qui ex humo, earth- derived)—or man (etymology not known); for the derivation of this word differs in each language above quoted; nor does that of either afford us the slightest hint that our tests would be for genus, animal, or for species rational. To state our parallel: If asked the meaning of the word God, I should answer, That this word is used for purposes so distinct that we must divide its meaning into two classes, viz. propriè and impropriè, and then we shall be prepared to answer in conformity to our case above stated. If asked then, What is the meaning of the word God when used propriè, I answer: It is the name of a spiritual being.-Qu. What kind of spiritual being? Ans. Self-existent, Almighty, &c., &c. If, in the next place, asked the meaning of the word god when used impropriè, Ans. The naine of a class of spirit-

1830.

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ual beings.—Qu. What kind of spiritual beings? Ans. Spiritual beings, other than the true God, who (whether self-existent or de- pendent) are considered by men proper objects of worship.

Here, as in the case of the word man, we fix upon our characteristics from our knowledge of the two classes we are comparing: the etymo- logy of the word for God, like that of the word for man, in different languages varying so much, and being so uncertain in Hebrew, Greek, and English, that we can derive no help from thence.

The illustration afforded by the word man makes plain the proprie- ty of our calling for the characteristic test between gods and spirits, that our controversy may not degenerate into a mere war of words. Unhappily, on the point before us, we are not so agreed as we should be, with respect to the test to be employed to ascertain whether a given animal was a man or not.

In his "Reply to Dr. Boone" (Vol. XVII. p. 499), Dr. Medhurst says, "Wewould suggest a different definition, viz., The name of the being, or class of beings, to whom the Chinese ascribe the highest attributes. For the following reasons: A god is a being possessed of divine attributes... Worship is not necessary to his being or his nature; he may never be worshiped, and yet be God.

"The genus of gods (supposing such a genus to exist) is the class of beings possessed of divine attributes.

"The generic name for God is the name of the class of beings sup- posed to possess divine attributes.

The attributes possessed by a divine being are in many respects the same in kind with the attributes possessed by other intelligent beings, only differing in degree. Thus intelligent beings in general possess some power, wisdom, goodness, &c., but a divine being or beings must be conceived to possess these attributes in the highest perfection.

"There are some attributes, however, which are peculiar to a di- vine Being or beings, such as the originating and governing of all things.

"Religious worship is the ascribing honor to a being or beings possessed of divine attributes; the qualities or the station of the being or beings must first be allowed, before worship can be paid. Hence the possession of attributes is the primary, and the offering of worship the secondary idea of God."

I am glad to observe that Dr. M. would make attributes-essential attributes, "power, wisdom, goodness, &c.,"—not relationships, the tests of divinity. From his saying, “A divine being or beings must

VOL. XIX. NO. XI.

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be conceived to possess these attributes in the highest perfection," and that "those peculiar to a divine being or beings are the originat- ing and governing of all things," he must have had the word God (as understood by us propriè) before his mind when he wrote this; for he surely could not contend that all the Greek so, for instance, had 'power, wisdom and goodness in the highest perfection," or that they all had something to do with the "originating and governing of all things." Accordingly, on reflection, Dr. M. gave up this view, and adopted that of Cudworth, Mosheim, and others, which was presented by me, and in this he was joined by Messrs. Stronach and Milne, and his other friends, who signed the letter of the 30th January; for they therein maintain (see p. 11) that we must have a generic terın, “which, while it is capable of being used for the highest being of whom they have any conception, includes all worshiped beings, and goes no far- ther." This is also apparent from the definition which they give of the transferred word Aloko, in a subsequent part of this letter; viz., "the name of whatever men sacrifice to and worship,"

Dr. Legge contends that I make "God" and "worshiped being" interchangeable terms, and styles this "A blunder, of which the best that can be said is that it is a very bad use of the second kind of me- tonomy which puts the effect for the cause. The Supreme Being is not God because He is worshiped, but He is worshiped because He is God." Dr. Legge's view here is precisely that quoted from Dr. Medhurst's Reply, “the qualitics or the station of the being or beings must be first allowed before worship can be paid.” Dr. L. seems to have fallen into a strange confusion of mind in the part of his argu- ment quoted above.

In my Essay, I made the fact of being worshiped a test to ascertain whether a given being is regarded as a god or a mere spirit; this is very different from saying that "God" and "worshiped being" are interchangeable terms. With respect to our proposing "religious wor- ship" as the characteristic test by which to distinguish a god from a mere spirit, if Drs. Medhurst and Legge are correct in their theory of worship, there can be no doubt of it. Dr. M. says, "Religious worship is the ascribing honor to a being or beings possessed of divine attributes." If then we find a man worshiping any being, may we not use the fact of his offering worship to this being, to infer that said be- ing is "possessed (in his estimation at least) of divine attributes ?” And if, as Dr. M. says, "the qualities or the station of the being must be first allowed, before worship can be paid," must we not, where the worship is paid, infer the existence (in the brain of the votary, if uo

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where else) of the qualitics or station so allowed, in the being wor- shiped ?

"The Supreme Being is not

Or, let us take Dr. L.'s illustration. God because he is worshiped, but he is worshiped because he is God." Now then substitute "a being," for "the Supreme Being," and "a god" for "God," and what Dr. L. says, will prove the propriety of using the test I propose. Remember, our object is not to prove that a being who is worshiped is a god (for I am firmly persuaded there is only one God in the universe), but that he is a god in the eye of his worshipers; and then, with Dr. L.'s statement changed as above suggested, the matter will stand thus: “A being is not a god because he is worshiped, but he is worshiped because he is (i. e. in the mind of his worshiper) a god." May we not then take the fact that a be- ing is worshiped to prove that in the opinion of his votaries he is a god? Instead of putting the effect for the cause, is not this, accord- ing to the theory of worship of both Drs. M. and L., from the effect inferring the cause ?

To this explanation of my meaning, Dr. L. thus replies in his Let- ters at p. 34 :—' -“ From this, and similar passages, and the general strain of his Essay, I supposed, when 1 published my Argument, that he un- derstood God as meaning object of worship. I could not otherwise make out any connection in his reasoning. I have been given to un- derstand, however, that his reasoning is not that God means object of worship, or that Shin incans object of worship, but that the Shin be- ing worshiped, are to be regarded as the Gods of China, and that therefore Shin is the generic name for God; and God, a God, and Gods, ought to be translated by Shin. If it be grauted to him that the Shin are to be regarded as the Gods of China, I do not see the bridge from that to the conclusion that Shin is to be translated God, or that Elohim and ↔ɛog are to be rendered by Shin. We may regard rice as the oatmeal of China, but if I were to translate a treatise upon oatmeal into Chinese, I should write to little purpose if I spoke all through of fan. If the first sentence were, "Oatmeal is a farina- ceous food, much used in certain countries," the Chinese could not possibly understand me of anything but rice. Unless Shin and God have the same meaning, Dr. Boone's reasoning is too trifling to be examined at length."

To judge whether my reasoning be too trifling or not to deserve an examination, the Reader should observe what the question at issue between Dr. Medhurst, Dr. Legge and myself is. Dr. Legge, says shin does not mean what Elohim and Asos mean. They are correctly ren-

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dered in English by God, and Shin by spirit. We can no more trans- late Elohim and Gɛog into Chinese by Shin, than we could translate them into English by spirit." This is Dr. L.'s assertion. Mine is, that, though Shin does not answer to Elohim and Oɛog when these words are used proprie (having never been used as the name of a self-existent, almighty, spiritual Being), still it does answer to these words when used impropriè, and should therefore be rendered into English, not a spirit, spirits, but a god, gods. The question is, How the Chinese re- gard the class of beings they call Shin; what are they to them—gods or mere spirits? Dr. Legge says they regard them as a class of mere spirits; I say, as a class of gods. Hereupon I propose as a test the characteristic difference between gods and mere spirits, given by such men as Cudworth, Mosheim, and Waterland. I show that, according to Dr. Medhurst's theory of worship, and that advanced by Dr. Legge hiinself in the very context in which he charges me with “blunder- ing," and putting “the effect for the cause," &c., that this test is CHARACTERISTIC; that worship does imply the belief on the part of the worshiper of" divine attributes” in the Being worshiped; and Dr. L. instead of pointing out my “ blunder," and showing how I had put the effect for the cause, contents himself with saying, “Dr. Boone's rea- soning is too trifling to be examined at length.'

*The difference between Dr. Legge and myself here, arises from the different view we take of the word God. He argues as if this word were a simple, in- complex term, the symbol of an idea, and demands a word in Chinese that conveys this idea. I, on the contrary, regarding the word God as a complex term, the absolute name of a Being (when used propriè), and of a class of beings (when used impropriè by polytheists), fancy, that instead of looking for the name of this idea, what we want is, just the name of said Being or beings as the case may be; so that if a word in any foreign language is proposed as corresponding to this word, I ask, is the being of whom this foreign word is the name, the same as the Being of whom our English word GoD is the name ; if so then, the foreign word answers to, or means (if you like) the same thing as our English word God means when used propriè: If the question be with res- pect to the word god, as used impropriè by polytheists, when it is the naine, not of one Being merely, but a name common to a class of beings; then I ask, does the class of beings of whom this foreign word is the name, answer to the class of beings called by us, a god, gods. It is of no importance how any people came to give the name in question to the Supreme Being, or to the class of beings of whom we are speaking, the only question of practical importance is, Is this word in said language the absolute name of the self-existent first cause, the all-wise author of all things on the one hand; or on the other, the absolute name of the class of beings of whom we are speaking?

There is one additional point to which I would advert in this note ; the peculi- arity of the beings of whom we are speaking; they are mere imaginary beings, and not like Dr. Legge's oatmeal and rice. They have no existence except in the minds of their blinded votaries; hence it is that we must look into the mind of their worshipers, and not to anything in rerum naturâ to find our mark or test of the differentia between them and mere spirits. The differentia between spirits and gods consists no doubt in the one having “divine attributes" as Dr.

1850.

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In his Letters, at p. 21, Dr. L. says, "We worship because of the qualities we apprehend in the object of our adoration. These fill us with awe, and of that awe, worship is the fitting expression." That this is the correct theory of worship will perhaps be denied by none, Dr. South, in his Sermon on "Natural Religion," says, "The ground and reason of all worship is an opinion of power and will in the person worshiped to answer and supply our desires; which he can not possi- bly do unless he first apprehend them." Aud this, I conceive, to be the reason at once why worship is the best test by which to distin- guish between a god and a mere spirit; and why it is emphatically that "glory" which God will not give to another. To suppose that an invisible being can apprehend," attend to, and answer the pray- ers of all his votaries in all parts of the world, is investing him with attributes of infinity, such as omnipresence, omniscience, &c., &c.; and when you add to this, what the Chinese predicate of their Shin, and what seems to be implied in all religious worship, such a know. ledge of the thoughts and purposes of the human heart that the object worshiped can not be imposed upon by an insincere worshiper; we perceive that the act of worship implies a belief of the existence of many attributes in the object worshiped, which can belong properly to the true God only, and which it is robbing him of "his glory" to ascribe to any other being.

Let us, for instance, take the case of the Tsai Shin,, god of Wealth, who, though not of high rank, is yet perhaps more worshiped than any other shin in China. This shin, we may suppose, is often

Medhurst says, while the others have not. But where are we to look for the proofs that the skin possess these attributes? I answer, To the acts of their worshipers, that we may learn how they regard them, as it is only in their minds that they have any existence at all.” The proof to be made of the differ- entia in this case is similar to that in the case of murder, in remarking on which Dr. Whately observes “that the differentia which constitutes the species, and the mark by which the species are known (in some cases) are not the same : 6. g. Murder the differentia of which is, that it be committed 'with malice of forethought; this can not be directly ascertained; and therefore we distinguish murder from any other homicide by circumstances of preparation, &c., which are not in reality the differentia, but indications of the differentia, i. e. the grounds for concluding that the malice did exist.” So in this case; while we admit the differentia to be "divine attributes," if Dr. Medhurst pleases, we propose "religions worship" as the "mark," the circumstance which serves as an "indication of the differentia," "the ground for our concluding" that "the divine attributes" are possessed by this imaginary being, as he stands complete in the mind of his worshiper, the only place where he has any existence. We have never proposed religious worship as the only mark of distinction between a Being who is truly and properly God and a mere spirit. To make out a being to be God proprie, we propose to Dr. Legge to show that he is a self- existent spirit, the author of all other spirits, and of everything extrinsic to himself.

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called on at the same moment by many thousands, who are separated hundreds of miles apart. The knowledge of human hearts he must be supposed to have to attend to, and appreciate all these prayers, and the control he must have of all sublunary affairs to enable him to cause matters to work together for the wealth of all who worship him, must be most absolute, and imply power little short of infinite. Now it would appear that this dependence upon any beings without the com- pass of civil intercourse, this calling upon them for help, this belief in their ability to hear and answer our prayers, is that which constitutes the violation of the First Commandment, and which makes the beings so regarded gods in the eye of this commandment and throughout the Scriptures; and it is this saine point that Cudworth, Mosheim, and Waterland regard as the distinctive characteristic of the gods of pagan Greece and Rome.

If we are not to contend about mere words, we must agree upon some test by which the claim of Shúngti to be considered the true God, and of shin to be the general name of the Chinese gods may be tried respectively. I have proposed tests for trying the claims of both, not framed by myself to suit my own purposes in this controversy, but quoted from the works of the most learned men that have written on these subjects. If Drs. Medhurst and Legge do not agree to these tests, let them be set aside by argument, and let something definite be pro- posed in their place. Let them furnish a definition of the word God, when used propriè, that shall commend itself to the judgment of those who are interested in this controversy, and then show that the Chinese Tien is truly and properly God, according to this definition; or, let them give us a definition of the word god, gods, that will not cut off the Greek and Roman gods as well as the Elohim of the Old Testa- ment, and I will engage to stand to it. If any other attribute than that of being supposed a proper object of worship is necessary to constitute a god in the eyes of polytheists, and they will mention it, I think I may venture to promise that we will prove the Shin have this or these attributes also. But to convince us that worship is the characteristic mark of a god, we need only look at the 30,000 gods of the Greeks and Romans, and to the Elohim of the Old Testament, and endeavor to find anything else that is common to them all.

Therefore we say,

that if we wish to distinguish between mere spirits and gods, the test is worship; the worshiped spirit is a god, and this applies even to in- animate things, to wooden images-a worshiped image is a god, r. g. Is. xliv. 17, “And the residue thereof he maketh a god, even his gra- ven image; he falleth down unto it and worshipeth it, and saith, Deliver me, for thou art my god.”

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To prove that the shin are the gods of the Chinese, we show that the class of beings so called have been worshiped from the earliest aunals of the Empire to the present time; that the highest being known to them, viz., T'icn heaven, and Ti earth (worshiped at the solstices in the highest sacrifice, called kinn); the beings who preside over the five elements (the immediate producers of all things, styled the Five Rulers); those who preside over the land and grain; the go- vernor of the seas; the dispenser of wealth; the bestower of longevity; the tutelary guardian of their cities; the patrons of every kind of their handicraftsmen; in short, every invisible being, who is invoked by them in times of either joy or sorrow, is included in and worshiped under this general name Shin.

We show that in explaining the phrase Shangtí, the title of their chief deity, they make him neither more nor less than the chief of their shin. “Shángti, the Supreme Ruler, is the Shin of heaven.” “Sháng- ti is the most honorable of the shin.” "Expansive Heaven, the Su- preme Ruler (Shángtí) is the most honorable of the hundred shin,” i. c. of all the shin. "They used the Yen-sz' to sacrifice to Expan- sive Heaven, the Supreme Ruler (Shángtí); this offering did not be- long to any other shin." The chief of the shin is thus described :--- "The greatest of the celestial Shin is called Expansive Heaven, the Supreme Ruler (Shangti). He (this chief shin) is also called the celestial, august, great Ruler; also the GREAT ONE, or Unity, “Tải yih

The Great ONE 太 - is the most honorable of the Shin of heaven." "The Shin of heaven (tien shin) is most honorable, and (a Being) with whom none can be compared."

We show that from the time of Shun, there has been an officer ap- pointed to superintend the rites and ceremonies used at the worship of this class of beings; that of the ceremonies thus used in the na- tional worship, we are told, "the principal object of these ceremonies is to serve the shin;" and that "in regulating their ceremonies, those which were used in the service of the shin were considered most im- portant," thereby excluding all idea of the existence of a class of beings who are above this class called shin, and who being worshiped with higher ceremonies, are therefore to be considered the gods of the Chinese. In the Shú King, we find the phrase “shin and men,” just as we meet with the phrase gods and men in the Greek poets.

These facts appear to me amply sufficient to sustain my position that Shin is the general name of the Chinese gods—the absolute ap- pellative name for god in the Chinese language, and to show that this word answers to the word :og in the Homeric and Hesiodic poems.

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While they deny none of these facts, Drs. Medhurst and Legge main- tain that the Chinese shin are mere spirits, not gods, and to this point I must devote the remainder of this Defense. Before attempting how- ever, to answer their objections, I would only ask the reader to take away, in his mind, from the Chinese pantheon all the beings men- tioned above, who are called skin, and who are worshiped under this NAME, and see what place is left for a class of gods after this. And if Drs. M. and L. contend that the beings abovementioned are not gods, but mere spirits, I here call upon them to point out to us who the Chinese gods are; to tell us by whom they are worshiped; what officer is appointed by the state to superintend such worship; by what general name these gods are called, and where-in what classic, their worship is enjoined ?

When we insist upon the fact that the shin have been worshiped from the earliest times, as proof that they are gods in the eyes of the Chinese; and we contend, that, as Shángtí, the Wú Tí, and all the objects worshiped by the Confucianists, Yuh-hwáng Tá-tí the chief god, and all the objects worshiped by the Táuists, are worshiped under this name, therefore the Chinese are polytheists, and shin is the gene- ral name of their gods: Dr. Medhurst replies, the Chinese are poly- pneumatists not polytheists, because of such worship, as the Shin wor- shiped are spirits, not gods. Here then, unless we can find some cha- racteristic test to decide our dispute, we may wrangle for ever over this point. I propose worship as the test given in the Sacred Scriptures, and by able men who have written on this subject, and have attenipt- ed to show the reasonableness of this test, from the theory of worship given by both Drs. Medhurst and Legge.

In answer to this, our opponents point to the Romanists, who wor◄ ship saints and angels, the Virgin Mary, &c., and say that as they are not polytheists, so the Chinese, though they worship great num- bers of shin, may not be polytheists either. This objection is worthy of consideration. The worship of any other being than the self-existent God is false worship, is idolatry; but all idolatry is not necessarily poly- theism. What makes the distinction? The answer is, the worship of these objects under the same name with God, thus ranking them in the same class of beings with him. The Romanists we know, not only never worship any saint or angel, calling them gods, but they make a distinction also (a vain one as I think) between the worship given to God, and to the Virgin and the saints. But the Chinese in the wor- ship of their Shingtí (who, it is now maintained, is the true God) and their shin, make no such distinction. They have no absolute name

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of a higher class of beings for him; they call him merely the chief, the most honorable of the shin, and worship, along with him, all their shin under this common name. When in the Chau Lí, we read that an officer, "the Tsung Peh," was appointed to worship the national Shin, K'i, Kiei, &c., we find Shangtí the first enumerated skin on the list of those sacrificed to. When, in the saine work, we read of the Great Chaplain, we find that this officer's duty was to superintend the offer- ing up of the six forms of prayer to the shin (the celestial gods), the k'i (the terrestrial gods), and the kwei (the man-derived-the manes). Of these six forms of prayer generally, thus offered to these beings, the commentators say, they <<

were used at the kiúu when they sacri- ficed to Heaven (Shángtí) and Earth, and to the gods (shin) of the land aud grain, and at the sacrifices offered in the ancestral temple." Of the second prayer, the “nien chuh,” that it "was used to pray to Shángti and the gods (shin) of the land and grain for the bestowal of grain." So it is everywhere; Shángtí is worshiped as a shin, there is no special officer appointed for his worship; he is merely honored as the chief of the Shin. Now suppose that the Romanists were to worship Jehovah and the Virgin Mary, the Apostles and angels, all under one common name; would they not be polytheists? When we find Hau-t'ien Shángtí, the chief object of worship among the Confu- cianists, and Yuh-hwáng Shángtí, the chief object of worship among the Tauists (which are the two native indigenous religions of China), both called shin, and worshiped as shin; and that all the other beings worshiped in the national rites, or by the Táuists, are called shin, and worshiped as shin; we contend that if Hau-t'ien Shangtí is a god, and Yuh-hwắng-tí Shángtí is a god, then, if the Chinese have any gods at all, and any name by which they call them, these gods are their shin; and that this word Shin is the appellative name of these gods.

But, says Dr. Medhurst, Shangtí we admit is a spiritual being, and shin in these cases means spirit. Let us test this by a parallel case, and see if the word spirit could maintain its meaning if used as shin is. "There are six celestial spirits. Jehovah, who is worshiped in the temple on Mount Zion, is the first." "Jehovah is the spirit of heaven." "Jehovah is the most honorable of all the spirits." "The greatest of the spirits of heaven is called Jehovah." "The Spirit of heaven is most honorable, and (a Being) with whom none can be compared." "There is not a spirit we have not honored. But Michael is not able, and Jehovah does not come down to our relief.” Would not this way of speaking either bring down Jehovali God-the Supreme Being-

VOL. XIX. NO. XI.

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to the rank of spirits, or carry up the spirits so spoken of, to the rank of Jehovah, and if He be God, make them Gods too?

Again, let us suppose that we learned from the Sacred Scriptures, that Jehovah had been worshiped under the name of, and as a spirit; that throughout the whole ritual directing the worship conducted on Mount Zion, He was regarded as a spirit; that we should observe, that, according to this ritual, "the principal object of the ceremonies (there used) was to serve the spirits,” and that among all the cere- monies employed, “those that were used in the service of the spirits were considered most important; that the officers appointed were sacrifice to, and offer up prayers to the spirits," and that there was not any passage in the whole ritual which spoke of any priest appoint- ed to sacrifice to or worship Him under the name of, or as, God; should we not think that the words God and Spirit had changed places?

"to

Now this is the case in China. Shin is the highest absolute oppel- lative noun in the language; there is no class of beings higher than this class; Shángtí, the Supreme Ruler, the highest being spoken of in the Classics, is merely the chief one of this class. No officers were ever appointed to worship any class of beings called tí, rulers. Shangtí, the Supreme Ruler, was worshiped, but, as we have seen, as a shin, the Ruler of the other shin, and not as a being of a distinct class, or species from the shin over whom he ruled, as he must have been, if the Chinese regarded him as a god, and the other shin as mere spirits, beings belonging to a different species. More than this, we are expressly told, that “if Shángtí were not a shin (observe he might still be a čí, a ruler; or a Shángti, a Supreme Ruler), it would be of no use to pray to him; but if he be a shin, he can not be deceived." Here Shangtí's being a proper object of worship is ascribed to the fact of his being a shin, (not to his being tí, or Shángtí), and it is in con- sequence of his being a shin, that he knows the thoughts and purposes of the human heart, so that he can not be deceived by an insincere worshiper. If shin means nothing more than spirit, and Shángtí is the highest being known to the Chinese, deriving as he does his right to worship and his heart-discerning intelligence from his being a shin (the word which denotes his nature, and not from his being Shángtí, the Supreme Ruler over the other shin,—his official title), then it seems clear that the Chinese can not know of any higher being, or class of beings, than spirits, and it is of no use to seek for any word in their language meaning a god, gods, not to mention for an instant, a word answering to our word God.

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From these considerations it is quite conclusive to my mind that the Chinese, because of the worship of their shin are to be accounted poly- theists, and not polypneumatists.

But the Chinese are acquainted not only with the objects worship- ed in their two indigenous religions, viz. Confucianism and Táuism; they have encountered men of other religions, and in their books have given us an account of the objects worshiped by these foreigners. By what Chinese name then do the Confucianists and Táuists call the beings whom these foreigners call gods?

The answer to this question will assist us much in determining what is the appellative name for God in Chinese. For instance, if it is maintained that Heaven and Earth, and the beings who preside over the land and grain, over wealth, fire, &c., when worshiped under the common name shin, are all worshiped as mere spirits and not gods; there can be no doubt of the light in which Budha is regarded; no one would think of calling him a mere spirit. What then do the Con- fucianists call him?

In the historical work called King Kien Í Chip, or Mirror of History, when describing the introduction of Budhism into China, the author says, "The king heard that in the West

□, there was a god (shin) whose name was Budha." The historian quoted in Kinght's Dictionary under the character fuh, tells a story of the Emperor Ming of the Hán dynasty (A.D. 50), seeing in a dream a golden man flying about his palace. The next morning, upon inquiring the meaning of it he was told by one of his courtiers that it related to Budha. His words were 天竺國有佛神也, "In India there is Budha, that is a god (shin)." In the Commentary on the Sacred Edict, he is repeat- edly called “Shin Fuh the god Budha." The word shin in

all these instances must be rendered god and not spirit; if then when speaking of a foreign object of worship, who is confessedly not a mere spirit but a god, they call him shin, why should not we suppose that when they call their native objects of worship, Heaven, Earth, &c., &c., shin, they mean to rank them as gods also, and not as mere spirits?

We have also accounts of other foreign religions besides that of the Budhists. In a work on geography recently published by Sü Sung- lung, the lieut -governor of Fuhkien province, the author speaks much of the religions of the people he describes. Speaking of the Persians and Indians, he says, "In the high antiquity, in Persia and India, all servel the god of Fire (Ho Shin). Those who served the

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god of Fire worshiped the rising sun, or igniting faggots, they worship- ed towards them. For the people considered that if there was no fire wherewith to cook, they could not live; and that if there was no bright sun, then in the universe there could be nothing seen. Therefore the foreigners of these two countries, from a high antiquity, had this cus- toni. The idea arose from a desire to recompense the root (i.e. to acknowledge their god, the sun, as a source of blessing): it was not a depraved god" (sié shin) i.e. a being who afflicted them with cur- ses, but a benignant being who sent them blessings. Now the Sun is the one being worshiped by the Parsees. Do they regard this being as a mere spirit? Could this author have supposed they regarded it as a mere spirit? Speaking of the ruin of Ormuz, our author says “There is an old temple there where the sun, the god of Fire (Ho Shin) was honored." "The Africans,” he tells us, worship trees, birds, and beasts as gods (shin), and whoever kills an enemy offers him in sacrifice to them.....The people of Guinea worship birds and beasts as gods (shin).” When telling of Hannibal's swearing eternal enmity to the Romans, he says that he swore before. Jik-pih-tih-'rh, Jupiter, and in a note calls him “ so fung tsung tsú chí shin, the god (shin) whom their ancestors worshiped." Thus we see that the word shin is used by this writer just as we would use the word god in English. No one would say the Parsees worshiped "the Sun, the spirit of fire;" that Jupiter was a spirit; that trees, birds, beasts, &c., were worshiped as spirits.

But there are nations with whose worship we are yet more familiar, whose religion is spoken of by this writer. In the 3d Section, 37th page of his work, he speaks of the object worshiped by the Jews and by all the European nations. By what name does he call this Being? His account is as follows :—“ In Fuh-lin (Palestine) i.e. in Judea and in the countries to the west of it (Europe), all serve the God (Shin) of heaven. The worship of the God (Shin) of heaven commenced with Moses in the time of Wuh-ting (B.C. 1720) in the beginning of the Sháng dynasty. He (Moses) pretends that the God (Shin) of heaven descended upon Mount Sinai in Arabia, and delivered the Ten Commandments for the instruction of men. The observance of the seventh day as a Sabbath commenced from this time, which is distant from the birth of Jesus one thousand and several hundred years. The (t'ien chú kián) religion of the Lord of Heaven (the Romish) sprung from this; it is not the Romish religion."

Of the character of the Being worshiped by the Jews and Euro- peans, we can have no question; and I think there can be no doubt

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that this author knew that He who gave the law at Mount Sinai, and who is the alone object of worship of the Jews, the Romanists, and of all Europeans, was no mere spirit; and yet he calls Him all through this section the Shin of heaven. In other parts he calls Jesus, when spoken of as an object of worship, by this name Shin : e. g. the 6th Section, at the 39th page:— -“Those who enter the religion of Jesus, do not sacrifice to any other god (Shin), they do not make offerings to their ancestors, but regard Jesus as the Savior of the world." Also Section 2, p. 7., ., 不祀先祖,所奉之神, HEME, "they do not sacrifice to ancestors but Luh-shi (Logos?); that is, Jesus is the only god (Shin) they serve."

These quotations from the work of the lieut.-governor of Fuhkien, who is admitted to be a very accomplished writer, are of importance, not only to prove that the word Shin is, in some cases at any rate, used in the sense of god and not spirit; they are also very important to rebut some assertions of Dr. Medhurst contained in his recent pub- lications.

In the Letter to the Protestant Missionaries at the Five Ports, signed by himself and five others, he asserts that the use of shin to render

og in the N. T. would render "the whole work unclassical and con- temptible," "provoke the ridicule of every well informed Chinese;" that "it would spoil the work for any efficiency to others;" "produce monstrous difficulties for us to struggle against," "involve an ab- surdity;" and above all, “throw obstacles in the way of the reception of the truth on the part of the Chinese.”

That, under all the circumstances of the case, Dr. M. and his friends, to carry a particular point should have had recourse to such rhetoric as that above quoted, is very much to be regretted. Dr. Medhurst has been for thirty years a student of the Chinese language; he is known to be an excellent scholar, and he might justly expect that his opinions on any matter respecting the Chinese would have great weight, not only in Europe and America, but also with his missionary brethren in China, especially those recently arrived. This should have bound him to particular carefulness in the statements of the facts of this great case which he put forth to the public, and to the exercise of much caution in the expression of his opinions. Instead of this, his statements concerning the facts of the case have been so contra- dictory (no notice being given to the reader of these contradictions), and many of the opinions expressed by him are so manifestly the result of irritation, not of calm judgment, that we must warn him not to be surprized if, in China at least, and among his missionary brethren,

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whose knowledge of the language of the country enables them to inquire for themselves of "well-informed Chinese," what is their opinion of the use of Shin, if his statements and opinions cease to have any weight at all.

On Dr. Medhurst's contradictory statements with respect to the meaning and character of some of the most important words about which controversy exists, I have already commented, and shall have still further occasion to comment; so that I shall say nothing more on that subject at present. But I will here mention some of the circum- stances connected with the Letter of the 30th Jan., which tend, in my mind, to deprive the opinions therein expressed in the intemperate language above quoted, of all weight.

On the 17th of January, Dr. Medhurst, Mr. Stronach and Mr. Milne urged Dr. Bridgman and myself to consent to a compromise of our difficulties, in order to procure an immediate edition of parts of the N. T. The compromise proposed by them was that we should consent to their having 5,000 copies with the word og rendered by T'i, on which condition they would consent to our having 5,000 copies with og rendered by Shin. This compromise we rejected: this was on the 17th of January, 1850.

These facts are important, as the sequel will show, to enable the reader to estimate, at their true worth, the opinions of Dr. M. and of Messrs. S. and M. above quoted. On the 17th of January, they surely could not have supposed that the use of Shin to translate Mɛg would render God's holy word “contemptible,” and “throw obstacles in the way of the reception of the truth on the part of the Chinese,” or, they could not have consented to a compromise with such a term; and if they learned, at so late a stage of our controversy, all these sad things about Shin, only after they became provoked with us for reject- ing their proffered compromise, i.e. between the 17th and 30th of January, the judicious reader will readily understand how much, opinions taken up under such circumstances, and expressed in such language, should weigh with him.

If the opinions concerning Shin above quoted are correct, no mis- sionary, as he reverences God's holy word, should have anything to do with it as the rendering of Osos; and if every “well-ir.formed Chinese” is to be supposed capable of appreciating the "ridicule" its use must cause, all those who have used this term for God are to be esteemed shamefully culpable for not exercising even the commonest care in a matter of such extreme importance. I am far from desiring that the cause of Shin should stand upon the shoulders of any men ; if it is not

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sustained by truth and right reason, let it fall, and the sooner the bet- ter; but I am unwilling that all who have used it should be accounted guilty of rendering God's holy word "contemptible." It is well known that Drs. Morrison, Milne, and Marshman used this word Shin as the rendering of Elohim and tog in their versions of the SS.; and one would have supposed that this fact would have restrained all of the six signers from speaking in such language of the use of Shin for God in the Scriptures. But in the case of Dr. Medhurst, in addition to his respect for the dead and the living who have used this word, we should have supposed that some regard for his own past course would have prevented his asserting, so broadly and unqualifiedly, that such a use of Shin would render God's holy word contemptible.

I have before ine a copy of a work of his on the Ten Command- ments. The First reads thus :—“ Shin spake all these words, saying, I am the Divine Lord (Shin Chú‡) thy Shin," &c. The ob- ject of the First Commandment is thus stated, 論只拜一神‧

Teaches that we should only worship one Shin.” Had Dr. Med- hurst never met with a "well-informed Chinese," when he wrote this work, whose opinion he might have asked, and so prevented himself from rendering that important part of God's holy word "contempti- ble," which I am sure the object of his work was to coinmend to the reverence and obedience of the Chinese? In the Sán-sz' King, Dr. M ̧

uses the word Shin for God throughout. Such sentences as the fol-

lowing occur:. God (Shin) is a Spirit (Ling);

Shin (God)

F. God's (Shin) Son, &c., &c.

This work

4. O, all ye people, praise Shin;

頌讚神

made man;

has been distributed by members of the mission who signed this Letter, since the passages quoted from it were published. How can Dr. Med- hurst and the other signers of this Letter account for their conduct in thus distributing this book, if they really believe that the use of Shin for God renders a work “contemptible,” and that the calling God by this name will "provoke the ridicule of every well-informed Chinese ?” And if they were not so fully persuaded of this as to allow it to in- fluence their own conduct, how could they publish such opinions to influence the conduct of others?

When I read this letter, I could not but ask myself, Do these six signers really suppose that Drs. Morrison, Milne and Marshman, never met with any well-informed Chinese; or, meeting with them, never put themselves to the trouble to inquire what they thought of the use of Shin to render the word God? Do they really mean to assert that the result of the many years of hard labor of these zealous

000

Defense of an Essay, &c.

Nov.

men was to make God's holy book “contemptible” in the eyes of the Chinese, and to bring upon themselves and their work the ridicule of this heathen nation? Are Dr. Medhurst and those who sigued this paper with him, the only missionaries now in China who are favored with the intercourse of well-informed Chinese? Dr. Medhurst, from his whole course seems determinded either to destroy Shin, or his own reputation for accuracy. Shin, I am persuaded, is beyond his reach.

I will not dwell longer on this unpleasant subject; but we surely could not have more direct proof that Shin may be used for God, with- out giving offense to “ well-informed Chinese,” than that furnished in the quotations above given from the geographical work, unless the intelligence of this high dignitary is to be impeached.“

There is another consideration which proves conclusively to my mind that the shin are, in the estimation of the Chinese, gods, not spirits. It is that they call their idols by this name. The Chinese are, like the Athenians, "wholly given to idolatry." To their idols they have built thousands of temples: every street, every house, even their boats are full of them: so that Dr. Medhurst, in his work on this country, tells us, "that it was more easy to find a god than a man in China." These idols, whether done in stone or wood, or drawn on paper, are called by the people shin. Of this fact any one, who can speak the language, may satisfy himself by going into their temples and inquiring of the bystanders where the Shin thereof, e.g. of Fire,

*My object in quoting from this writer is not to produce the impression upon the mind of the reader, that according to his opinion the words Elohim and ↔ɛog should, in our translation of the S. S., be rendered by Shin, or Tien Shin, for I suppose the writer has never thought of the subject; but only to show that he does not hesitate to call the Being who gave the Law on Mount Sinai, the Shin of Heaven, and to call our blessed Savior "the only Shin worshiped by Christians.” This author calls the Being worshiped by Christians, Tien 天, Shing Tien 上天. Sháng TE上帝, Tien Chú 天主,Tien Shin 天神,and Shin 神. Thus hie authority may be

quoted for rendering this word, when used propriè, by any of these phrases ; but it should be observed he does not call the Sun worshiped by the Parsees, the trees, beasts, and birds worshiped by the people of Africa, or the Jupiter of the Greeks Tien or Shangtí, but Shin. If then we would choose a word that can be employed to render Elohim and Oɛog, both when used propriè and impropriè, and will be guided by this author, we must use Shin; for it was a Shin who give the law at Mount Sinai; it is Jesus who is the alone Shin worshiped by Christianz; and the objects worshiped by Greeks, Parsees, and Africans are Shin and not Shangtí.—For an interesting account of some old temples that were built in the Xth century to the God of Heaven, see Ap. pendix B.

1850.

Defense of an Essay, &c.

601

and inquiring of the bystanders where the Shin thereof, e. g. of Fire, Wealth, &c., is. Dr. Bettelheim gives us the following letter from an officer of Lewchew about the gods of a temple in that country:—

"I yesterday received your letter. You went to see the Hú-kwoh (Coun- try-protecting) Monastery, and found it in all respecta commodious and suitable for a residence. You do not speak now of removing to another lodging, but you request us to remove the gods (shin) of the temple, and place them outside of it. But the abbot of this monastery has told me, in relation to re- moving these gods (shin), that où his previous humble application you per- mitted them to remain as heretofore. Now this temple is the place of prayer for the whole country, and consequently of the utmost importance. In case you should remain long in it, there would be much inconvenience. I beg you to wait till another day, when I will choose a place, and let you know that you can move. I send this short note, respectfully hoping you are happy ; this is all I have to say. Hiảng Yung-páu, treasurer of Chungshán fű. May 8th, 1816. An important communication." See Jan. No., page 31.

I have before me now a chart of all the shin, (tsung shin). In the seat of highest eminence I see the representation of a venerable old man with a crown on his head; directly over him are written the two characters Shangti; it is the chief god of the Táuists; there are shin of all ranks and sizes around him; Confucius, too, is there; the Wú Ti Five Rulers are there also; every one of these shin is represented as a corporeal being, has a human figure; and yet Dr. Medhurst now tells us the Chinese Shin are not gods, but mere spirits. What! you ask: That old man who sits at the head of them all—this stone or wooden thing-do the Chinese really think it a spirit; an incorporeal, immaterial being? To this, Dr. M. replies. "The phrase 'wooden gods' may occur, but it is evident it is used by metonomy for the wooden images of gods; and it would be quite as appropriate to speak of the wooden images of spirits, or of saints, as of gods." The propriety of such a figure of speech will depend upon the character of the gods of whom these wooden statues are said to be im- ages. A spirit is, if we understand the word aright, ex vi termini, an immaterial, incorporeal being. A material image of such a being is very different from that of a god, who may be supposed to be a being compounded of spirit and body. The Apostle says in Rom. i. 21, "Their foolish heart was darkened; they became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into an image made like to corrupti- ble man, and to birds," &c., i.e. they lost the sense of God's pure spi- rituality, and conceived of him as resembling men, birds, beasts, &c. The Greeks we know made images of their 8, and all polytheists we believe have done the same: but these inakers of images we fancy

VOL. XIX. NO. XI.

602

Defense of an Essay, &c.

Nov.

have never regarded their gods as purely spiritual,—incorporeal, im- material beings. Spiritual beings they were, but not uncompounded : they had bodies as well as spirits, so that there was no absurdity in their making corporeal images of them. If the Greeks esteemed their gods as pure spirits, how could Demetrius have any controversy with Paul for asserting that “They be no gods that are inade with hands.” The gods of Honer are certainly corporeal beings-not mere imma- terial spirits. They ride in chariots, fight in armor, and are wounded in conflict with mortal men; e. g. when Minerva mounted the car as the charioteer of Diomed,

“The groaning axle bent beneath the loud,

So great a Hero, and so great a God."

Diomed and Mars fight: the poet thus describes their encounter :—

“Now, rushing fierce, in equal arms appeur,

The daring Greek, the dreadful god of War. Full at the chief, above his courser's head, From Mars's arm th' enormous weapon fled : Pallas opposed her hand, and caused to glance Far from the car, the strong immortal lance; Then threw the force of Tideus' warlike sonf; The javelin hiss'd; the goddess urged it on ; Where the broad cincture girt his armor round

It pierced the God; his groin received the wound. Mars bellows with the pain, &c.""

To speak of the images of such gods as these appears natural and appropriate; but I can not see what propriety there would be in per- sons making "wooden images of spirits,"—of incorporeal, immaterial beings. Until therefore Dr. M. brings us an instance of some people making stone or wooden images, and worshiping them under the nanie of spirits, we must conclude from the fact that the Chinese make im- ages of their shin and worship them, that they do regard them as gods; and that, because of this worship, they are to be accounted polytheists, and not polypneumatists.

In answer to all that we have urged above to show that shin is the absolute, appellative name of the Chinese gods, instances are produc. ed in which the word can not be rendered god; where, for instance, the human spirit—that of a living man—is called shin; and as the word in this case can not be rendered a god, the inference is drawn that it can not in any instance have this meaning. Dr. L. says, “If it

* According to the views of the American Missionary, Homer here seems to use the word eos very unclassically; but if the Iliad is to be put aside, what Greek book shall we consider entitled to rank among the Grock classics?

1850.

Defense of an Essay, &c.

603

really mean god in any case, then it always means god." But words are not sʊ bound down to a single meaning as Dr. L.. would here have us to suppose; and in this particular case, the absurdity of supposing that different Chinese writers, or even the same Chinese writer, may have used the same word for both god and spirit, is not mauifest to my mind. I know that Drs. Morrison, Milne, Medhurst, Gutzlaff, and a number of other very intelligent Christian men have used shin in the sense of God, a god, gods, and of spirit also; and if such men as these have fallen into the error of using the same word for God and spirit, it is surely too much to suppose it an absurdity to fancy that Chinese writers may have used the word shin in the sense of a god, gods, and in that of spirit also. I readily admit that to render shin god, in the cases adduced by Dr. L‚—“ I felt my heart and god (shin) blown about;" and, “As 1 write, my god (shin) gallops away to you &c. ;"—would be very absurd; for there can be no doubt that by sin shin in the first sentence, and shin in the last, the writer

means his own mind.

But on the contrary, I contend that the absurdity is equally great to suppose the writers quoted above use the word Shin in this sense, when they call the Being who gave the Law on Mount Sinai a Shin ; when they call Jesus the only Shin worshiped by Christians; or Bud- ha, the Shin Fuh; or say trees, birds, and beasts were worshiped as skin. When both classes of facts are considered, the conclusion to my mind is inevitable, that the Chinese use this word shin where we would use god and also spirit. I contend, however, that when used in the place of the latter word, they do not attach the same meaning to the word skin that we do to the word spirit. With us, the word spirit means a created, incorporeal, intelligent being: the human spirit we regard as such a being. The Chinese, I fancy, do not call the human spirit shin from conceiving of it in this way; but on the contrary, from regarding it as a part of the eternally existing Shin that belonged to the primordial substance of which heaven, earth, man, and all things were made. The human skin, therefore, is only a portion of the universally diffused divinity. But I shall endeavor to set forth the Chinese views of this matter more fully after I have noticed Dr. Med- hurst's answer to the conclusion drawn from the premises stated in my Essay, viz., "That the class of beings called shin, being the highest class worshiped by the Chinese, must be regarded as the gods of China, and shin as the generic name for god in the Chinese language." "In reply to this," Dr. M. says (See Vok XVII., page 552), we may observe that we have abundantly proved shin to be the general

604

Defense of an Essay, &c.

Nov.

name for spirits in the Chinese language, including a larger range of beings than what are usually termed gods in any country, while it is never used for God, par excellence, by any Chinese writer." This reply only brings out the necessity, above insisted on, of some charac- teristic test by which to distinguish between gods and spirits. To say the skin include “a larger range of beings than what are usually term- ed gods," is so vague that we can determine nothing from it, as the Chinese may have used the appellative name for god in their language to include a larger range of beings than any other people have ever done.

With respect to the next point, on which Dr. M. evidently lays the greatest stresɛ, that as shin is never used for God par excellence, there- fore it can not be the generic name for god in Chinese, it appears to me a complete non sequitur. It is in effect contending that, because an appellative noun has never been used to designate by way of emi- nence a certain one of the class of which it is the general name, ergo, it can not be the generic name of that class. The questions, I con- tend, are perfectly distinct. Is shin the generic or absolute appellative name of the Chinese gods? And, has this word ever been used to designate by way of eminence the chief one of the class; the highest being they have ever conceived of? It can serve no purpose but to entangle the argument to merge these questions into one.

We say the class called gods is the highest class of beings acknow. ledged by polytheists, therefore the word god is the highest absolute appellative noun in the language of said polytheists: in accordance with this we show that shin is the highest absolute appellative noun in the Chinese language; in other words, it is the absolute name of the highest class of beings known to the Chinese, and we conclude that this word must either be the name of their gods, or that they have no gods. We show that Shangtí is merely the chief one of this class; that he is worshiped as one of this class, and that it is said it would be no use to worship him if he did not belong to this class; but, be- cause it has not pleased the Chinese to use the general name of this class when standing absolutely to designate the highest being they know, but choose to call him either by his proper name Tien, Heaven, or by his title Shangti the Supreme Ruler, or the Ruler on high, Dr. M. contends that shin can not be the generic name for god in Chinese. As well might he contend that the word jin ▲ is not the name of the genus homo in Chinese, because the chief one of this genus, he who has most power, to whom the most honor and reverence is shown, and whom all the other individuals of

1850.

Defense of an Eseny, &c.

605

this genus in China obey, is never called “the man par excellence, but is distinguished either by his proper name, or by some title.*

•

To upset the conclusion that shin is the absolute appellative name for god in Chinese, it should be shown who the Chinese gods are ; that they are a higher class of beings than the shin, and what their absolute appellative name is; this last word being found, the claim of shin would be set aside at once. Dr. Medhurst wrote his Inquiry to prove that ti

was this word, the "generic for God in Chinese.” This ground, however, he abandoned in his letter of the 30th January, 1850, and it has since been most peremptorily overruled by Dr. Legge, who says, "The question 'what is the generic term for god in Chinese' is futile, as there is no such word in any language. It (ti) means Ruler." According to Dr. Legge, god is a relative term; he goes therefore in quest of an appellative relative, and finds all he wants in Shángti; this, however, can not content Dr. M., who must have a generic term, and who all through his writings has regarded the word god as an absolute appellative. Having fallen out with shin, and being obliged to abandon ti as this absolute appellative, there was no resource left him but to fly to a foreign language for aid. Ac- cording to his principles, and that of those who signed with him the letter of the 30th January, that we must have a generic term, he should I think, have returned to shin, and adhered to this term, until some higher absolute appellative noun in the language was produced, or he became convinced that the Chinese have no gods at all; for the fact that shin is never used when standing absolutely to designate the chief Chinese god, can not prove that it is not the general name of all their gods. If the fact could be proved, which it is the object of this argument to imply, that because Shangtf, the chief god, is never de- signated by shin when this word stands absolutely, he therefore belongs to a higher class of beings than the class called shin; i. e. that he is something more as to his nature than the chief one of this class, then indeed there would be great weight in the argument. Dr. M.'s In- quiry was written to make out this point, as I said, not only for Sháng-

* The argument of Dr. M., that, because skin is never used for God par ex- cellence, it can not therefore be the generic name for god in Chinese, is based upon the assumption that the word for god in every language must first be used propriè, and then afterwards improprie, but I think I have sufficiently shown that this is bare assumption The first use of the appellative name for god, when standing absolutely, to designate a disposing mind, the author of all things, may be long subsequent to the use of this word as the general name of the gods of a people, as we have shown above in the instance of Ănaxagoras, who is said first to have used the Greek word &fog in this way.

606

Defense of an Essay, &c.

Nov.

15, but for the other shin who are styled ti, rulers; but it is now ad- mitted that ti is a relative term “that does not indicate nature,” and the whole argument of the Inquiry of course goes for nothing. Dr. Legge asserts it as his opinion that "there are to the minds of the Chinese people three orders of intelligent existences-men, shin or spi- rits, and Shingtí." If Dr. Legge had proved this instead of merely asserting it; if he had shown that the authors quoted by me in my Essay, who assert “That Shingtí is the Shin of Heaven ;” the great- est of the celestial Shin ;” “the most honorable of the hundred Shin," &c., &c., were mistaken, and had degraded him by such a classifica- tion; and above all, that he was never worshiped among this class, and under the name of shin; it would have had more weight than such a naked assertion, without any attempt at proof; for I can not cousider the assertion that “Shángtí is the Lord and Governor of the other two,” as affording the slightest proof that the nature of Shingtí is higher than that of the shin he governs. If this be admitted as proof of superiority of nature, then I am sure, quite as good an argument can be constructed to prove that the Emperor, who is styled Ilwángtí August Ruler, is of a higher nature than the men over whom

be rules.

That shin has never been used, when standing absolutely, to de- signate the highest being known to the Chinese, has been, I believe, the greatest hindrance to its universal adoption as the rendering of Elohim and Gɛoç by the Protestant missionaries now in China. Under all the circumstances of the case however, I fancy, that this word is better adapted to our purpose, which is, to teach this people the know- ledge of the true God, not having been thus applied, than it would have been, if by previous Chinese usage, it had designated, when standing absolutely, their highest being, their chief god Tien. This Tien not being like the monadic ✪os of the Greeks ayɛvslos ; not be- ing the maker of the heavens and the earth; not a self-existent, inde- pendent being, who can be regarded as truly and properly God; had the word Shin, when standing absolutely, designated this being, we should have had to unteach them this meaning of the word, and to have taught them to understand by it when so used, not their t'ien, but Jehovah, the self-existent, the living and true God. Instead of an assistance, such a use of the word xa?' ¿¿oxǹv would have been a hindrance to us. Being the absolute appellative name of god in Chi- nese, we should have been obliged to use this word; and its having already been employed, when standing absolutely to designate a false god, we should have had the double work, first to unteach, and next

1850.

Defense of an Essay, &c.

607

to teach. If therefore seems to me that, as among all the Chinese gods there is not one who is self-existent, not one who is truly and properly God, we may rejoice that the general name of their gods was never used to designate any one of them as Shin xal' ¿oxЯv; this use of the term, when put absolutely to designate a definite individual being, being reserved by God's providence, for his own servants to introduce, as the absolute appellative name of Himself, who alone can claim to be the God by way of eminence, the alone God.

Shin never having been used to designate any definite individual, the indefiniteness of this term has been felt by many as a great dif- ficulty in the way of its use to render Elohim. That the word is thus indefinite there can be no doubt, and that our being obliged to use so indefinite a word to render Elohim is a inatter much to be regretted, is clear; but this is not so much an objection against shin, as against the whole Chinese language, and is, if the Chinese really know no be ing who is truly and properly God, just what we might have expected ; for without a clear apprehension, that among the beings called by the one general name, answering to that of God among us,” (to use the words of Dr. Barrow quoted above p. 575) there was onc, who himself uncreated and self-existent, was the author of all the rest, and of all things beside, we could not expect that this general name would have been used to designate any xɑî' ¿ğoxyv, for such a use has a monothe- istic force about it, and gives an absolute eminence to this one, which nothing but his being the cause of all the others would, we may sup- pose, suggest, or seem to justify.

In the Confucian classics their chief god Ticn is never so conceived of; he is never supposed to have made ti hearth, or any of the t'ic shin celestial gods. He is, as we have so often said above, merely the chief of his class, and is therefore more appropriately dis- tinguished from the other shin by a title of office or dignity, than he would be by a xal' ¿ğ”xǹv use of the general name of the class (skin), just as in the case of the chief among the men in China, who is in like manner distinguished from his fellowmen by a title of office or dignity, and not by the xal' ¿xv use of the word jinman: the only dif ference being, that whereas Yáu or Shun is simply Ti Yúu, the Em- peror Yáu, or Tv Shun, the Emperor Shun, and their remarks are introduced by the phrase Ti yuck the Emperor said: Tien

is called Shángti, the Ruler or Emperor on high, and he is so imper- sonal a being in their conceptions, that I do not remember a single sentence in which the phrase “Shángti yuch

the Ruler

on high says," occurs.

GOS

Defense of an Essay, &c.

Nov.

If we compare the Chinese views on the subject of deity with the views which Dr. Barrow has given as first, those which have “been a constant opinion in all place and times;" and secondly, those which have been "the general sense of the most ancient, most wise, and most noble nations among men," we shall find that the Chinese agree ia every particular with the first class, but have never attained to the second. E. g. they have believed, to use Dr. Barrow's words, "that in the world, there are beings imperceptible to our senses, much superior to us in knowledge and power, that can perform works above and contrary to the cause of nature, and who concerning themselves some- times to do so for the interest of mankind; for these qualifications and performances deserve extraordinary respect from us ;" and they have to this "sort of beings given one general name" (skin) "as hath been in all languages assigned, answering to that of god among us.” But they have never gone on to the second class described by Barrow; they never believed that “of such beings there is one, supreme and most excellent, incomparably surpassing in all those attributes of wis- dom, and power, and goodness, from whom the rest and all things be- side, have derived their beings, do depend upon, are sustained and go- verned by; the author of all being, and dispenser of all good, to whom consequently supreme love, reverence, and obedience, is due;" and in consequence of this they have not, as “the wisest and noblest ua- tions among men have done,” appointed “this general name” (God or shin) “ in a peculiar and eminent manner to this one, so that when the word is absolutely put, without any adjunct of limitation or dimi- nution, he only is meant and understood." This is the plain fact of the case, the Chinese have not used the absolute appellative name of their gods, as Barrow says the noblest nations of men have done; the rea- son I have supposed is, that their highest being wanted the essential characteristics (self-existence and omni-causality, as Cudworth calls them) of the highest being of these noblest nations.

But however it may be accounted for, the fact is undoubtedly so, and the question is, What are we, under the actual circumstances of the case, to do? How are we to teach the Chinese the knowledge of such a being, and to lead them on even beyond this, to monotheism. I answer, follow the example of these noblest nations; use the gene- ral name of this sort of beings, without any adjunct of limitation or diminution, when absolutely put," to designate, not their highest be- ing, but ours—to designate Jehovah, the true Shin. By this course we shall teach an unmistakable monotheism; the general name of their gods is challenged as proper to Jehovah alone; the other skin are all

1850.

Defense of an Essay, &c.

609

pushed out of existence, they are made to be no shin—nonentities. A new distinction is introduced as existing between the members of the class comprehended under this common name, in place of the old polytheistic one of higher and lower, ruler and ruled—a distinction of true and false-a distinction founded on nature, according to the words of the Apostle in Gal. iv. 8., “Then when ye knew not God, ye did service unto them which by nature are no gods "

Dr. Legge proposes to effect this object by the use of a title of dig- nity or office, by the use of the phrase Shangti, the Supreme Ruler. But with this phrase, I am persuaded, he will never teach the Chinese a real monotheism. He may teach a Divine Monarchy, but this, so far from being monotheism, implies, in all the polytheistic systems with which we are acquainted, a plurality-a large class of gods, as the subjects of this Divine Monarch.

The affirmation that "there is only one Shángti" will never teach monotheism. The assertion "that there is only one Supreme Ruler " does not push the gods now worshiped by the Chinese out of exis- tence; it does not introduce the scriptural distinetion of true God, or no God at all, but only continues the old polytheistic distinction of su- preme and inferior, recognized here in China from the days of Yáu and Shun to the present time, and which ex vi termixi, instead of negativ- ing, implies the existence of the inferior equally with that of the su- perior. No title of office or dignity will answer, no word limited “by adjunct" or adjective can be used to declare that there is in reality only one of the species spoken of; and therefore it is, that we must use the absolute appellative name of the gods of a polytheistic people to render Elohim and ✪ɛos into their language. The fact that shin has never been used xal' ¿§oxǹv to designate their Tien, should not induce us to lay this word aside for the name of a dignity or office, but only be remembered by us as indicating how much we have to teach this poor, benighted nation,

That people have fallen into errors on any given subject is no reason why we should not call this subject by the same name they do, when our object is to correct these errors.

There are two uses of the word Shin that have weighed very much against its employment as the rendering of Elohim and ↔sos: I refer to the fact that the manes of the dead, and the human soul have been called by this name. When the circumstances that led to these uses are duly considered, it does not appear to me that either use is a valid objection to the employment of this word to render sog. I shall con- sider them separately.

VOL. XIX. NO. XI.

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Defense of an Essay, &c.

Nov.

And first that the calling the manes of ancestors in common with all the other objects worshiped, skin, is no argument to prove that the word when so used does not mean god, we think will appear from the following considerations:—1st. That the distinctive name of the manes of ancestors is kwei, not shin. 2d. That shin is the distinctive name of the objects of worship who reside in heaven (the Olympian deities). 3d That, when not restricted to this, its appropriate meaning, it is then used as the general name of all the objects worshiped in the state religion. This appears from the explanation of the uses of this word quoted in Vol. XVII., p. 33 :—“ If we speak of them (i. e. the objects worshiped in the national rites) separately, the t'ien shin, celestial gods, are alone called shin; but if we speak of them collectively, then the kwei, human manes, and the k'í, terrestrial gods, are both call- ed shin." That is, Shin, when thus used, is the general name of all the objects worshiped in the national rites. 4th. That the manes of a deceased ancestor, when regarded as an object of religious worship, should be ranked in the same class with the Chinese Olympian deities, so far as this is done, by their all being called by the same appellative name, shin, should not surprise us, when we remember the hero-gods of Greece and the "Dii lares et penates " of the Romans. That heroism was the idol of ancient Greece accounts to us for the fact that Hercules, after death, was ranked among the 601. If we remem- ber that the whole ethical system of the Chinese turns, not on the duty of obedience to Tien F, to Ti, or to any other god, but on filial piety; with this fact on our minds, we shall have as little cause to wonder at the Chinese deification of a deceased ancestor, as at the Greek deification of a hero; find as little cause of surprize in the fact that Hau-tsih (the ancestor) is classed with Shangti, among the Shin sacrificed to on the occasion of the great drought referred to on p. 46 of Vol. XVII., as that the Greeks called Zeus, the father of gods and men, and Hercules (the hero), each a ☺ɛo5. 5th. Elohim being a name coinmon alike to the true and to false gods, one of the most important uses of this word in the Sacred Scriptures is to forbid polytheism. It is indeed by its appellative character, and the consequent use that can be made of this word to forbid polytheism, that it is chiefly distin- guished from the word “Jehovah;" and this is a point of the utmost importance for us to keep in mind, while discussing the rendering of this word into the language of a polytheistic people. Now it is an unquestionable fact that the false worship to which the Chinese are most addicted, and to which they are much the most attached, is that of their deceased ancestors. Should we not then rejoice, rather than

1850.

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011

otherwise, that the word by which we must render Elohim (our great weapon against all false objects of worship), although it specially de- signates the Olympian gods, yet, by Chinese usage ready to our hand, has had its meaning so extended as to make the blow aimed at objects of false worship equally fatal to deceased ancestors and the terrestial K'i, as to the celestial gods themselves? As the Chinese are so inve- terately addicted to the worship of their deceased ancestors, should we not be obliged to extend, by our explanations, the meaning of what- ever word we use to render Elohim in the First Commandment, so as to include these manes? If this is so, surely it can not be an insupe- rable objection to the use of Shin, that the Chinese have preceded us in so extending its meaning.

The error of extending this name, the distinctive name of the celes- tial beings worshiped, to the terrestrial and man-derived, was a poly- theistic error, one into which the Chinese polytheists naturally fell, for it is of the very nature of polytheism to go on from age to age in- creasing the number of its gods. The other error referred to above→→ that of calling the soul of a living man Shin, is of much more recent date I judge, from all I can learn; and has, I think, grown out of the pantheistic system of cosmogony taught in the Yik King.

As in the previous instance, so here, it is important to remember that the original name of the human soul in Chinese is hưan ih, not shin. I have taken great pains to ascertain if the word shin oc- curs anywhere in the Five Classics, or in the Four Books, as the name of the soul of a living man, and have not been able to find an instance of such a use of the word. The calling the hwan, the human soul or mind of mɩn shin, is said to have been introduced by the medical men. It appears to me to be a mere reversal of the process by which pantheism was conceived.

The Chinese philosophers, in endeavoring to form a scheme of the universe, regarded man as a microcosm, his constitution and nature formed their model. This model they conceived to consist of a body which had hing form, and of a hwan, animus, and a peh, anima, which were invisible, and were regarded as the depositories of human life, intelligence, powers of locomotion, &c., &c. As we have seen (see p. 370), when discoursing of their cosmogony, the Confucian system of philosophy assumes the existence of two eternally-existing principles, li and ki. Of these, the philosophers of this sect affirm that li neither "wills nor wishes, plans nor makes;" but that “ki can collect together, make and do," "can ferment and settle, and generate things." The k'i, primordial substance, is viewed under the two

612

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aspects of yin and yang; i. e. as passive or active. Of the yin ki, or primordial substance which has vis inertia, they say kwei is the ling spirit; and of the yáng k'i, or primordial substance which moves, or is active, shin is the ling spirit. They also say that the shin is the hwan soul of the yáng, active principle; and that the kwei is the peh anima, of the yin, the passive principle. These last explanations of the skin and kwei throw much light upon the subject, and seem to point very clearly to the source from whence these philosophers borrowed the ideas on which their scheme of cosmo- gony was founded, viz., the compound being man.

Having thus conceived of a primordial substance possessed of a spirit or soul, and of an anima, like unto the microcosm man, they fancied they had now an agent suited to the work to be performed; and accordingly, to this compound primordial substance, so inform-

ed by shin and kwei,—this yin yang chí k'í Ż¤¬·· ascribed the making of the heavens and the earth and all things. E. g. "Heaven and earth are only a thing or creature of the Yin and Yáng ; they are what the yin-ed and yang-ed k'i

(ie. the primordial substance of which they predicate Yin and Yang, passivity and activity) generated of old." See July No., p. 379, also pp. 368-370, Man's distinction above all other things arises not from his having an intelligent, moral, accountable, immortal spirit, unlike to that of the beasts which perish, and wholly different from anything possessed by the inanimate beings around him, but from his having been made

from the finest parts or particles of this primordial substance. 惟 #RE, “but man, having obtained its most subtle or finest part, is most noble." All things being made from this one compound, primordial substance k'í, according to this system, it follows that Heaven, earth and man, and all things, are composed of the finer or grosser parts of this k'i, as to the material part of them ; and that they also share one common shin and one common kwei, viz. the kwei and shin which are inherent parts of the eternally-existing, compound, primordial principle k'i. Hence we read, “The spirit of the great one above is the informing divinity or spirit (Shin) of the wide expanse; the spirit of Heaven and earth is the informing divinity or spirit (Shin) of the Yin and Yúng, the active and passive principles of the primordial substance; the spirit of men and beasts is the informing divinity or spirit (Shin) of flesh and blood : that in which they are the same is the possession of the same Shin divinity or spirit, (# ) ₺ but that in which they differ is (observe,

1850.

not k'i

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618

substance, but merely) hing form." Quoted in the

Pei Wan Yun-fú under the character Shin.

Chú fű-tsz' affirms that “the human heart is the same as the heart of birds and beasts, grass and trees.” A commentator on the 16th Sect. of the Chung Yung says, “The kwei and skin of my own person are the kwei and shin

(trú shin chi kizei shim = 4 2)

who are the objects of sacrifice (si sz' chi kwei shin A); and the kwei and shin who are the objects of sacrifice, are the kwei and shin of the mechanism of nature;" i. e. the kwei and shin who preside over the mechanisn of nature.

Of this Kwei and Shin, Confucius, in the 16th Sect. of the Chung Yung affirms that, though invisible and inaudible, yet "they pervade, or are consubstantiated with () all things, without a single ex- ception. The critical commentator explains the phrase "pervade

all things” as follows :—" it wou 體物 means ti hú wukt

consubstantiated with things; but not that the things first existed and afterwards the kwei and shin; but that the kwei and shin first existed, and afterwards the things; and after the things had their existence, none of them could be divested of the kwei and shin. The kwei and shin are in the midst of things, and constitute (as it were) the bones of things. The kwei and shin are the hosts, and things are the guests. Between heaven and earth (i. e. in the universe) there only is this one k'i (compound,primordial substance); that which enters into every atom and fibre (in the universe) is this yin-ed and yáng.ed k'í; and which envelopes heaven and earth as in a net, is this same yin-ed and ying-ed k'i."

In the Commentary called the Wang Ta-chuen, we have the follow- ing explanation :—“ The kwei and shin are without form; therefore if you look at them, you can not see them: they are without sound; therefore, if you listen you can not hear them; but the production of things is never without [the presence of] the k'i, the primordial substance; and this k'i (the yáng-ed k'i, or active principle is here meant) is the fulness of the shin, or is pervaded all through with shin (i. e. an inherent ling spirit or hwan soul). There is nothing [produced] without peh ; and this peh (the yin-ed k'i, or passive principle is here meant) is the fulness of the kwei, or is per- vaded all through with kwei (i. e. an inherent ling, or peh), hence man is said to be a congregation of kwei and shin 鬼神之會”

These kwei and shin are made the authors of physical and moral effects; and also of the intellectual phenomena of the human mind.

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Physical" all the production and changes of heaven and earth (i. e. that take place in the world), such as the flourishing and decaying of the blood and spirits of human life, the blooming and withering of plants and trees, with the living and dying of all kinds of things, are never without the krei and shin, i. e. are invariably to be ascribed to the kwei and shin." Critical Commentary on 16th Sect. of Chung Yung. Moral:-" They (the kwei and shin) cause all the men in the Empire with evenly adjusted [minds] and pure clean [hearts], and arrayed in suitable apparel, to offer to them sacrifices." Confucius, Chung Yung, Sect. 16. The "all men," who are the subjects of this moral influence, and whose minds are here said to be influenced by this kwei and shin to bring their sacrifices, are explained to mean "all men, from the son of Heaven to the common people."

The intellectual phenomena of the human mind are ascribed to k'i, the primordial substance, and not to li, the other eternally-exist- ing first principle. E. 8. ̈

ÁĦĦ £

者皆氣之所為也 that which we call the discerning fa-

culty and the power of consciousness of the animal spirits and of the human mind, are both derived from (k'i) the compound primordial substance."

What account do the men who teach this scheme of cosmogony “kwan ché,

give of the human or human soul? Chú fútsz' says,

魂者氣之神

k'i chí shin the human soul is the skin of the primordial substance." We have seen above that men, birds, beasts, &c., have the same shin with heaven and earth, the yin and yáng, &c., &c., and that the only difference among them is in form; and that the kwei and shin of the human body are the same as the kwei and shin who preside over the mechanism of nature. In their letter of the 30th of January, Dr. Medhurst and his friends urge it as their second objection to shin that, "It is applicable as well to the spirit of man, and the living principle in irrational animals and plants as it is to the highest being of whom the Chinese have any conception." According to the view of the Chinese pantheists, every pulse that throbs through universal nature is owing to the influence or energy of the shin; and this shin being inherent in every particle of matter, is expressly declared to be omnipresent,

E. To contend whether this eternally-existing, universal agent, that lies at the foun- dation of all life, vegetable and aniınal, and that set the primordial mass in motion, is to be called Spirit or Divinity, would be a mere logomachy, if we could not show that shin is used by the Chinese

}

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615

polytheists as the name of their gods. By the phrase "a spirit," as I have said above, we understand a created, immaterial intelligent be- ing. The human soul is such a spirit; but the skin of Chinese cosmo- gony is no such being as this: it exists before things, and it is an in- herent part of the eternally-existing primordial substance, of which heaven and earth, men and all things, are made, and which therefore all things share by their very constitution. To show therefore that the Chinese call the human mind shin, as well as hwan, by no means proves this word means merely spirit, and never god or divinity. How the Chinese came to give the names kwei and shin to these innate vital energies of the primordial substance, we have no account; but we may suppose that they regarded the words hwan soul, and pek aniına, as not sufficiently dignified to serve as the names of this universal soul and anima, and so they borrowed the names of the objects of worship of their polytheistic countrymen, and called them kwei and shin.*

This opinion is confirmed by the fact that pantheists have always strongly objected to being classed with atheists, and that to prevent this, they have everywhere used the appellative name of the objects of worship of their theistic countrymen, as the name of the spirit, soul, divinity, or whatever you may choose to call it, which pervades their lo wav. The Greek pantheists all did this: all the German and French idealistic pantheists of the present day do the same, and Spinoza calls his universal substance God. It is only on this principle, I think, that we can account for the assertion quoted above, that the kwei and shin of the human body are the very same as the kwei and shin who are worshiped; and that these again are the same as the kwei and shin who preside over the mechanism of nature; i. e. the kwci and shin of the pantheistic cosmogonists.

If we compare the views of Deity held by these Chinese cosmogo- nists with the views of the Greek philosophers, we shall find them very similar to those of the predecessors of Anaxagoras, who believed that the world was euuxov, en-souled, or animated with a living soul; and who all "confounded the Infinite Mind or Deity with matter, making them one universe."

I will not pursue this subject any farther, but will only say, I am fully persuaded, that all the instances that have been quoted, in which the word shin is used for the human mind, or in a sense analogous to

I am strongly under the impression that I saw this very reason assigned for calling the universal hwan and pek, shin and kwei, in Chú Hí's Ya Lui or his Hook-hran; but I made no note of it at the time, and can nʊt now lay iny hand on the passage.

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our word spirit, have grown up out of this pantheism of the yin and yáng; and I can not think, when all the circuinstances of the cave are considered, that the use of shin by these writers as the name of the universal informing spirit or divinity wherever found-in heaven, earth, man, birds or beasts,—is a good argument against the use of this word to render Elohim and @soç. It is a circumstance which rather serves to show that shin is the name of the subject on which we wish to set the Chinese right; for all these uses of the word that have grown out of pantheism, are, to iny mind, only so many evidences of the groping of the human mind in China after the truth on the great subject of Divinity. The polytheistic uses of the word afford eviden- ces of the same thing; and the fact that both pantheists and polythe- ists have called the name of their highest agent or agents shin, is, I contend, the highest kind of evidence that shin is, in the Chinese lan- guage, the general name of the subject on which we want to enlighten the Chinese, and is therefore the very word we are in quest of.

Having now considered the principal arguments which have been adduced by the several parties who have discussed this question, still though very inadequately, at a length, which I fear has been tedious to the Reader, I shall conclude by testing the fitness of each of the three terms that have been proposed, to effect the great object we have in view, which is to remove from the minds of the Chinese all the errors and superstitions on the subject of Deity into which they have fallen, and to build them up in the knowledge and love of the true God. It is very important for us to remember that the subject in not a new one to the Chinese, it has been before their minds and oc- cupied their thoughts for generations; the thousands of temples that have been erected to their objects of worship are monuments of the errors into which they have fallen, and it is upon the ruins of these that the temple of Christian truth must be built.

The first proposition we shall bring to this test is that of rendering the word to, by the Hebrew word Elvah, transferred by the three Chinese characters A-lo-ho P. 羅訶

This proposition first claims our attention, as embodying the deli- berate conclusion to which three of the Committee of Delegates have been led after a three years' careful examination of this controverted subject. It challenges our attention, too, from the circumstances un- der which they adopted this foreign term. According to their pub- lished letter it was after full consultation with “the most intelligent Chinese to whom they had access" that this step was taken. parties had had a long experience of Shangtí, that of many, many

The

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years, and both Tien-ti and tí had been tried for many months; and that too at a time when all the powers of their minds were given to the consideration of this subject. These circumstances invest the opinion of such men (one of them the oldest Protestant missionary in China), given at such a period of the controversy, with great weight. The terms in which they speak of this transferred word, and the argu- ments with which they urge its adoption on their fellow-missionaries laboring at the Five Ports, show that all doubts, with respect to the course to be pursued, have been removed from their minds, and that they have attained a situation, which they think warrants them to re- sort to both intimidation and encouragement in addressing their bre- thren. Their proposed term is one, “against which no believer in Divine Revelation dare raise his voice."!!! Speaking of their plan of transferring the Hebrew word, they say, "We can not go wrong in so doing. It is sanctioned by the Scriptures: we are therefore right in employing it, unmistakably and incontrovertibly right. We free ourselves hereby from all mixture with Chinese superstition.”

are

The missionaries who "have but recently come to the country dissuaded from forming an opinion of their own upon the subject, un- til "a thorough knowledge of the Chinese classics, and extensive inter- course with the people,” put them in a fit position to do so; ad interim, these three Delegates, together with the three friends who join them in their Letter of 30th January, offer the persuasive influence of their own example. "Those who have enjoyed (say they) the most of these advantages (i.e. who have the most thorough knowledge of the Classics, and who have had the most extensive intercourse with the Chinese) are the first to abandon native terms."

I do not think these expressions at all in good taste from any of the parties who signed this letter, and inost especially not from those, who had but recently come to China, and I have not quoted them for the purpose of exciting the reader's admiration, but to show how de- terininately the minds of the signers of this Letter are made up to ad- here to the course they have adopted. Being “unmistakably right” they are resolved to adhere to Aloho through evil report and good report, and stand pledged to this term, as firmly as solemn convictions, published in strong unhesitating language, can pledge men to any

course.

It is however, I believe, now well ascertained that notwithstanding this proposition came before them so highly recommended, and that too in such confident language, there has been no single missionary in China induced to follow the lead of the six signers of this Letter.

VOL. XIX. NO. XI.

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The transfer of a word having been suggested both in London and New York, the unanimity with which all the missionaries in China, the six abovementioned excepted, have joined in protesting against this course, will no doubt excite much surprise in Europe and Ameri- ca. The missionaries who propose this transfer are clever men; they have made abundant trial, as I said before, of Shångti, Tien-ti and ti; why then do all the missionaries refuse to follow them? These mis- sionaries are practical men, who are guided by sound common sense in conducting their work, and these six signers, disgusted with "the Chinese superstition mixed up with the native terms they had been using, forgot to take counsel of a friend so plain and unpretending, when they sat down to write their Letter.

The case seems to be a plain one to those who are familiar with the facts as we see them here in China, and who are willing to be guided by common sense. Demetrius complained of St. Paul, “That not alone at Ephesus, but almost throughout all Asia, he had persuaded and turned away much people, saying that they be no ☺ɛi, which are made with hands," &c. Can we suppose that such an effect would have followed from the Apostle's preaching, if St. Paul had contented himself with telling the Ephesians that the Alohos made with hands were false Alohos?

If in preaching against the false gods worshiped by the Ephesians, St. Paul had used the word Aluho instead of Gɛol, and Demetrius and his friends had seen the people standing aloof from their @sos on this account, they would, as a matter of course, have denied that the fo they made were Alohos, or that the Apostle was preaching against them; if St. Paul in answer to this denial asserted that they were Alo- hos, then it would have been surely pertinent to ask, Why in speaking to Greeks, he did not call them by their Greek name (~601 ?

Now here in China it is notorious that there are a multitude of be- ings who are worshiped by the whole nation from the Emperor down to the meanest peasant. To these beings they have built thousands of temples, and like the Greeks have made images of them that are met with at every corner of their streets. No one will deny that in the Chinese language there is a name common to all these objects. We ask then, Why, in the name of common sense, should the Chris- tian teacher, when preaching in Chinese against these objects, lay aside their common Chinese name, and call them Alohos? Will this word effect more in his mouth in China, than Aloho would have done from the lips of St. Paul at Ephesus?

(To be concluded in next number.)

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ART. II. Journal of Occurrences: defeat and dispersion of the insurgents, and memorial respecting them; sailing directions for entering the port of Shánghái; visit of H. M. Str. Reynard to Lewchew; death of Rev. C. Fast near Fuhchau fú; the death of Lin Tsehsü.

THE insurgents, which have caused so much remark, and not a little fear among the citizens of Canton during the past half year, are now reported as having been completely dispersed, and the leaders fled, leaving their deluded abettors to shift for themselves. If we could get credible accounts of the proceedings of these insurgents, it is probable that we should have most har- rowing details of their cruelties and exactions upon the people, and learn to our surprise how savage and merciless such raids and risings are among the Chinese.

Governor Yeh left the provincial capital early last month, with a body of troops, amounting in all to over two thousand. He was afraid to approach the enemy too near, but sent out detachments, one of which was inveigled into some mountain defiles and defeated, as mentioned on page 568. It was in reference to this untoward event, and to the general conduct of the war, that the high provincial authorities forwarded the following memorial to Court, for the translation of which we are indebted to the China Mail.

Memorial of Sa, Governor-general of the Two Kwáng, and of Yeh, Governor of Kwangtung, detailing the capture of certain of the roving banditti :

After the slaughter of two hundred and thirty-two during their flight through the dis trict of Tsing-yuen, the rest had passed into the minor district of Fah-káng, where thirty had been taken alive; subsequently to this, as an action with them was com- mencing, the regulars were thrown into disorder by the precipitate flight of the country people (volunteers), who not being disciplined had broken into their ranks; the banditti opposed to them had availed themselves of this, and, in the melce, several officers civil and military were surrounded; these having now rejoined the force in the field are denounced by the memorialists, who had deprived them all, for the time being of their insignia of rank, as in duty bound; reinforcements of regulars and militia were still be- ing moved up by separate routes, to check the further advance of the banditti, and to exterminate them upon their respectful representation of all which particulars, look- ing upward, they implore the sacred glance.

Upon the 24th of the 7th moon (31st August), your servants had the honor to report that upwards of three hundred banditti had been taken by the authorities of the different districts and cantonments in which they had been giving trouble; and that on hearing of their offering resistance to the law in the neighborhood of the Lokia cantonment in Yingteh hien, an express had been sent to the ti-tuh, and the Judge had been directed to move forward a force of regulars and militia to cooperate with him.

The Judge Ki Suh-tsáu has since reported, that the banditti, after no very long stay at Lo-kia, had gone on to the southward, and made directly for the market-town of Kwan-tsien in the Tsingyuen district. The acting district magistrate, Ma Ying-kiái, had issued a proclamation to the country people to excite them to zeal in the good cause; and these, combined with the regulars and militia, on the 27th, 28th, and 29th of the 7th moon (3d, 4th, 5th September), killed at Kwan-tsien, thirty-two, amongst whom were two chiefs, Hwang Kwan-lien-shih, and Liu Pib-lien; at Shang-yoh village, twenty-three, including the chief Lú Ta-tsih-pei (Broadback); at the town of Sz'-kiu, forty-one, including the two chiefs Liú'Aling and Hwang Hioh-tsiun; on the hills of Hoh-tiea, thirty-eight, including the two chiefs Ho Atu and Hwa Mei-sán ; at the town of Kwan-chwang, thirty-nine; at Ki-shan, and Yang-tang, fifty-nine, amongst whom were the two chiefs Lui Fi-tsz' (the Fat) and Chú Hung-yuen-making a total of two hundred and thirty-two killed, and amongst them nine chiefs. The banditti having fled as far as the town of Shih-kioh in Fah-kẳng, Hia Ching-yuh, the acting magistrate of that district, together with Li Ming-yung, the jailer, led on some regulars and militia, who killed a large number that showed fight, and took thirty prisoners. The banditti dismayed at this, broke into different bodies, and fled and hid themselves in various places, some higher up, some lower down, the Lub-hu hills, on the confiues of Ying- teh and Fal-kang.

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About this time the expectant prefect, Shi-poh had brought up three hundred mili- tia, and Sa Sung-ah, commanding the advanced brigade of the force under the Tituh, three hundred regulars; and these joining two hundred regulars of the San-kiáng brigade, which were already in the field, stationed themrelves within the walls of the town of Fuh-kang district. Information here reached them that the party of banditti which had been lying in Sin-ché for some ten days, were preparing once more to issue from their lurking-place and recommence their disturbances; upon which the Judge in concurrence with the tituh, detached the tsan-tsiang, Tai Ching-ngih, acting ad- jutant-general to the tituh, and K‘áng Kí-siu, ex-commandant of the Tsingyuen brigade, with five hundred regulars, to make a circuit and take the enemy in rear. As they were making these arrangements on the 12th of the 8th moon (17th September), a thousand or inore of the country people of the vicinity of Hwang-tien in Fah-kang, volunteered to form their advanced guard, and aid in the attack. The civil and mili- tary authorities and their subordinates accordingly put themselves at their head, and led them on with the troops to give battle to the banditti ; but just as they reached the neighborhood of the town of Shui-t'au, the latter opened a fire of musketry and artil- lery, which so alarmed the villagers that they fell back in great confusion, and from their want of discipline broke into, and disordered the ranks of the regulars: these and the militia had killed some ten of the banditti with their fire, but the paths in which they were moving were so narrow, that they could not extend their front with sufficient rapidity; the subaltern Wu Kia-yu was killed on the spot, dying in the ranks, and Hung Ying-yung, another subordinate to him, was severely wounded. Shi-poh and the rest did all in their power to bring their troops up to fight; but the banditti swarmed on in numbers so great, that the expectant prefect, Shi-poh, the police inspector Ku Han, and the subalterns Tsiang Châu-mang, Hang Ta-tsiuen, Hwang Shun-taiuen, the sergeants Yau Lien-fah, Wang Ting-siang, Hwang Hiung-tai, and the sergeant-elect Sin Mau-fang, were all surrounded. Some few of the troops and militia at the same time fell upon the field and some were wounded. Shi-poh loudly reviled the banditti, and plunging into a deep torrent, was severely injured in the head, face, hands, and feet. The banditti were awe-struck and did not venture to kill him, and on the 15th (20th Sep- tember) he and [the officers who had fallen into their hands] all returned into camp. At the time they (the Judge, &c.) were writing, the different parties of banditti were dis- persing one iroment and uniting the next; they had not however any particular station, but were appearing and disappearing on the confines of contiguous districts, roaming here and there and hiding in the numerous defiles of the ten thousand hills of the coun- try. It would therefore be necessary so to reinforce the troops and militia that they might be ready to take steps, as opportunities should occur, to check the advance of the different bands and exterminate them.

Such was their report; and seeing that these gangs, which had moved flankwise across the western border of the province, would now have difficulty in returning by the way they came, from the increased strictness with which all the passes by land or water were guarded; and that they were hemmed in on every side, and all driven into the depths of the hills; it appeared to your Majesty's servants, that, unless the troops and militia were well reinforced, the banditti might work their way into impracticable positions, where their destruction would be still harder to achieve ; and it therefore became their duty to intercept their supplies, and by cutting off their communications, so that they could not force people to act under them, to keep them in a state of blockade, until the troops could penetrate [into their fastnesses] and attack them. Your servants have ac- cordingly detached from the city three hundred of the Governor-general's division, four hundred of the Governor's, and one hundred of the brigade of the prefecture of Kwang- clau, while the Tituh Siang-lin, has sent on four hundred more of the brigade of the de- partment of Hwui-chau, and one hundred of that of the cantonment of Yung-ngán (a dis- friet therein); and being still apprehensive lest the above force should not be adequate to the occupation of all the approaches, your servants have called out two thousand tried and able-bodied men to serve as militia. The above forces will proceed (or are proceed- ing), one body after another, [to a point where] they will receive their orders from the Fituh, who, in concert with the Judge, will adopt, according to the nature of the ground, measures for the defense of the country, or advance to destroy. They are on no account to adhere to any preconceived notions which might induce them to shun danger or to be oversparing of expense; nor are they to be misled by idle rumors, nor are they to color, be it ever so little, the facts which they may witness, and so leave uneradicated the root of future evil. If such of the civil and military officers, and of the troops and militia employed, as are zealous and exert themselves, be immediately recommended for promotion, to encourage others; and those who show themselves afraid of risk, sus- pended, denounced, and punished; rewards being distributed with good faith, and punish- ments inflicted with certainty,-this inatter will soon be brought to a conclusion.

With reference to the expectant prefect Shi-poh, his determination to sacrifice him- self, not yielding though surrounded, is an extenivating circumstance; still he sustained a defeat by his want of caution in advancing, and it would not be expedient that his rash

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mismanagement should be punished one whit the less severely on account of his high reputation earned by the many meritorious acts of his past life; it is our duty, notwith- standing these, therefore, to denounce him in severe terms, and to request that his in- signia of rank be taken from him for the time being.

The petty magistrate Ku Hàn, the subalterns Tsiang Châu-kang, Hwang Ta-tsiuen, and Hwang Shun-tsiuen, sergeants Yàu Ting-fah, Wang Ting-siang, and Hwang Hiung- tai, and the sergeant-elect Sin Yung-fang, who were surrounded at the same time as Shi-poh, have all been temporarily deprived of their insignia, but it is not expedient that they should be allowed to withdraw themselves from this troublesome business, and they are therefore charged to continue at their posts and endeavor to redeem their cha- racter; and as they shall be found to show a sense of shame and exert themselves or the reverse, a report will be presented, when the whole affair shall have been settled, for your Majesty's further decision concerning them: but as regards the tuan-taiang Tei- ching-eh, the acting adjutant-general to the Tituh, and the ex-commandant of the Tsing- yuen brigade, Kiang Ki-siu, who were detached with troops by circuitous routes to at- tack the enemy on both flanks, it is not yet apparent whether the engagement of one of these corps with the enemy, before they had joined company, took place in consequence of an unacquaintance with the roads through which they had to march, or whether there was an intentional delay [on the part of the rearmost corps]; the truth will be, with permission, shortly ascertained, and each of the parties disposed of according to his merits.

The above are the particulars of the movements of the troops and of the defeat sus- tained by the civilians and military denounced; this joint statement of the same em- bodied in a respectful memorial, your Majesty's servants dispatch by an express courier. Prostrate they implore your Majesty's sacred glance thereon, and instructions as to whether their conduct has or has not been that which it should. A respectful memorial ̧ The wary and cowardly fúyuen contented himself with guarding all his defenses, and running no more hazards of defeat, until the outrages and levies of the insurgents had so exasperated the inhabitants of the districts into which they had come that the gentry gathered their braves, and on the 24th of this month attacked the "thieves in conjunction with the imperialists. A slip issued in Canton soon after, thus noticed the result:-" Letters have come to the provincial capital from Yingteh and Tsingyuen, saying, that from the 24th to the 30th of Nov. the government troops had daily entered the hills, seizing and pursuing the insurgents to the Black Stone country. For two or three days they fought together with thundering clamor. The insur- gents were defeated, more than a thousand taken prisoners, 13 large guns and over 500 small arms captured, with spears, swords, and other warlike imple- ments without number." The accounts of their defeat, of the people running together to pursue them, and the rancor exhibited in destroying them, according to the most credible accounts, are proofs of the hatred they have aroused. Of course, Gov. Yeh took the whole glory of the victory to himself, though he is notorious among the citizens of Canton for his cowardice, and has throughout shown the most dastardly fear.

The following directions for entering the port of Shanghai are taken from No. 3 of the North China Herald. They will form a good addition to the surveys given in Vol. X. page 383 by Capt. Bethune of the "Conway," and in Vol. XII, page 427 by Capt. Wellesley of the “Childers,” both which they explain, and render more satisfactory. They are given in a communica- tion addressed to the editor :-

The directions given by the surveying officers are, I think, too vague to be of much use in practice to strangers; particularly, in giving courses and distances to be made good, when there are no marks available, and the strength and di- rection of the tide are constantly varying. The Admiralty Chart of 1843, drawn from Collinson's survey, is very correct; and every vessel bound to Shanghai should be provided with it. The following remarks, I think may prove of ser- vice, as the result of several years' acquaintance with the place, in all weathers. Vessels bound to Shanghai should make the Barren Islands or Saddle Group in the northerly monsoon, as being the most weatherly land fall; but in the southwest monsoon, it is more advisable to steer for Monte Video, a bold pre- cipitous island, about forty miles more southward. If late in the day, anchorage should be caught under the Saddle Islands, which afford shelter in both monsoons,

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Leaving the Saddle Islands, keep the North Saddle bearing about 8.E. by E. to pass Gutzlaff I, at a distance of about fifteen or sixteen miles ; and no stranger ought to enter the river without seeing Gutzlaff, until some mark be erected for the North Sandhead. Thus far, the tide sets N.W. by W. and S. E. by E., from one and-a-half to three and-a-half knots; but it is affected greatly, both in direction and velocity, by the prevailing wind.

Steering on to the north-westward, bring Gutzlaff to bear 8.S E., and sink it on that bearing, which will be at a distance of about twenty-two or twenty. three miles; after which steer N.W. ¿W., and if the low land is not soon seen on the port bow from the mast head, keep more westerly by the lead, which is here a safe guide. The deepest water is near the north bank, which should always be approached with caution, as it shoals very suddenly. When the first point bears W. by N. or W., the water deepens to six fathoins; this point should be passed about two miles off, as the bank extends a long way out, and there are several knolls off it, on which ships have touched. Having passed the point, gradually close with the shore to a mile, and keep it about that distance, until the beacon at Wösung is seen. If working up from the Saddle Islands, do not bring Gutzlaff to the eastward of south, until fifteen or sixteen miles to the northward of it, when it may be brought to bear S.S.E., and you will then be on the edge of the South bank. You may now stand to the westward, nearly into the vessel's draught, bearing in mind that the flood sets W.S.W. round the S.E. edge of it, and the ebb contrary. All vessels should keep as near as possible to this bank, and not wait for a shoal cast to tack when standing to the north-eastward.

I think the defect in the directions hitherto given, is chiefly, that vessels are not advised to get hold of the South bank as soon as possible.

From the Saddle Islands to Wusung, the tide generally sets N.W. by W. and S.E. by E. when fully made, if no cause, such as N.E gales or heavy rains interfere; but the flood makes first to the southward, then 3.W., and N.W. at the entrance of the river; the ebb making North, passing by N.E. to SE, and it is at turn of tide that most caution is necessary, to avoid being set out of the channel. I have found the set of the ship pretty correctly by the deep sea lead, and have, on several occasions, gone up the river at night by its guidance. Having passed the first point, which the "Conway's" surveyors mention to be distinguishable by a large tree (although I could never make out any tree there sufficiently remarkable),—work up from three-quarters of a mile to two miles off shore, and do not wait for a second shoal cast on the North side. The narrowest part of the channel is where the house on Blockhouse Island bears N.E. by E. It is here about a mile and-a-quarter wide.

When the ships at Wósung are open, a peaked tower near the town of Paushan will be seen to the westward; and on the embankment in front of it, a beacon, which must be kept a little open to the southward of the tower, until another large beacon at the entrance of the Shanghai river is on, between two joss-poles behind it, painted red, and bearing W.S.W. This last is an excellent mark for the channel, which is very contracted. The beacon may be brought a little open on each side of the poles, and the water shoals gradually on each side; but the tide does not set exactly fair through.

Chinese pilots are in attendance here in sanpans, although with a fair wind they are not required, as Collinson's Chart of the Shanghai river is very good. The foregoing remarks apply to vessels of a heavy draught; say eighteen feet. Sinall craft may use much more freedom, closing with the South bank when Gutzlaff is twelve or fifteen miles off to the southward, and working up with the lead for a guide, never coming over half three fathoms to the north-eastward. The southern shore is to be depended on all the way; but when within ten miles of Wasung, the bank is very steep, and should not be approached under three-quarters of a mile.

I offer the following suggestions for rendering the navigation of the Yang- tez' kiáng comparatively safe and simple, which may be effected at a trifling cost, considering the valuable trade of Shanghai.

There is, off the southern end of the North Sand, a spit or patch, having four and five fathoms close to on each side, which is the principal danger on enter-

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623

ing the river; and every vessel wrecked hitherto, with one exception, has been on this spit. I would therefore recommend that a Light vessel should be placed in the bight, between this spit and the main bank, where, with good heavy ground tackle, she would ride out any weather. A vessel of one hundred and twenty tons strongly built, on the principle of the Light vessels at the Sand. heads of the Hongly, would be large enough. She should be fitted with a light, to be distinguishable from a ship's light or those that the fishermen often show; and visible at least seven miles distant. She should be supplied with two good coir cables, as well as with chains, in order to enable her to ride to the high sea that sometimes occurs; and she should also be provided with a life boat, and a European should continually be on board, sufficiently acquaint- ed with the river, and with the indications of the weather, to warn vessels by signal or otherwise, of approaching danger.

In addition to the light, 4 would place a buoy off the N.W. end of the spit, and another off the South end, which, I think, are all that would be necessary in any ordinary weather: but in standing in from sea, I am decidedly of opi- nion that a stranger should not attempt to run in, unless certain of getting with- in the bar, if there are indications of bad weather; but rather, he should seek anchorage among the islands, or else put to sea for the night; the former would be preferable in heavy weather, for unless a good sailer, a vessel would not fetch up again in the N. E. monsoon. The tides are so strong, and at times so uncertain in direction, that the best acquainted persons can not hope to keep a correct reckoning at night; and it would prove very rough riding, should à ship attempt to anchor between Gutzlaff I. and the North Sands in a gale.

think it quite useless attempting to erect a beacon on the Sand, with the means that would be available here; as the tide runs with great velocity, and I am not aware that any part of the patch has less than nine feet water on it. The flood often comes in with a heavy bore or roller, when a southerly wind is blowing; and I do not think that a sufficient foundation could be formed to justify the expectation of a beacon standing the combined action of the wind and tide.

No doubt a beacon might be placed on the North Sand itself, where it dries, in many ways; for instance, by sinking a foundation in iron tanks ; but it would be at a greater distance from the channel;—it would cost more to keep a light on it, and altogether it would be less useful than a floating light.

A YOUNG SALT.

A visit to Lerchew was made Oct. 3d, in H. B. M. screw sloop Reynard, Capt. Cracroft, by the Bishop of Victoria, in order to ascertain the position and prospects of Dr. Bettelheim, and for the captain to intimate to the au- thorities of the island that the British Government regarded him as a British subject, “and would be displeased at any attempt to expel him from the island by a system of persecution or annoyance.” Several interviews were held between the native officials and Capt. Cracroft, and each party gave an entertainment. The Reynard is the first steamer which has visited countries under Japanese rule, and an account of her and her visit has probably ere this reached Yedo. It is to be hoped that the personal situation of Dr Bet- telheim will be improved by this movement on the part of the British authori- ties, and his family allowed to supply themselves with the necessaries of life. It is remarked by the China Mail as a singular circumstance that the Japanese authorities at Lewchew have cooperated with the Chinese government in reference to Dr. B., so as to induce Gov. Sii, the imperial commissioner, to urge H. M.'s Plenipotentiary to remove him (Dr. B.) from Napa by force.

The death of the Rev. C. Fast, a missionary of the Swedish Missionary Society at Upsal is mentioned in letters received from Fuhchau, and the circumstances attending it detailed. We understand that the authorities at Fuhchau have taken energetic measures to apprehend the miscreants, and have sent the police to the village near Kinpai pass to arrest the guilty par tics. By means of the servant mentioned in the notice below, who identified

624

Journal of Occurrences.

some of the piratical crew, they convicted the guilty parties and beheaded five of them, and burned the houses of those implicated. The villagers are reported to have for the most part fled from the place after the visit of the police. The acting British consul, Mr. Sinclair, reported the event to the authorities, but it appears they had already taken their measures. We think that it was unwise for these two gentlemen to use fire-arms as they did, and it is not so certain that the dacoits had the intention to take life, as this notice intimates. The notice of the attack on Messrs. Fast and Elgquist is thus given by our cor- respondent :-

"On the evening of the 12th of this month, Rev. Messrs. Fast and Elgquist, in a small boat with three rowers, went down the river to the receiving ships for the purpose of exchanging their bills. The latter took with him a servant boy, of perhaps fifteen or sixteen years. After visiting one of the vessels the next morning, and passing to the second, their boatinen inquired,

"Have you got your money yet?" This was deemed a strange question, but replied to in the negative. Ón leaving the second vessel on the morning of the 13th, the inquiry was repeated and answered in the affirmative. During the stay of the brethren at the vessels, the boatmen went ashore, and when they were questioned as to the reason, replied that they went to buy some small articles they needed. The gentlemen however proceeded in the boat to return hoine. On nearing the Kinpai pass, not more than two or three miles from the vessels, about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the boatmen were observed to be inactive, and were urged in vain to row faster. Soon after a sail boat came in sight a short dis- tance ahead, apparently bound up the river. The wind being light, the row- boat soon came up with the sail boat (it seems right alongside), when those on the latter instantly hooked on and coinmenced a fierce assault with stones and spears. Messrs. E. and F. both seemed to feel that the pirates intended to put them to death, and that they themselves must fight for life. Mr. F. put his head out from under cover and fired a pistol. Mr. E. rushed out to resist the attack, and fired twice upon the pirates. He soon called on Mr. F. to fire a pistol lying by his side, but the latter replied that he was unable. Soon af- ter he either fell or was thrown overboard ; unable to swim, he sank and was seen no more. Mr. E. finding resistance useless, dropped overboard, dove deep, and swam some distance down; then swam ashore. For a time he waited, hoping to see something of Mr Fast; then wounded and weary, wandered about to find the vessels he had left His fear of being discovered by those on shore, protracted his wanderings, and it was not till near evening he reached the shore opposite, and was received on board.

"In the meantime, the pirates, numbering it is said some 30) or 40), took the boat, boatmen, and booty to a village just below the Pass on the south side. They threatened the life of the servant boy on account of a severe injury one of their number had received, but finally released him and the boatmen. On their re- turn all were taken into the custody of the government either on suspicion of being accessory to the piracy, or to furnish evidence in the case.

“Mr Fast's body has not been seen since. The wounds received by Mr. Elg- quist have not proved serious. Mr Fast had greatly endeared himself to his fellow-laborers by his kind and social disposition, and by the simplicity and fervor of his Christian character. Eminently exhibiting Christian love out of a warm and sincere heart, he has left a precious memory behind in the hearts of his associates.”

The death of Lin Tsehsü, whose appointment was noticed last month, died on his way to Canton on the 22d inst. at Páuning hien in the department of Chanchau in the eastern part of this province. He was 67 years old at the time of his death, and had taken a conspicuous part in the foreign politics of his country during the last ten years of his life. In the death of Lin, his majesty Hicnfung has lost one of his most faithful servants.

THE

CHINESE REPOSITORY.

VOL. XIX.-DECEMBER, 1850.-No. 12.

ART. I. Defense of an Essay on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and Osos into the Chinese language. By W. J. Boone. (Concluded from page 618.)

If, however, the adoption of this proposition is urged on the ground that the Chinese have no word answering to the word God when used propriè; I answer, the transfer of the appellative name of God does not do away with, but only removes the difficulty one step. Who is this Aloho? the Chinese must immediately ask: Is he a man, or a skin, or a Fuh (Budha); or to what class of beings does he belong? If you answer, He is the only true and living Shin, or that he is the Shángti who has been for thousands of years worshiped in the national rites, of what use is the clumsy intervention of this foreign word? These two considerations seem to settle the claims of Aloho: it offers us no advantages for teaching the Chinese the knowledge of the true God, and it is wholly useless in attacking their polytheism. Nevertheless, when this word was proposed by Dr. Medhurst and Messrs. Stronach and Milne, Dr. Bridgman and I immediately withdrew all opposition to their obtaining funds from the Bible Societies to make the experi- ment, which they are now so confident is the true solution of all our difficulties. We did this that we might put an end, if possible, to our sad controversy, and leave the case to a fair experiment of this new expedient. We felt constrained, however, at the time we communi- cated to the Bible Society the fact of our withdrawal of all opposition to Dr. M. and his friends having funds to priut our common version with the transferred term, to suggest our firm conviction that it would never do any good, and that it would be ultimately abandoned. Our

VOL. XIX. NO. XII.

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opinions remain unchanged. The determination of the great majority of the missionaries not to accept of a transferred term is already put beyond all doubt; and Dr. Medhurst and Messrs. Stronach and Milne, and the three other signers of the Letter of January, to judge from their letter, are just as determined that they will use their “unmis- takably, incontrovertibly right" term Aloho. Their language leaves us no room to hope they will ever abandon this term, and it is nothing more than due to these three Delegates to say that their's has been the chief labor of making this version of the N. T. It would seem there- fore right that they should have funds to print it in a form in which they can use it, unless principle forbid, or it can be shown that the allowing them to do so would injure the Savior's cause. I am far from pleading their cause against the great majority of their brother missionaries who are opposed to a transferred term; but I am satisfied principle does not forbid the patronizing of two non-antagonistic ver- sions; and under all the circumstances of the case I should hope that less evil would result from following this course than any other.

The second term we shall bring to our proposed test is Shángtí, This term comes forward under the disadvantage of having been abandoned, not only by the three members of the Committee of Delegates abovementioned, but also by the majority of the mission- aries who were in the habit of using it previous to the commencement of this controversy. To compensate for this disadvantage, it has gained the able advocacy of Dr. Legge.

Dr. L. is as resolute in favor of Shángti as Dr. M. and his friends are in favor of Aloho. Before he reached his present position, he tells us he was led to see "that God was not a generic, but a relative term."

That which induced others to abandou Shángti, viz., its not being the generic term for god in the Chinese language, has attracted him. Shangtí, he confesses is not the absolute appellative name for God in Chinese, and he urges its claims on the ground that it is a mere relative term, and therefore answers to the word God which is also a mere relative term. Let us then inquire how the use of this compound, relative term will answer in teaching the monotheism of the Bible, and in combating the Chinese polytheism. Dr. Legge asserts “There is only one Sháng Tí, Supreme Ruler;" but we may safely say, There is no monotheism tanght in this assertion. It is an assertion that might have been made in Greece and Rome, without en- dangering the existence of a single one of their thiry thousand gods, as it would have only asserted the supremacy of Zeus and Jupiter respectively.

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This phrase is compounded of an adjective and an appellative noun, and therefore will not convey the idea that the being so called is wholly sui generis; but will, on the contrary, only affirm that he is the supreme one, or greatest of the species called by this common appellative, and thus it will not exclude the existence of the others of the species implied by the use of the appellative noun, but only the existence of two "

supreme ones of said species. Now the monotheism taught in the Bible is, that there is but one God, i. e. there is absolutely (if I may so speak) but one of this species: the assertion, therefore, that "There is but one supreme Ruler" will never answer to convey this meaning. It will not prevent the Chinese from recognizing the ex- istence of any number of other ti, for it only declares that there is but one “supreme ti,” and on the subject of their gods, it says not a word.

This phrase shúngti labors under the double disadvantage of not answering to the word god, whether understood propriè or impropriè ; for the being called by the Chinese Shangti, differs in essential characteristics, from the being we Christians call God; on the other hand, it is not the appellative name of the Chinese gods, and can not, therefore, be used as the word Elohim in the O. T. is, to forbid the reigning polytheism.

But apart from the objections to the phrase Shángtí, on the score of its past uses, it is a most unsuitable phrase to be chosen as the basis for making, by our usus loquendi, a word in all respects like to our word God. Being a compound phrase, the qualifying force of its adjective will resist its conversion into a simple word like the word God; being a relative term, it is unfit for many of the uses to which Christians apply the word God—e. g. to speak of His eternal, neces- sary, existence &c. Implying office merely, and not nature, it is wholly unsuitable to express the doctrine of the Trinity, or that of the divine nature of our blessed Savior. And lastly, we insist upon the fact that Shang-tí is the distinctive title of a definite Chinese god, and this god is a false god. Dr. Legge may affirm that “ the Shang- tí of the Chinese people is God over all blessed for ever; but unless he proves that this Shángtí existed from eternity, and that he made the heavens and the earth, we must on the contrary declare with the prophet that "the gods that have not made the heavens and the earth,

[* On page 281, we asserted "that Shangtí is a proper name;" and also on page 2:6, remarked that Shangtí became a proper name for God as used in the preceding article. This last is called by Dr. Legge in his Letters, the “ proton pseudos which has led many missionaries astray;" and the first assertion a mere dictuin, for which no proof is given. We think the proof for both these remirks is amply given by Dr. Boone in these paragraphs —Ed. Chi. Rep.]

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even they shall perish from the earth, and from under these heavens: " also with the Psalinist, that “All the Elohim of the nations are elelim (vanities, nothings), but Jehovah made the heavens:" and, as it is clear that Shangtí is one of the Elohim of the Chinese, we must insist he is here called by the Psalmist an elelim, unless Dr. Legge proves he is the very Being who made the heavens. We can not, we dare not, use Shángtí. We can not exhort men to worship him, and we shall only encounter the ridicule of the people, if we call their (shin) gods kiá shángti, i. e. false supreme rulers.

The third term to be brought to our proposed test is Shin. This word being the absolute appellative name of all the Chinese gods, and also the name by which the Chinese pantheists call the life-giving principle that pervades their lo wav, brings up the whole subject on which we desire to enlighten the Chinese; all we want therefore is to teach them the true and proper ideas they should connect with this word Shin.

To prove that this term will be efficient in condemning the Chinese polytheism, we need only say that all the missionaries, who have attacked this many-headed hydra in China, have used this term for that purpose. On this point, therefore, we need not dwell, but will pro ceed at once to test the suitableness of the word Shin for teaching the Chinese the monotheism of the Bible, and we shall endeavor to do this by showing how we can, using Shin, remove from the minds of the various errorists we here meet with, the errors into which they have fallen on the subject of Divinity.

Let us first take the Polytheist (or polypneumatist, as it now pleases Dr. Medhurst to call him), and see what the effect would be of set. ting his views right with respect to the word shin. Suppose him a common plebeian or a merchant, and that we were to meet him making offerings to the Tsái shin, the god of Wealth; and that upon asking him why he worshiped this being, he were to answer, "That I may prevail upon him to assist me in getting wealth" should we not do well to say to him, What you are doing is entirely right, viewed in one respect. You can not, by any exertions of your own, insure the suc- cess of your trading; you do well to rely upon the protection and blessing of a superior being to help you to get wealth; but you Chi- nese make a mistake, when you go to seek help from the shin. You suppose that there is a shin who presides merely over money getting, and you call upon this Tsai shin, god of Wealth, that he may help you to grow rich; for protection from fire, you make offerings to the Ho shin, the god of Fire; for protection at sea, you call on the Hái shin;

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and so too, you put every town, every district, under some tutelary shin, and to every occupation you give a patron shin; the idea run- ning through all this (we might say to him) is right; man is a weak, dependent being; he must look up to, and depend upon a superior; but you are in great error as to the proper object to whom you should apply for aid. There is but one Being who can really aid you; in our holy book, He is called Jehovah. He it is who presides over all human affairs: the administration of them is not divided out as you suppose among a number of shin; He himself is the alone SHIN. He is the Shin of wealth; pray to him to aid you in your business: He is the Shin of the sea; call upon him in time of danger: He is the Shin of fire; pray to him, &c., &c. In this way we shall avail ourselves of whatever knowledge of divinity in general exists in the mind of this individual, at the same time that we turn to good account whatever devotional feeling he may have connected with the word shin; which is a matter of great importance. The feeling, we tell him, is correct; the object he calls shin: we have no right to complain of his calling it by this or any other name; but his conception of the object-of this shin—is wrong; it must therefore be changed-elevated. Now to do this, to keep the subject on which we would enlighten him before his mind, it is surely wise to adhere to his word shin, and to predicate of this word the truths we would teach him. We should instruct him to put all his shin of wealth, fire, sea, &c., together, as the first process to help him to rise; and then tell him that Jehovah, the true Shin, can afford him ten thousand times more protection and blessing than all he ever fancied all his imaginary shin put together could afford; that He is in truth the ONLY SHIN, the Self-existent, the Almighty, the Holy Shin, &c., &c.

Let us next take the other great errorist, the Pantheist, and set him right with respect to the meaning of this word shin. He too, as we have seen, predicates his errors on the subject of divinity of this word. With him, shin is the informing divinity, spirit, or soul, of the primor- dial substance whose revolutions made the heavens and the earth. Heaven, earth, man, animals, and plants, all share this universal shin : it is the living principle of all things. This shin is evidently no creat. ed spirit, as we regard the human spirit, and all spirits (save God) to be; but a divine power that co-existed with the eternally-existing pri- mary matter.

How are we to set this pantheist right? Tell him that in some respects he is right, and has the advantage of his polytheistic countrymen in his views of the great subject, they in common call Shin. He has a great advantage of them in the unity with which he

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invests his Shin. We therefore tell him he is right in conceiving there is but one Shin, in making Shin the principle of life, and in ascribing to the influence of this Shin every pulse that throbs through universal nature; but that he greatly errs in his conception of Shin. It is not the name of a mere principle of life-of the soul of the world; but of the Lord of life,—of the Creator of the world, of Jehovah—the only true and living SHIN.

If we teach the Chinese correct views of this single word shin, we seal the fate of polytheism, pantheism and atheism. One shin (call him Spirit or God) hearing prayer in every house in China, knowing all hearts and ruling over all things, causing the grass to grow and the clouds to rain, &c., &c., is one God, is monotheism—the fourth and only other theory on the subject of theism we can think of. Shin is the word the Chinese use when speaking of the first; it is the word by which we must teach them the last.

This term is a strong contrast to Shángti, the other native term proposed. It is simple; whereas Shángti is a compound phrase. It is the general name of the Chinese gods; whereas Shángtí is the definite title of the chief of said gods. These characteristics-its being the Chinese name of the general subject—an absolute appella- tive—a simple, uncompounded term-render shin exactly the term from which to make, by our usus loquendi, a word exactly answering to the word God.

It has no qualifying adjective to restrict its meaning, and to with- stand the formation of the usus loquendi we desire to establish. It is not like Ti, the name of a relationship, which is common to God and men; but is the absolute name of a being, or class of beings (accord- ing to its context), who are possessed of a nature superior to that of men. Being an absolute appellative noun, we shall in using it as the name of God, have no difficulties inade by the term by which we desig- nate Him, when we speak of his self-existence from eternity: mean- ing nature and not office, it will well express that wherein the Oneness of the Three Persons consists, and the Divine nature of the blessed Savior. It is the general name of the false gods here worshiped, and is therefore the term to be used for negativing the existence of all these false gods--the first thing that is necessary to be done to clear the way for the truth.

Shin, we adimit, is not by its previous usus loquendi, the naine of the Being whom we adore: unhappily the Chinese have no knowledge of this Being; but they have some knowledge of the general subject of Divinity; they have thought and written much on this subject, and

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with the gods (though not with God) they have had most extensive dealings; and there can be no doubt, we think, that they call this subject Shin, and that they have worshiped these gods under this name. If therefore we succeed in teaching the Chinese around us correct views of Divinity in connection with this word Shin, we may rest as- sured that monotheism will spread. This word is in every one's mouth. Thousands are constantly making clay shin, wooden shin, paper shin: tens of thousands of others are manufacturing incense, candles, imitation sycee, &c., &c., for the worship of these shin. Let it theu go forth that we solemnly assert, what it now so shocks Dr. Medhurst that we “ should stand up before God and man,'

" and assert,* what he himself has asserted thousands of times, that "there is in truth only one Shin;" and let a few thousand Chinese, in any given city, sincerely believe this, and then what a stir we shall have!

The word Shin—the native name of this subject—brings the doctrine taught by us home to every man's daily thoughts, practice, and occu- pation. The native Christian, as taught by us, asserts that “there is only one Shin;" his polytheistic fellow-countryman laughs him to scorn; he can show him thousands of Shin in the very city in which they both live. "Aye; but the holy apostle Paul says they be no Shin that are made with hands: I can show you the very place in the holy Book." How, if when he turns to Acts xix. 26, instead of Shin, he finds Aloho or Shángti? And if with a view to bring the matter home to some Chinese Demetrius, our native Christian would be justified in telling him, "the Alohos St. Paul was there speaking of were just such shin as you are now making;" if, I say, he would be justified in making such an assertion, why can not we now so write it down in the Acts, that the Apostle may speak out plainly for himself to all who read the sacred Book?

May the great Author of all truth lead us all to see the truth of the matter that is now controverted among us, and enable us so to use the proper Chinese appellative of Himself, that his "NAME may speedily be known" to this great nation, and all their false gods and idols be put far away from them! And to Him, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, we will ascribe all the glory, both now and for ever. Amen.

* See Proper mode of translating Ruachi, page 20.

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Appendix.

(Note A. referred to on page 573.)

SINCE the part of my Defense in which I discuss the question whether God is a relative or absolute term was sent to press, Dr. Legge has published a series of letters, in which he has written at much length on this point. I trust the reader will therefore pardon my calling his attention to this subject again in a note. I shall only comment on three points in the Doctor's letters.

1st. "Some people seem to apprehend a lurking heresy in the opinion that Elohim, with the words by which it is rendered in Greek and English, is a relative term; whereas the difficulty is to find critics and scholars of any note, who have not in substance at least maintained the same thing." And on a lower part of the same page, “I do not believe that a single writer of eininence can be brought forward to controvert my position that Elohim is a relative terin," &c.

2d. The Doctor's attempt to express the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, regarding the word God all the while as a mere relative term which does not express anything about essence or nature.

3d. "The view of Elohim as a relative term exhibits the doctrine of the Trinity in its scriptural simplicity, and establishes the Divinity of Christ on its

proper evidence."

On the first of these points, we beg the reader to notice that the West- minster Divines and Melancthon (no mean names I should suppose in Dr. Legge's eyes), are so far froin regarding the word with Dr. L. as a mere relative terin that "does not indicate the essence,” but expresses only the relationship that Jehovah sustains to his creatures, that neither of them take any notice of this relationship at all in their definitions of the word (quoted at p. 415 above); but on the contrary say, “God is a Spiritual Being, or essence, possessed of various essential and eternal attributes." Howe also, one of the most eininent of the Nonconformist divines, in his “Living Temple,” in like manner gives a definition of the word God, to preface an elaborate argument to prove the existence of the Deity, without inaking any mention of the relationships which He sustains to his creatures. His words are so much to the point that I shall give them at some length:—

"And first for the existence of God; that we may regularly and with evi- dence make it out to ourselves, that he ie, or doth exist, It is requisite that we first settle a true notion of him in our minds; or be at agreement with our- selves, what it is that we mean, or would have to be signifled by the name of God, otherwise we know not what we reek, nor when we have found him. And though we must beforehand professedly avow, that we take him to be such a one as we can never comprehend in our thoughts, that this knowledge is too excellent for us, or he is more excellent than that we can perfectly know him; yet it will be sufficient to guide us in our search after his existence, if we can give such a description, or assign such certain characters of his being, as will severally or together distinguish him from all things else. For then we shall be able to call him by his own name, and say, this is God: whatever his being may contain more, or whatsoever other properties may belong to it, beyond what we can yet compass in our present thoughts of him. And such an account we shall have of what we are inquiring after, if we have the conception in our

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minds of an eternal, uncaused, independent, necessary. Being, that hath active power, life, wisdom, goodness, and whatsoever other supposable excellency in highest perfection originally in and of itself. Such a being we would with coin- mon consent express by the name God.”

Here we see Howe too, in this definition, takes no notice of the various relationships which Jehovah sustains to his creatures, and which the word God, being the absolute appellative name of Him is used in the sacred Scriptures to designate sometimes the one, and sometimes another. He makes no mention of these relations, because he justly regards them as not necessary to a proper definition of this word, it being the name of the eternal, uncaused, independent, necessary Being, who was God before any of these relations subsisted. These relations may or may not be mentioned in a definition of the word God, but I have never seen a definition of the word, in which the nature of the Being designated was not mentioned ; and doubt if such a one can be quoted from any good writer.

Voltaire, in giving Newton's view as quoted by Dr. L. in his Letters, p. 27, is careful to state these essential attributes, and that before he inakes mention of any of these relations; his words are, "Newton was deeply persuaded of the existence of a God, and he understood by that word not only a Being, Infinite, Almighty, Eternal, and the Creator, but a Master, who has established relations between Himself and his creatures;” (observe, not was constituted God by this relationship, but being God, himself established this relation ;) “for,” adds Newton, "without this relation, the knowledge of a Goʻl is nothing but a barren idea." Here I would again observe that Newton does not say that this in- finite, eternal Being, without this relation would not be God, but rather clearly implies the contrary, stating only that a knowledge of this relation is necessary to our welfare.

According to the common consent of mankind, the word God, whether understood propriè or impropriè, is an absolute term, and not the mere expo- nent of a relationship as Dr. Legge contends it is. St. Paul speaks of those who were "by nature no gods.” Cicero wrote “De Natura Deorum ;” would he have used the word “natura,” if writing De — Imperatorum? In every Christian work on theology we take up, we shall find something said “of the nature and attributes of God." Hesiod has given us a Theogony, or generation of the gods; and it is just as plain that he regards the gods throughout this poem, as a genus—a race of beings, as that he regards men in this light. He constantly couples the names of the two races together. Love is "Sire of gods and men.” "They (the Fates) of men and gods the crimes pursue."

They are expressly spoken of as a race.

"The Muses (he says) bade me praise The blessed race of ever living gods."

"They send forth

Their undecaying voice, and in their songs, Proclaim before all theines the race of gods, From the beginning."

VOL. XIX. NO. XII.

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"And the Earth

And the huge Ocean, and the sable Night, And all the sacred race of deities

Existing ever."

"The lovely race

Of goddess Nereides, rose to light ;" &c.

Elton's Remains of Hesiod. Dr. Legge's doctrine is that the words “Elohim and Asos of themselves tell us nothing of the nature of the Being, or Beings which they represent," and that Shangtí, “Supreme Ruler," tallies exactly with these words.

How would it accord with the picture drawn of the Olympian deities by Homer and the other Greek poets, to regard them as a mere assembly of rulers? All rulers, or rather all Shángti, Supreme Rulers!!! If such was "the assembly of the gods,” what becomes of the sovereignty of Zeug? The Goddesses, what are we to make of them? Are they "Supreme Ruleresses?"

Dr. Legge lays much stress on the etymology of the word Elohim; but etymology is a very uncertain guide to the character and meaning of words. Every work on logic is full of warnings against our being misled by sophis- tries derived from this source. It is wholly conjectural, and there is no other field perhaps in which learned men have so indulged their fancies. If a serious doubt once arises, there is no means of setting it at rest; the most that can be contended for is that my conjecture is more probable than your's. And even where the etymology is manifest, it is of comparatively little service, as it is the subsequent use which determines the character and meaning of a word much more than its root. In this case, from Dr. L's own showing, there is so much diversity of opinion among the learned, the only safe inference to be derived from their conflicting opinions is, that no satisfactory conclusion on this point can ever be arrived at, none certainly which one can afford to make the basis of an argument.

But suppose Dr. L.'s view to be conceded—that the radical idea is power, I can not see how this will show that the word is a mere relative term; power being one of the essential, eternal attributes of God, as this word denotes an intrinsic perfection, not an outward relation like that expressed by the words dominion, ruler, &c. Fuerst's view of the word El, given by Dr. L. (Letters, p. 20), shows how compatible such a derivation is with our regarding the word God as an absolute term. He says, "Robustus, powerful, brave. It is used (b) for God, on account of his very powerful and excelling nature” (not because of his sustaining any relationship), “and with the article ha-El, the Omnipotent, who is over all things, as in the phrase el-Elohim (God of gods), that is, superior to all false and feigned gods in his strength and power,” (not a being sustaining a superior relationship, or having a more exalted office, but of a more excclling nature, of “strength irresistible, and power infinite.")

The Omnipotent, the powerful One, the Almighty, the Omniscient, &c., aru very different to the words Ruler, King, &c.; and if Dr. L. can succeed in establishing the etymologies for which he contends, it will afford him no aid

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in proving that we must render Elohim by a term that is the mere exponent of a relationship. Power is an essential attribute of the Deity, possessed from eternity before the worlds were made; Shangti, “Supreme Rulor,” can derive no aid from their etymology.

Dr. L. quotes Calvin as agreeing with him in the character of this word, and seems to have persuaded himself that even Athanasius uses the term God just as a relative term; and his conclusion is, that there are not three beings, who sustain the relation of God, but only one; not three spirits who are each a God, but one Spirit (observe not one God), Jehovah namely, in whose essence there yet exist, “by a natural and eternal necessity, three in- telligent and active subjects, who are made known to us as the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit." I have not the works of Athanasius, and never read them; I can not therefore say whether Dr. Legge represents him correctly, when he thus speaks of him as regarding the word God as a relative term, and the Persons of the Blessed Trinity as sustaining “the relation of God.” I content myself therefore with merely calling the attention of the learned in Europe and America, who are taking an interest in this controversy, to his statement, who no doubt can vindicate this noble defender of the orthodox faith from the views here erroneously ascribed to him by Dr. Legge.

Some of Calvin's works I have at hand, from which it is very plain that Dr. Legge is mistaken if he supposes that Calvin agrees with him in regarding the word God as a mere relative term. The proof of this I will present below. I shall next offer a few remarks on Dr. Legge's attempt to express the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, using the Athanasian formula, and regarding the word God as a mere relative term, which does not express anything about essence or nature. According to Dr. L., that which constitutes the Supreme Being God, is not the possession of a Divine nature, but the sustain- ing of a given relationship.

I am most happy to find that Dr. Legge, however, makes the unity of the Godhead to consist in oneness of substance, and not in unity of office or dignity; as from his words, “the view of Elohim as a relative term exhibits the doctrine of the Trinity in its scriptural simplicity,” his defining a relative term as the name “of a dignity or office common to many individuals,” and his views generally on the character of the word God, I had feared he did, and as I believe, all have done, who have regarded this word as Dr. L. does, as a mere relative term. On this subject Dr. Legge is happily very explicit. He says, “the Father is God, the Son is God, and the Holy Ghost is God; does it not seem then that there are three Gods? It seems so, yet the Father, Son and Spirit are 'one in substance;' so that there are not three Gods, but one God." Dr. Legge then gives a statement of his views which shows that one can regard the word God as a mere relative term that does not in- dicate essence, and yet believe that the three Persons of the sacred Trinity are of the same divine nature or substance; but he has not shown us how this orthodox doctrine is expressed in the formula he has quoted, if the word God tells us nothing of the nature of the Being represented.

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When we say in the Athanasian Creed, “the Father is God,” we mean by it, as Waterland says, that He is possessed of “all perfection,” that He is possessed of the “Divine nature;” by which phrase we understand “the sum of the Divine perfections; " we mean that all the essential attributes, necessary existence, eternity, omnipresence, omniscience, &c., &c., are predicable of the Father. Next, when we say "the Son is God," we mean that he is possessed of “all perfection," possesses the same Divine nature, has the same essential attributes, &c.; and so of the Holy Spirit. And lastly, when we say, "they are not three Gods but one God," we affirm that there is only one Being possessed of this divine nature, having these essential attributes; that, to use the words of the Athanasian Creed, “the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is all one.'

There can be no doubt the same thing is meant when we affirm in the words of this Creed, "they are not three Gods, but one God,” as when it is said just above “the Godhead is all one." Godhead (from God and hade, state) means simply the state or condition of being God: hence, this word is defined by Johnson and Webster as, "Godship; deity, divinity, divine nature or essence." If God meant ruler, the noun formed from it would mean the state or condition of being ruler; if no nature is indicated by the word God, but only a relationship, the words Godhead, divinity, &c., would only mean the state or condition of being or standing in that relationship to others: they would not "indicate essence or nature.”

I can not here refrain from adverting to Dr. L.'s very remarkable views of the Divine nature, i. e. that in which it consiste.

He says, Letters, p. 56, "Dr. Boone believes that the idea of a Divine na- ture lice in the word God. Now the nature of God is spiritual; 'God is a Spirit,' was the account given by God himself manifest in the flesh. The peculiarity by which God, as he is revealed to us in the Scriptures, is distin- guished from all other spiritual Beings as to nature, is, that in his infinite and incomprehensible spiritual essence there exists a Trinity of hypostases, or, as we term them in English, Persons. This is the only divine nature. And the idea does not lie in the word God.” Following up this very peculiar notion of what is meant by "the divine nature,” his reductio ad absurdum is, that, if the word God indicates nature, then none but Trinitarians have any idea of God. When enumerating the peculiarities that distinguisli God from all other spiri-

* To show that this method of viewing the word God as expressing "the_Di- vine nature is not peculiar to the Athanasian Creed, and to the writers of the Church of England, I will here append Knapp's statement of the doctrine of the Trinity See Art. 4. §33, 2. "The doctrine of a Trinity in the Godhead includes the three following particulars (ride Morus, p. 6!), § 13); viz., (a) There is only one God-one divine nature; § 16, (b) but in this divine nature, there is the distinction of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, as three (called subjects, porsonE, and other names of similar import in the language of the schools); and (c) these three have equally and in common with one another, the nature and perfections of supreme Divinity.This is the simple doctrine of the Trinity, when stripped of refined and learned distinctions. According to this doctrine, there are in the Divine nature THREE inseparably connected with one another, possessing equal glory, but making unitedly only One God ''

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tual beings, Dr. L. might have mentioned that He is necessarily existent; whereas the existence of all other spiritual beings is contingent and depen- dent upon Him: that He is almighty, while they are of a weak and feeble nature; that He is omniscient, omnipresent, &c., &c. Knapp explains this matter very clearly in his 3d Article “ On the NATURE and Attributes of God." Ilis words are, “The nature of God is the sum of all the Divine perfections; the attributes of God are the particular distinct perfections or realities, which are predicable of the Divine nature (predicata Dei necessaria ob essentiam ei tribuenda, Morus, p. 58, not. 1). The Divine attributes do not therefore differ materialiter from the Divine nature, but only formaliter (i. e. the difference be- tween nature and attribute is not objective, or does not appertain to God him- self; but is subjective, formal, or as the older theologians say, secundum nostrum concipiendi modum). The attributes of God are merely our notions of the particular distinctions, which taken together compose the Divine nature. We are unable to take in the whole object at a single glance, and are compelled, in order to accommodate the weakness of our understanding, to consider it in separate portions." Art. 3d, § 18.

We must here carefully distinguish between the sense of the word “attri- bute," as applied to the essential attributes of God, and the logical use of this word, as the opposite of “substance,” i, e. “a predicate which may be present or absent, the essence of the specics remaining the same." See this point illus- trated by St. Augustin, De Civ. Dei, XI. 10. “Propter hoc itaque natura dicitur simplex, cui non sit aliquid habere, quod vel possit amittere, vel aliud sit ha- bens, aliud quod habet," &c. This reasoning Hagenbach declares identical with the proposition of Schleiermacher, “that in that which is absolute the subject and the predicate are one and the same thing." Which agree ex- actly with the views of the Divine nature and attributes presented in the quo- tation from Knapp. But to return to our argument.

There is another point which clearly manifests the sense in which the word God is used in the Athanasian Creed and other Christian formulæ, in connec- tion with the Trinity: I refer to the two natures of Christ. To express the divine nature, the words God and Godhead are used indifferently, just as the words man and manhood are used to express the human nature; thus in the Second Art. of the Church of England, "the Son, which is the Word of the Father, begotten from everlasting of the Father, the very and eternal God, of one substance with the Father, took man's nature in the womb of the blessed Virgin, of her substance: so that two whole and perfect natures, that is to 81y,

the Godhead and manhood, were joined together in ono Person, never to be divided, whereof is one Christ, very God and very man.” The words are too clearly defined here to allow of mistake; "very God and very man' express the two natures called above the Godhead and manhood.

The Westminister Divines use language almost identical; they say,

so that two whole perfect and distinct natures, the Godhead and the manhood, were inseparably joined together in one person, without conversion, composition, or confusion. Which person is very God and very mun, yet one Christ.”

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Confession of Helvetia. “And John saith, 'In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and God was the Word.' Therefore the Son is co-equal and consubstantial with the Father, as touching his divinity ; true God, not by name only, or by adoption, or by special favor, but in substance and nature.” It would be tedious to quote the other Confessions drawn up by the Reformers in the 16th century. It will be sufficient to say they all agree in stating that Christ was possessed of two perfect natures, the Divine and the human, and that therefore he is very God and very man.

The words of all the Confessions on this subject arc remarkably similar, being all derived from the decision of the Council of Chalcedon. The expo- sition of faith put forth by this Council was designed to guard against both Eutychian and Nestorian errors. After recognizing the Nicene and Constan- tinopolitan creeds, they say, "Following, therefore, these holy Fathers, we unitedly declare, that one and the same Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, is to be ac- knowledged as being perfect in his Godhead (8ɛó7n71), and perfect in his humani. ty (¿vôpwwoľn♫); truly God (✪sóv dλnôŵs) and truly man (avôpwwov dλnôüç).” The Athanasian Creed uses the word. God in like manner to express the divine nature of the Person Christ; "the Son of God is God and man, God of the substance of the Father, begotten before the worlds; and man of the substance of his mother, born in the world; perfect God and perfect man; equal to the Father as touching his Godhead; and inferior to the Father as touching his manhood. Who although he be God and man; yet he is not two, but one Christ." Whatever Dr. Legge may persuade himself as to the agreement of his views with those of Athanasius, it seems to me that if he will give this Creed, that bears his name, only a cursory glance, he can not contend that “the term God" is used therein “just as a relative term, and that its conclusion is that there are not three beings who sustain the relation of God, but only onc.' On the contrary, he must acknowledge that it teaches that the three Persons sus- tain not a common relationship to their creatures, but arc of the same nature -of one substance.

It is a favorite idea of Dr. L. that they who contend that God is an absolute term, "confound the being of Jehovah with the name God." His own view is, "He whom we call God, existed from everlasting, but not as God. It was in consequence of the act of creation, that He began to sustain the relation which is signified by that term ?" And he thinks that no scholars or critics can be found who disagree with this view. In the Athanasian Creed above cited, we read that “the Son of God is God and man; God of the substance of his Father, begotten before the worlds." According to this, Christ is de- clared to be God, not because of his having a common dominion or office with the Father, but to be “God of the substance of the Father;" not to have be- gun to sustain "the relationship called God” when he created all things, but to have been God before the worlds were made. Dr. Legge may declare that the word God is used incorrectly in this Creed, and in all the other Creeds and Confessions from which I have quoted, but if he will carefully examine these documents, I am persuaded he will not contend that the word God is used in them as a mere relative term; or that he can express the doctrine which they

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teach, with respect to that wherein the oneness of the three Persons consist; or the doctrine of the two natures of Christ, by the use of the word God, as they teach it, using this word, if the word God “of itself tells us nothing of the nature of the Being represented." This was my objection to the use of the word Ti, Ruler (and the objection holds good, no matter by what adjec- tive it may be qualified), not that those, who use this term as the rendering of the word God, can not hold the orthrodox doctrine on the subject of the Trini- ty; but that they can not express it by the use of the relative term Ti, Ruler. God and man, very God and very man, Godhead and manhood, can not be expressed by the words Ruler and man, very Ruler and very man, Rulership and manhood; and the addition of the adjective “supreme” will make no diffe- rence in the character of the noun. I will here mention that my Chinese teacher, when I was making a version of the Communion Service, and the sentence “our Savior Christ, both God and man,” was under consideration; upon being asked How it would answer to render “both Ti and man?" with- out my ever having said one word to him on the subject, objected to it on the ground that the word Ti did not refer to nature; and there was no antithesis between the words li ruler, and jin, man, for many men had been ti.

ท

The character of the word God in the documents I have quoted is too clear to admit of any controversy, but Dr. Legge, seeing that their views can not be made to agree with his, may contend that this word was alike misun- derstood by the early Councils and the Protestant Reformers; let us therefore turn to the inspired writers from whom the early Fathers and the Protestant Reformers derived their views. The first verse of the Gospel of John is a locus classicus for determining the character of the word sog. "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God, The same was in the beginning with God." The word God being here the predicate of the sentence “the Word was God,” this sentence affords us an admirable opportunity of testing the point at issue between Dr. L. and myself.

If Dr. Legge is correct in his position, that the word eos is a mere relative term, then the Evangelist here asserts that the Word “in the beginning sustained a certain office, dignity, or relationship because of which he is called God; on the contrary, if I am correct, by the word God he here affirms that the Word, "in the beginning" was possessed of "the Divine nature,” “ of the sum of the Divine perfections."

The apostle asserts two facts: 1st, that "in the beginning" the Word "was with God;" 2d, that at that same time "the Word was God." If then, by the phrase "in the beginning,” we understand from eternity, before the world was made, the whole question as between Dr. L. and myself is settled: for first, we have a Being called God, with whom the Word was "in the begin- ning," that is before there were any creatures: this Being therefore could not have been "constituted God by the act of creation;" second, we are told “the Word was God," existed “as God,” “in the beginning," i. e. from eternity. Unless then Dr. L. denies that the phrase "in the beginning" has the mean- ing we have attached to it, he must admit the incorrectness of his theory that

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"it was in consequence of the act of creation that He whom we call God, began to sustain the relation which is signfied by that term.”

With respect to the meaning of ev apxn, Knapp says, “ 'O λoyos existed sv apxn, viz, xoďμov (Bereshith, Gcn. i. 1. i. e. ab eterno). Did he exist before the creation of the world he must be God; for before the creation nothing but God himself existed." Art. 4. § 37.

Pearson. "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.' Where 'in the beginning' must not be denied unto the third proposition, because it can not be denied unto the second. Therefore in the beginning, or ever the earth was, the Word was God,' (Prov. viii. 23.) the same God with whom he was. For we can not conceive that the Apostle should speak of one kind of God in the second, and of another in the third pro- position; in the second of a God eternal and independent; in the third of a made and depending God.”

Waterland. "The Word is here (John i. 1.) said to have been God in the beginning, that is before the creation; from whence it is further probable that he is God in the strict and proper sense. This circumstance may at least be sufficient to convince you that the relative sense which you contend for is not applicable. He could have no relation to the creatures before they were made; no dominion over them when they were not; and therefore could not be God in the sense of dominion or office." Vol. I. P. 316.

Kuinoel.

"Initio rerum, ante mundum conditum extitit Logos. Ev apxn sd. Tou xoďμou..............respondit Heb. Bereshith, Gen. i, 1. quem locum Johan- nes respexit;" &c.

Tholuck. Ev apX17, the same as bereshith, in the beginning, and means when the world commenced, and time with it—then, already the Word was.”

I will pausc longer on this point, as there will probably be no difference of opinion among those who take an interest in this controversy with respect to the meaning of sv apxn, but will proceed to cite some authorities to show that the word God, in the sentence "the Word was God," predicates that the Word was possessed of the Divine nature; and this because Dr. L expresses the belief “that not a single writer of eminence can be brought forward to con- trovert his position that God is a relative term." I will commence my quota- tions with Calvin, as Dr. L. has quoted him to sustain his views. Commenting on this sentence in the 1st verse of John's Gospel, he says, "That there may be no remaining doubt as to Christ's Divine essence, the Evangelist dis- tinctly asserts that he is God. Arius showed prodigious wickedness when, to avoid being compelled to acknowledge the eternal Divinity of Christ, he prattled about I know not what imaginary Deity; but for our part, when we are informed that the Speech was God, what right have we any longer to call in question his eternal essence TM”—Calvin in loc,

"For as the names of God, which have respect to external work began to be ascribed to hun from the existence of the work (as when he is called the Creator of heaven and carth), so piety does not, recognize or adınit any name which might indicate that a change had taken place in God himself. Nothing

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therefore is more intolerable than to fancy a beginning to that Word, which was always God, and afterwards was the Creator of the world." Christian Institutes, Book I. Ch. 13. § 8.

"Theodoret disputeth with great earnestness that God can not be said to suffer. But he thereby meaneth Christ's Divine nature against Apollonarius, which held even Deity itself passible. Cyril on the other side against Nestorius as much contendeth, that whosoever will deny very God to have suffored death, doth forsake the faith. Which notwithstanding to hold were heresy, if the name of God in this assertion did not import as it doth the person of Christ, who being verily God suffered death, but in the flesh, and not in that substance for which the name of God is given him." Hooker, Book V, Ch. liii. § 4.

"In N. T. clariùs adhuc Deus vocatur (Io. i. 1.) Sermo erat Deus, quod de Deo secundario et factitio, ratione muneris intelligi nequit ut vellent Adver- sarii, sed de vero Deo ratione naturæ ; quia non dicit ŝyévelo, ut v. 14. quando loquitur de incarnatione, quod priùs notasset; sed v erat ad ejus existentiam æternam designandam. Deinde co modo debet esse Deus, quo potuit esse in principio ante rerum omnium creationem, v. 1. tanquam ejus author, v. 3, hic autem nemini nisi Deo summo competit.” Turrettin, Vol. I. p. 312.

“The Father is called God, so is the Son, John i. 1. In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. With God as to his person, God himself as to his essence.” Bishop Beveridge's Works,” Vol. VII. p. 83.

“No epithet or attribute is more proper to God, than that alúvios Deis, God eternal. Hence is our Lord said by St. Paul, before he did assume the form of a servant, and became like unto men, to have subsisted in the form of God, not deeming it robbery to be equal to God (or to have a subsistence in duration and perfection equal to God); so that as he was after his incarnation truly man, partaker of human nature, affections, and properties; so before it he was truly God, partaking the Divine essence and attributes. Thence he is often in the Scriptures absolutely and directly named God; God in the most proper and most high sense: In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God, saith St. John in the beginning of his Gospel (the place where he is most likely to speak with the least ambiguity or darkness); the same Word, which was in time made flesh and dwelt among us, did before all time exist with God, and was God." Barrow's Works, Vol. II. p. 281.

"Præterea vero et illud est in promptu, eandem notionem subesse vocabulo ɛou in hac enunciatione, quam in proxime antecedente et sequente, atque adeo Servatorem eodem sensu, et dici et esse Osòv, ac sòg is dicitur, apud quem fuit, eique DIVINITATEM et tribui hoc loco et tribucndam esse, non aliam et diversam ab ea, quæ summi Dei est, sed plane eandem,” Tiltman, Comment in loc.

Doddridge paraphrases the sentence as follows: "The Word was God him- self, i. e. possessed a nature truly and properly Divine.”

Whitby, "And the Word was God. He was, so say the Socinians, by office, not by nature, as being the Legate and Ambassador of God;" and then contests this point at much length.

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Scoll. “And what can we understand by this testimony, 'the Word was God,' but that he was possessed of the same Divine nature and perfections with the Father?”

Henry. “The Word was with God. (1) In respect of essence and sub- stance; for the Word was God, a distinct Person or substance (subsistence?), for he was with God; and yet the same in substance, for he was God.”

Poole. "The Word was God; this speaks of the oneness and sameness of his essence with that of the Father. The term God, which in the foregoing words is to be taken Personally for God the Father, is here to be taken essen- tially, as it signifieth the Divine Being."

Burkitt. "Learn hence, 3d, his Divine essence. The Word was God. Here St. John declares the Divinity, as he did before the eternity of our blessed Savior. The Word was God, say the Socinians, that is a god by office, not by nature, as being God's ambassador."

Tholuck. “By @sos the Evangelist wished to designate that Divine essence in which the Son was equal to the Father."

Erasmus, "

dicere vult; Verbum particeps erat Divinæ essentiæ.” In the former part of this pamphlet, I have shown that the ancient Councils and the Protestant Reformers of the 16th century agree in regarding the word God as the absolute name of Jehovah, indicating his essence. In addition to this I show that Tertullian, Pearson, Waterland, Usher, Stillingfleet, Bloomfield, Stuart, Hodge, and Tholuck, agree in this view; to these I have now added the name of almost every Commentator whose works are within my reach. I can not fancy in what quarter Dr. L. has pushed his inquiries to assert, as he has done, his firin conviction, that not "a single writer of emi- nence can be brought forward to controvert his position that Elohim is a re- lative term."

But to all this, Dr. Legge replies, “I have carefully counted the number of times in which Elohim is used in the O. T. The word is used in all 2,555 times.....With relative force apparent, 1,476 times; with the definite article, 357 times; and simply (i, e. standing absolutely), as in the first verse of Gene- sis, 722 times."

Before Dr. Legge expects us to lay any stress upon these numbers, he should have shown that the absolute name of a Being, or the absolute appellative name of a class of beings, can not be used with relative force apparent," as the word Elohim is in the O. T.; or else his numbers all go for nothing. In some languages, the phrases "my man” and “

"my woman are used to desig- nate the relationship of husband and wife (or, as it is commonly said in Eng- lish, man and wife), and yet no one would question the fact that the word man in these languages was an absolute, appellative noun. If the question was raised, to what class of beings does this individual belong, it would bring out an answer that would at once settle the point. Ans. "He is a man." Here the word man, being the predicate of the sentence, tells us of what nature the being in question is; as we saw above the word God declares in the 1st verse of St. John Gospel, and in the sentences, “Very God and very inan,” &c.

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Take another instance: Suppose a lady called her husband, or her son, "my Charles;" and that upon reading a memoir of her, we should find that the phrase, "my Charles," occurred 1476 times, whereas the word Charles stood absolutely only 722 times: what would be thought of the inference that this word “Charles” was a mere relative term, which signified husband or son, the reader being left in doubt which was the definite relation indicated, as Dr. L. is with respect to the relation designated by the word God. Those who consider the word God as an absolute appellative noun, find no difficulty at all in accounting for the use of the word God in these 1476 cases, where Dr. L. says it " is used with relative force apparent;" for the Being whose absolute name it is, stands in many relationships to us, several of which rela- tionships (it is worthy of remark) and not one only, this word is used to designate.

In a preceding part of this paper, I endeavored to show from this fact that the word God can not be a mere relative term:—e. g. we can say “God is the Creator; God is the Supreme Ruler; God is our Preserver; &c., predi- cating every relationship which the Supreme Being sustains to us, of the word God, without any sense of tautology or impropriety. Could we do this if the word God were not the absolute name of the Being designated, but a mere title expressing any one of these relationships. If this was the character of the word, should we not have tautology when we predicated that relation- ship of the word: e. g. of the relationship designated by that of Creator to creatures, as Dr. L. says it is on p. 5 of his Argument, to say that God is our Creator is equivalent to saying “the Creator is our Creator:" the same if the relationship designated is that of "Supreme Ruler," or any other whatsoever, there would be a tautology if we predicated this relationship of the word God Now as we have no such difficulty in predicating each and every of the rela- tionships, in which we stand to the Supreme Being, of the word God, this word can not be a mere relative term—the mere exponent of any given one of these relationships.

But that which Dr. L. fancies will reduce the advocates of the absolute character of the word God to a complete dilemma, is the 245 instances in which the word "is applied away from him," e. i. Jehovah. He says, if “☺so; and Elohim express anything of the Divine nature, how is it that they are applied, away from Jehovah, to angels, judges, and to Moses? When Jehovah says to Moses, 'I will make thee a God to Pharaoh,' he promised what he actually did. But did he make Moses from being a man to become actually of the nature of God? Did he convert the unity of his human existence into a trinity of Divine existences? I dare not pursue the subject farther to its impious consequences.”

It is to be hoped that Dr. L. succeeded in filling his own mind with due horror at the impious consequences that must follow from regarding the word God as an absolute term, but I very much doubt if a single reader has shared these feelings with him. If, when Dr. L. declares, that," when Jehovah says to Moses, 'I will make thee a God to Pharaoh,' he promised what he did,” he means to assert that the word God is used propriè, and not metaphorically,

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and that we are to understand from the sentence above quoted, that God promised to make Moses really and truly a God, the consequences are quite as serious on Dr. L's theory as on my own. He says the correlatives are “God and creatures;" the Supreme Being is "constituted God by the act of creation;" “God is a relative term expressing a relation of which the one party could only be the Supreme Being." Now then, did Jehovah make Moses and Pharaoh to stand to each other in the relation of Creator and creature? By what act of creation was Muscs constituted God? If the party sustaining the relationship called God “could only be the Supreme Being,” was Moses changed into this Being? These absurdities are inevitable if the word God is here to be understood propriè ; but if we admit that it is used metaphorically, then the fact that Moses is called a God presents no difficulty to our regarding this word as an absolute term; for I have above given instances of the absolute nouns “mun” and “woman," to express the relation of husband and wife; and these words are also used by way of metaphor to express the qualities which distinguish men and women: eg. when we exhort a boy to “be a man," or call a man “an old woman and yet no one would contend that because of this usage the words “

" and " man

woman " have ceased to be absolute appellative nouns.

If Dr. L▲ had paused a moment to reflect upon the character of the absur- dity with which he wished to press his adversaries, he must, it seems to me, have seen that, if the word was to be understood propriè, the difficulty was equally great on either supposition; and that, if used metaphorically, the difficulty was at an end for both.

This point, viz. that the name God is a mere relative term, on which Dr. L. relics, and which he admits is essential to the success of Shángti, was much relied on, to sustain their views, by Dr. Clarke and his fellow Arians, who, in the early part of the 18th century disturbed the peace of the English Church, and brought on the most able discussion with respect to our Lord's Divinity that has been held in the English languge. To show the similarity of Dr. Legge's views to those of these writers, and at the same time to give a conclusive answer to them from one of our most sound and learned Divines, I will quote a few paragraphs from Waterland's Works.

"Dr. Clarke would indeed persuade us, that the proper Scripture notion of God is dominion; and that therefore any person having dominion, is, accord- ing to the Scripture notion, truly and properly God. This shall be examined but it will be convenient here to set down the Doctor's own words. The word (565, God, has in Scripture, and in all books of morality and religion, a relative signification; and nɔt, as in metaphysical books, an absolute one : as is evident from the relative terms, which in moral writings may always be joined with it. For instance, in the same manner as we say, my Father, my King, and the like; so it is proper also to say my God, the God of Israel, the God of the uni- verse, and the like: which words are expressive of dominion and government. But in the metaphysical way, it can not be said, ' my infinite substance,' the 'in- finite substance of Israel,' or the like. He repeats the observation (p. 290); and is very positive that the word God in Scripture is always a relative word of office, giving the same pretty reason for it as before. This shall be carefully considered, and the manner of speaking accounted for in the sequel.

"I shall only observe here, by the way, that the word star is a relative word, for the same reason with that which the Doctor gives for the other. For, the

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'star of your God Remphan ' (Acts vii, 43.) is a proper expression: but in the metaphysical way, it can not be said, the luminous substance of your God Remphan.' So again, water is a relative word; for it is proper to say, the wa- ter of Israel: but, in the metaphysical way, it can not be said, the fluid substance of Israel; the expression is improper." By parity of reason, we may make rela- tive words almost as many as we please. But to proceed: I maintain that dominion is not the full import of the word God in Scripture; that it is but a part of the idea, and a small part too; and that if any person be called God, merely on account of dominion, he is called so by way of figure and resemblance only; and is not properly God, according to the Scripture notion of it. We may call any one a king, who lives free and independent, subject to no man's will. He is a king so far, or in some respects: though in many other respects nothing like one; and therefore not properly a king. If by the same figure of speech, by way of allusion or resemblance, anything be called God, because re- sembling God in one or more particulars, we are not to conclude that it is properly and truly God.

"To enlarge somewhat further upon this head, and to illustrate the case by a few instances. Part of the idea that goes along with the word God is, that his habitation is sublime, and his dwelling not with flesh.' Dan. ii. 11. This part of the idea is applicable to angels or to saints, and therefore they may thus far be reputed God: and are sometimes so styled in Scripture, or ecclesiastical writings. Another part of the complete idea of God is giving orders from above, and publishing commands from Heaven. This was in some sense applicable to Moses; who is therefore called a God unto Pharaoh :' not as being properly God, but instead of God in that instance, or that resembling circumstance. In the same respect, every prophet or apostle, or even minister of a parish, might be figuratively called God. Dominion goes along with the idea of God, or is part of it; and therefore kings, princes and magistrates, resembling God in that respect, may, by a like figure of speech, be styled Gods: not properly; for then we might as properly say, God David, God Solomon, or God Jeroboam, as King David, &c.; but by way of allusion, and in regard to some imperfect re- semblance which they bear to God in some particular respects; and that is all. It belongs to God to receive worship, and sacrifice, and homage. Now, be- cause the heathen idols so far resembled God, as to be made objects of worship, &c., therefore they also, by the same figure of speech, are by the Scripture de- nominated Gods, though at the same time they are declared, in a proper sense, to be no Gods. The belly is called the God of the luxurious (Phil. iii. 19.), because some are as much devoted to the service of their bellies, as others are to the service of God; and because their lusts have got the dominion over them. This way of speaking is in like manner grounded on some imperfect resem blance, and is easily understood. The prince of the devils is supposed, by most interpreters, to be called the God of this world,' 2 Cor. iv. 4. If so, the rea- son may be, either because the men of this world are entirely devoted to his service, or that he has got power and dominion over them.

"Thus we see how the word God, according to the popular way of speaking, has been applied to angels, or to men, or to things inanimate and insensible; because some part of the idea belonging to God has been conceived to belong to thein also. To argue from hence that any of them is properly God, is mak ing the whole of a part; reasoning fallaciously, a dicto secundum quid, as the schools speak, ad dictum simpliciter. If we inqure carefully into the Scripture notion of the word, we shall find, that neither dominion singly, nor all the other instances of resemblance, make up the idea, or are sufficient to denominate any- thing properly God. When the prince of Tyre pretended to be God (Ezek. xxviii. 2), he thought of something more than mere dominion to make him

*It is very obvious to perceive where the impropriety of such expressions lies. The word substance, according to the common use of language, when used in the singular number, is supposed to be intrinsic to the thing spoken of, whose substance it is; and indeed to be the thing itself. My substance is myself: and the substance of Israel is Ísrael, And hence it comes to be improper to join substance with the relative terms, understand. ing of it something extrinsic."

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so; he thought of strength invincible, and power irresistible: and God was pleased to convince him of his fully and vanity, not by telling him how scanty his dominion was, or how low his office; but how weak, frail, and perishing his nature was; that he was man only, and 'not God,' ver 2, 9, and should surely find so by the event. When the Lycaonians, upon the sight of a miracle wrought by St. Paul (Acts xiv, II ), took him and Barnabas for gods, they did not think so much of dominion, as of power and ability beyond human: and when the apostles answered them, they did not tell them that their dominion was only human, or that their office was not Divine, but that they had not a Divine nature; they were weak, frail, and feeble men, of like infirmities with the rest of their species, and therefore no Gods.

If we trace the Scripture notion of one who is truly and properly God, we shall find it made up of these several ideas; infinite wisdom, power invincible, all-sufficiency, and the like. These are the ground and foundation of dominion, which is but a secondary notion, a consequence of the power: and it must be supremne dominion, and none else, which will suit with the Scripture notion of God. It is not that of a governor, a ruler, a protector, a lord, or the like; but a sovereign Ruler, an almighty Protector, an omniscient and omnipresent Go- vernor, an eternal, immutable, all sufficient Creator, Preserver, and Protector. Whatever falls short of this is not properly, in the Scripture notion, Ged; but is only called so by way of figure; as has before been explained. Now, if you ask me why the relative terms may properly be applied to the word God, the reason is plain; because there is something relative in the whole idea of God; namely, the notion of Governor, Protector, &c. If you ask why they can not be so properly applied to the word God in the metaphysical sense, beside the reason before given, there is another as plain; because metaphysics lake in only part of the idea, consider the nature abstracted from the relation, leaving the relative part out.' Waterland's Works, Vol. I. p. 33–35.

The word God, as I intimated in the first part of this Essay, does not stand for a single idea, but for an assemblage of ideas, some of which relate to the nature of the Being so called, and some to the relations he sustains. When used metaphorically, any one of these may form the basis of the metaphor; if, however, we desire to give a full definition of the word when used propriè, we should mention both classes; those which refer to nature (such as neces- sary existence, wisdom, power, &c., &c.), being however "the ground or foundation" of the relative, the mention of them is indispensable in all defini- tions of the word, as I have observed above; the mention of the relative is not indispensable as we have scen, because we may conteinplate God as existing from eternity, before there were any beings to stand in any relation to him. Dr. Legge, when he insists that God is a mere relative term, which tells us nothing of the nature of the Being indicated, discards the whole class of fundamental ideas, and gives us a word which can not be used to express the doctrine of the Trinity as the word God is used in the Creeds of the Catholic Church; which can not be used as the word God is in the documents I have quoted, to teach the Divine nature of Christ; in short, a word which differs from the fog used in St. John's Gospel, and by orthodox Christian writers from the beginning. He must therefore be wrong in his view of the word.

This note has already extended to great length, but I must say a word to Dr. L.'s statement that we can not with the word Shin express the doctrine of the Trinity. He asks, "Does the word God standing absolutely, without definitive of any kind, denote a Being who is possessed of a Divine nature; or the Being who sustains the relation of supreme dominion? If the former

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be taken, the Athanasian formula is equivalent to 'The Father is A Being who possesses a Divine nature, the Son is A Being who possesses a Divine nature, &c.'"

It is difficult to persuade oneself that Dr. L. is serious in all this. To his question, however, I will answer that the word God denotes the Being who is possessed of the only true Divine nature that exists, which Being sustains to his creatures the relationship of Supreme Ruler, and many others also.

If the word God, as used in this formula, is an absolute term denoting nature; then, as Dr. L. admits that shin denotes nature and ti does not, the inference is that the word shin is a suitable one to express the Trinity, and that ti and its compounds are not. But Dr. L. insists that if we attempt to state the doctrine of the Trinity in Chinese, by the use of this word, it will be "the Father is a Shin,” &c., &c. In answer to this, we have only to inform the English reader that the Chinese has no article, and that the phrase

XT, may without any violation of Chinese grammar be explained to

mean the Father is the one only true and living Shin, to remove all apprehen- sion from his mind on this score; and as we, who advocate the use of Shin, are monotheists, the reader may rest assured that we will tell the Chinese that although they have heretofore supposed “that there were shin (gods) many, and chú (lords) many, that to us there is but one Shin ;”—“ that the Father is this Shin, the Son is this Shin, and the Holy Ghost is this Shin," and that there is yet, as we said above, “to us, but one Shin.”

Dr. Legge must know that there is nothing easier than for us to say this in Chinese, and if he believes that the unity of the Godhead consists in a oneness of nature, I should be glad to know why the fact that the word Shin is an absolute appellative noun, unfits it to express the "Scriptural doctrine" of the Trinity. If he regards the Divinity of the Savior as “a mere relative divini- ty," and is prepared to stand to his position that "the view of Elohim as a relative term, exhibits the doctrine of the Trinity in its Scriptural simplicity, and establishes the Divinity of Christ upon its proper evidence,” then I can easily understand why he should maintain that we can not with Shin (an absolute term) express the doctrine of the Trinity in its Scriptural simplicity :” but if he regards the Divinity of the Savior as absolute, if he regards him as "the very and eternal God,” as “very God and very man;" if he believes, as he tells us on p. 57 of his Letters, "that the Father, Son, and Spirit are 'one in substance,' SO that there are not three Gods but one God;” then I can not understand what difficulty he can possibly see in the way of his expressing the doctrine of the Trinity in its Scriptural simplicity by the use of an absolute appellative noun.

I should be glad to see Dr. L. reconcile his views above quoted, viz., that "the Father, Son and Spirit are ‘one in substance,' SO that there are not three Gods, but one God,” with the opinion that we must use a mere relative term which does not indicate essence or nature to express the doctrine of the Trinity in its Scriptural simplicity. I should like him also to point out what difficulty there can be in expressing that wherein the oneness of the Trinity consists by the use of a term signifying nature, if that oneness consists in nature. If

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his answer is that the difficulty consists not in the absolute character of the word shin, but in the fact of its being an appellative noun, this militates direct- ly against his position that a relative term alone can express this doctrine in its Scriptural simplicity; besides he has told us that relative nouns, as well us absolute, are appellative; which being the case, we should be glad to know why an absolute appellative must give place to a relative appellalive in our teaching the scriptural doctrine of the Trinity ?

If to this Dr. L. replies, “Some relative terms are similarly construed," i.e. either with or without the article; that is the reason why we must have a relative appellative: our answer is, In Chinese there is no article; in this re- spect there is no difference between Shȧngti and Shin; and in English, his favorite phrase and the word God, tried by this test, can not be reconciled: he can not with “grammatical propriety" say, “Supreme Ruler made the world." Argument, p. 4.

(Note B., referred to on page 6C0.)

While we are engaged with this author, I will call attention to some very remarkable temples mentioned by him. He says, “In China, at the time of the former Fived ynasties (A.D. 907—959), there was a temple to ‘Hien Shin,’ or ' Yảu Shin,' and another to the Fire, Hien or Yuu Shin.” During the Táng dynasty (A.D. 620—904), there were religious books from Persia. The fourth year of Tien-pau (A.D. 745), the Emperor cominanded the two Persian monasteries to be changed into Ta-tsin (Romish) monasteries (Nestorian ?). We have also a Tablet giving an account of the spread of the King kiảu (Illustrious religion) in China, written by King Tsing in the second year of Kien-chung (A.D. 781). Now to explain the character Hien, or Yáu πík,

it is from shi and from tien and is the god (Shin) of Heaven, whose religion arose in Palestine ;* which originally was on the eastern borders of the Roman empire (Tá-tsin).†_That which is called the “Foreign Yáu,” is the "Yau Shin," which is the same as the Shin of heaven,‡ and belongs to the Roman empire as I suppose,§ and is the origin of the religion of Jesus. With respect to the religion of the God of Fire (Ho Shin) it came from Persia, and has no connection with the Roman Empire (Ta-tsin); should we

'Fuh-lin, i, e. Judea. Moses first established this country : Jesus was a des- cendant of his.

Tu-tsin is the country of Rome in Italy or Roman empire. The Chinese observing that the men thereof in height and size were very like theniselves, called it Ta-tsin, but the natives themselves did not call it by this name.

“The character You (or Hien, as others read) was originally made by the Chinese men; the people of the west have not a coinmon mode of writing with Chinese men; how then came they by this character ?” His astonishment seems to arise from this Chinese character's being given on the Temple as the name of the foreign God.

§ Palestine, from the time of the Han dynasty, began to serve Rome; but from the time of the Tang dynasty it was captured by the Arabians.

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say that it (the religion of the god of Fire) was the same with the 'Ho Yáu,' this would he to confound the god of Fire with the God of Heaven: to say that the religion of the Persians comes from the Roman Empire (Ta-lsin) is like the erroneous derivation of my family from one of another surname. The Tab- let about “the (King kiau) Illustrious Religion" (i. e. that described on the Syrian Monument) is still more erroneous. The King kiáu is the religion of the fire worshipers: in the Tablet it is said, 'a bright star proclaimed the happy event; "he suspended the bright sun in order to break open the abodes of darkness; at mid-day he ascended to heaven:' all which refers to the sun's fire. It being also said in the Tablet, ‘he determined in the form of the cross to establish the four quarters;' and, ‘once in seven days they have scr- vice,' implicates it with the Tien-chú kiáu (Romish religion). When it speaks of the three-one, mysterious bodied, uncreated, true Lord Aloho, I do not

know what man (A) is referred to. And the composition of the whole

piece is in the exaggerated style of the dregs of the Budhists: it (the King kiáu) is not the religion of Fire; it is not that of Heaven (i. e. the Nestorian); it is not that of Budha: we are entirely at a loss to know by what name to call this religion; for the Persians sacrificing to the god of Fire was an ancient custom that originated among themselves, and the religion of Budha prevailed in India, its (Persia's) eastern neighbor. The religion of the God of Heaven prevailed in the Roman empire (Tá-tsin) its western neighbor. From the time of the Tang dynasty, the Tien-chú kiáu of the Roman empire (Ta-tsin) flourished more extensively, and a clever foreign priest (King Tsing, the writer of the Tablet it is to be supposed) united the three religions, and made out of them one, to which he gave the name of King kiảu, “Illustrious religion” (or he may mean to insinuate that the priest meant it should be understood as the religion of King this being his own name), in order to exalt himself. In China the origin was not known, the people therefore followed his story and honored and believed in it, exactly according to what Chung Li says, “You only like to hear what is strange.'

It is also said in the Tablet, that in the twelfth year of Ching-kwán (A.D. 639), Olopan, a man of great virtue, of the Roman Empire (Ta-tsin), has brought sacred books and images from afar, and presented them at our capital. This Olotuk (misprint, I presume for Olopun) coming from the Roman empire (7'a tsin) was no doubt of the Tien-chú kiáu (Romish religion); and his sacred books were the Holy Books and Gospels that have been transmitted to us from Europe: the images were those of Jesus on the cross; but we do not hear that, at that time, they had those images. With respect to that which is called King kiáu, its depending upon (being derived from?) the religion of the Persian god of Fire, and having its images, dresses, decorations, &c., from the Budhists-this is what I can not explain.

"From the time of the Tang dynasty, the Budhist religion has flourished: the temples of the Foreign Yau and of the Fire Yau, and the religion of Persia and of Ta-tsin, have all not been again seen. According to western writers, in the northern country of Africa, called Abyssinia, the Ta-tsin “Ro-

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man," (perhaps Nestorian) religion still exists; it still is also the name of the religion of the Persian fire-god."

The three temples abovementioned are objects of great interest to us, and I trust we shall be able to learn from what source His Excellency obtained

his information, and thus get access to a fuller account of them.

The character

is explained as the name of a foreign god, sc. 胡神

in the following Dictionaries:-

說文通釋,篆字彙,正字通。韻府音韻府約編

It is read by all Hen: the alone reading it also Yáu. If our author is correct in saying that this Shin was the same as the Shin who gave the law at Mount Sinai, then I think there can be but little doubt the charac- ter should be read Yau, as the Being designated by the builders must in that case have been IAN, i. e. Jehovah; for the Nestorians could not have built a temple to any false god.

I have translated Tá-win throughout “Roman empire,” as the author so explains it himself. It may mean (though I doubt it) Judea, in the Syrian Monument, but this author does not so understand it. He can make nothing of the Monument at all, as the reader will perceive. Because in the Tablet it is said, “a bright star proclaimed the happy event," and that, "Persians, seeing its brightness, came with presents,” he concludes the people mention→ ed were Parsoes, or worshipers of fire.

ART. II. Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie, le Thibet, et la Chine, pendant les Années 1844, 1845, et 1846. Par M. Huc, prêtre missionaire de la Congrégation de St.-Lazare. 2 tomes. Paris, 1850.

[THE arrival of MM. Huc and Gabet in Canton, in Sep. 1846, from Tibet is noticed in Vol. XV, page 526 (though the former is there called Evariste), and the hope is expressed that the public may be favored with some account of their journey. This has at length been done, in two volumes, under the title given above. An account of the commencement and course of M. Huc's journey is given on pp. 617-624 of the last volume of the Repository, in an extract from a letter written by himself in the "Annals de la Foi;" in the absence of a fuller notice, and not having the volumes themselves, we have inserted the following article from the number of Colburn's New Monthly Magazine, for September, 1850. In doing so, we have inserted the Chinese characters for some of the towns on the route, and added a few topographical notes, which are put in brackets.-Ed. Ch. Rep.]

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THE French mission at Peking, which flourished under the first emperors of the Tartar-Manchú dynasty, was broken up and almost totally dispersed, by the frequent persecutions of Kiáking, who ascend- ed the throne in 1799. The missionaries themselves were either put to death or driven out of the empire, while the converts hastened beyond the Great Wall, to search for peace and tranquillity in the deserts of Mongolia, where the Mongols permitted them to cultivate, here and there, small tracts of land.

After the lapse of some time, the missionaries succeeded in gathering together the scattered members of their flock, and took up their abode with them in the "Grass-lands" (tsáu-ti ); and in 1842, the Pope nominated an apostolic vicar to all Mongolia, whose residence was at Si-wan,* a Chinese village north of the Great Wall, and one day's journey from Siuen-hwá fút. In the year 1844, two missionaries, Messrs. Huc and Gabet, were commissioned by the said vicar of Mongolia to explore, and, if possible, to determine the extent and limits of the vicariat! And it is to a journey undertaken with such strange objects in view, that we are indebted for one of the most remarkable narratives of travel in "Tartary, Tibet, and China," that has appeared since of the days the "Lettres Edifiantes et Cu- rieuses," or of more modern and authentic narratives. But while we have, in the pages of Huc, the merits of a Du Halde, a Barrow, a De Guignes, and a Turner, with, in some respects, advantages over al his predecessors; whether it is that so much is really marvelous in those remote and central lands, or that such isolation and remoteness beget a superstitious love of the strange and the wonderful, it is im- possible to peruse the narrative of this last wanderer in Tartary and Tibet, and not be reminded of those incredible statements which were so much criticised in Renaudot's translation from the Arabic, till confirmed by Marco Polo; or to see revived before us that which has been deemed romance and exaggeration in Mendez Pinto, Juan Gonzales de Mendoza, and Athanasius Kircher, and for recording which even Du IIalde has been taxed with credulity. It is, however, extremely difficult to separate the true from the exaggerated, and the romantic from the hyperbolic, in what relates to China. A knowledge of Eastern manners and habits—of the subserviency and pliability of the missionary character, not in all, but in the generality of cases—and

[* Siuenhwá fú is the chief town of the department of the same name, lying within the Wall Siwan is in the inferior department, or circuit of Kaupeh tâu, which includes a vast region inhabited by Mongolian shepherds, who settle on the tsáu-lf, or grass-lands found in the Desert.]

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of the ready duplicity and presumptuous vanity of Orientals, will best assist the reader in eliminating the real from the unreal, and the graphic from the too-highly colored.

The history of the Roman Catholic missions in China is, it may be here observed, a very remarkable one. The labors of the first mem- bers of the Society of Jesus in these countries were recorded in letters, written to the father-general of the Inquisition, published at Rome as early as in 1586, and again in 1591. In 1601, Luis Guzman published, at Alcala, the "Historia de las Missiones," &c. In the same year a Dutch history of the missions was published at Dillingen; and a French account appeared at Lille in 1617, and at Paris the same year. This latter work, by Father Ricci, was one of the best of its time; but the Jesuit was true to his calling: when ordered to make a general geo- graphical map of the world for the emperor, he contrived to place China in the centre.

Numerous works continued to make their appearance, recording the labors or special travels of the Jesuits during the seventeenth century. Among the most remarkable of these was the now rare and valuable work of Navarrete, “Tratado Historico, Politico, y Moral de la China," published at Madrid in 1676. The author being sent to Rome, to remonstrate for the Chinese missionaries against their customary mode of conversion, they induced the Inquisition to suppress the second volume, and to prol:ibit the third from going to the press. The works of Father Lecomte, “Nouveaux Mémoires sur l'Etat présent de la Chine," published in Paris in 1696; and that of Father Le Gobien, "Histoire de l'Edit de l'Empereur de la Chine en faveur de la Religion Chrétienne, et un Eclaircissement sur les Houneurs que les Chinois rendent à Confucius et aux Morts,” published in Paris in 1693, were far too liberal and comprehensive for the age in which they appeared, and were burnt by order of the Parliament of Paris. It is quite evident, that in the latter part of the seventeenth century the Chinese were in advance in toleration over those who pretended to preach to them. The works of Fathers Gobien and Lecomte were reprinted in 1701-2, and were the foundation of Du Halde's great work. The most valu- able work published by the Jesuits on China, "Mémoires concernant 'Histoire," &c., in sixteen volumes, did not appear till 1775, and following years.

Tibet and Central Asia are still almost terra incognita. Modern geo- graphers and philologists, as De Guignes, D'Anville, Malte-Brun, Ré- musat, and Klaproth, are all at variance as to where Karakorum, the capital of the vaunted but imaginary Prester John, and of his conqueror,

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the mighty Ghengis Khan, is situated; and few have lived to tell the tale of their visit to H'lassa, "the Land of Spirits," the Mone-Duh, or "Eternal Sanctuary," of the Mongols. We have a so-called journey of an Englishman, in the suite of the Dalai or Tala Lama, printed in the Minerva for the year 1792; and an account of the beginning and present states of the mission to Tibet was published at Rome in 1742. Mr. Turner published his well-known account of his ambassy to the court of the Grand Lama in 1800—without comparison the most valuable work that has yet appeared on Tibet; but still so little is known, that Bell, in his valuable "System of Geography," appeals to his readers upon the impossibility of giving anything beyond a very general account of a country so little known, and so inaccurately repre- sented in the very best of modern maps.

The last journey of the Lazarist missionaries, who have in our times succeeded to the Jesuits, was more successful than any of its predeces- sor. Starting from a small Christian establishment, situate in a re- mote district beyond the Great Wall of China, it assumed to itself the extravagant and ambitious objects of determining the unexplored limits of a nominal Mongolian vicar-generalship; and it records in a style which, as before remarked, more than reminds one of the works of the Jesuits of old, the experience, the observations, and the occurrences of actual times. This is truly the romance of olden travel and olden pilgrimages, revived for the especial amusement of a generation. greedy of novelty and adventure.

Far away as the Lazarist settlement may be, it does not appear to be altogether destitute; for previous to the departure of the mission, camels had to be sent for, the property of the mission, but at that time pasturing amidst the Mongol tribe (or kingdom, as M. Huc calls it, from the chief of the tribe being designated as wáng, or king) of Naiman. The missionaries awaited the camels at the pass called Pia-lia Kau, in the territory of the tribe Ouniot. This is a country, according to M. Huc, once inhabited by the Coreans, and amidst which ruins of great cities, and of castles, resembling those of the middle ages, are still to be met with. It is a very stormy district; and the reverend father declares that he saw hailstones weighing twelve pounds! Such storms destroy a whole flock of sheep in a few moments. In 1843, a piece of ice is said to have fallen as large as a millstone. The first day's journey introduces us to a Tartar hostelry, which, to avoid repetition, had better be described at once :—

A Tartar inn comprises an immense square space, inclosed by long poles inter- Inced with wicker-work. In the midst of the square is a mud hut, never more than ten feet high. With the exception of one or two miserable chambers to the

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right and left, the interior is one vast appartement, which serves at once as a kitchen, a refectory, and a dormitory. When travelers arrive, they repair at once to the appartement, essentially dirty, stinking, and full of snioke. A long and wide kang awaits them. A kang is a kind of oven, which occupies three-fourths of the root. It is only about four feet high, and the roof is flat and smooth; a reed matting covers the floor, and upon this rich people spread cloths of felt. Three immense coppers are buried in glazed earth in front of this oven, in which the travelers' food is prepared. The openings by which these coppers are heated are prolonged beneath the kang, so that even during the extreme cold of winter the latter is warm. As soon as a traveler arrives, the "intendant of the trea- sury invites him to ascend into the kang, where he sits down, tailor-fashion, with his legs crosswise, around a great table, the feet of which are not more than five or six inches high. The lower part of the room is reserved for the attendants, who go to and fro, keep up the fire under the boilers, make tea, or oatmeal cakes. The kang of these Tartaro-Chinese inns is the most animated and picturesque theatre that can be imagined; it is there that people eat, drink, smoke, play, scream, and fight. When night comes on, the kang, which during day-time has served as a restaurant, an estaminet, and a tap, is suddenly transformed into a dormitory. "The inspector of darkness " strikes a few blows on a tam-tam, and the travelers unfold their counterpanes, if they have any; if not, they cover themselves with their clothes, and lie down close to one another.

When the hosts are numerous, they are arranged upon two.lines, their feet touching one another. But though every one goes to bed, all do not go to sleep; while some snore away in the most conscientious manner, others smoke, drink tea, or indulge in noisy conversation. This fantastic picture, half lit up by the dull flame of a murky lamp, fills the mind with feelings of fear and horror.

W39

The missionaries adopted on their journey the secular dress of Tibetan lamas, or priests, a costume which, if rather theatrical, certainly well adapted to insure them safety and respect. It consisted of a yellow gown, fastened on one side by five gilt buttons, and to the waist by a long red sash. Over this gown, a red waistcoat, with a little collar of violet-colored velvet, was worn, while a yellow cap, with a red top-knot, completed the fantastic garb. They were accom- panied by only one native, a dchiahour, as M. Huc writes it; giaour, as it is ordinarily written; but more correctly jawur (infidel). This nondescript bore the little euphonious name of Samdad-chiemba. He had run away when a mere boy froin a lamazary, or monastery of lamas, and had been converted by the Lazarists to Christianity. They had tents, and also a faithful dog, yclept Arsalan, or the lion, whose duty it was to bark on the approach of strangers. When they encamped at night, after pitching the tent, the first duty was, as with the Arabs, to collect argols, or dry dung, for fuel, or shrub-wood if they could get it, to light a fire, and to prepare a soup of water, hwa mien, a kind of macaroni, and a lump of salt pork. In the morn- ing, they made tea with oatmeal porridge.

On their way, next day, they met with an obo—a cairn, or pile of stones—dedicated by the Tartars to the spirit of the place. The latter make offerings of money, bits of rag tied to branches, &c.

When the

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Chinese go by, they also bow to the spirit, but take care to appropriate to themselves any offerings of value. These obos are to be met with at every mountain pass, and upon most uplands. Traversing the country of Gechekten, which is said to abound in gold and silver mines, M. Huc takes the opportunity to relate, that in these countries there are men who are endowed with the faculty of discovering mines, which will remind the reader of a superstition still existing in our own country; and he adds, that such men sometimes gather around them thousands of fol- lowers, who become addicted to all kinds of crimes and excesses.

"of

The first town the mission arrived at was that of Tolon-nor, or, the Seven Lakes," called Lama Miau, or Convent of Lamas, by the Chinese; Nadan Omo, by the Manchus; and Tsot Dun, by the Tibetans. This city of Tolon-nor is described as being immensely populous, and very commercial. Russian merchandise comes there from Kiakta. The Tartars are constantly bringing herds of oxen, camels, and horses; and take back with them tobacco, cloth, and brick tea. "This perpetual afflux of strangers imparts to it a most animated appearance. Pedlers run about the streets offering to pas- sengers different minor objects for sale; merchants invite the passer-by with flattering speeches into their shops; while the lamas, with their gaudy dresses of red and yellow, seek to win admiration by their skill in galloping horses through the narrow streets." The magnificent statues in iron and brass, that come out of the founderies of Tolon- nor, are not only renowned throughout Tartary, but in the most remote districts of Tibet. The missionaries caused a Christ to be cast, after a magnificent bronze model from France, and it was so well done, that it was difficult to distinguish between the model and the copy. Notwithstanding all this prosperity, the streets are narrow and tortuous, and nothing is met with but mud and cloaca. When the missionaries arrived at Tolon-nor, they were not long in discovering a triangular flag floating before a house. This was the sign of a restaurant;

We went in, and a long passage led us into a spacious room, in which numerous little tables were arranged with much order and symmetry. We sat down at one of these, and a tea-pot was instantly brought to us. Tea is the necessary prelude to every repast. While occupied in filling ourselves with tea, we received the visit of the "intendant of the table." He is generally a person of refined manners, endowed also with great volubility of speech; he knows every one, and everybody's affairs. He finished his speech, however, by asking the order of service, and he repeated the words in a chant to the "governor of the kitchen." Travelers are served with great promptitude; but before beginning to cat, etiquette demands that the traveler should rise and go and invite one after another every one of the guests who may happen to be in the room. "Come, come altogether!" is exclaimed, suiting the gesture to the word; “come and drink a little glass of wine, and eat a little rice." ́« Thank you, thank you!”

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answer those present; "Come rather and sit at our table, it is we who invite you.' After this ceremonious proceeding, one's honor has been shown, as they say in the country, and the traveler may take his repast as a man of quality. Everything is done in the Flowery Land with similar manifestations of politeness. We learn elsewhere that when robbers accost the wayfarer, they do so in the most modest and civil manner possible.

My elder brother," they say, "I am tired of going on foot; do lend me your horse;" or, "I am without money, do be so kind as to lend me your purse. It is very cold to-day, lend me your cloak." If the elder brother is sufficiently charitable to lend all these things, they say to himn,

Thank you, brother;" but if not, the humble request is backed by blows of a stick; and if that does not suffice, they have recourse to a sword.

Tolon-nor* is situated in the midst of a pathless country of moving sands, across which the travelers had some trouble in finding their way, and it was with great difficulty that they succeeded in finding a station with water even the first night of their departure.

Λι every station at which the missionaries encamped to make their Tartar tea, they planted a little wooden cross in token of the spiritual claim to the country given to them by the Pope. Tartar tea is made by breaking off a little bit of the bricklike masses in which coarse tea is pressed, pulverizing it, and boiling it till the water becomes red; a handful of salt is then thrown into the kettle, and boiling is carried on till it be- comes black; a bowl of milk is then added, and the infusion, which is the delight of all Tartars, is decanted into an urn for use. The conversation between travelers, when they meet in the Desert, is characteristic :—

"Lamas," the Tartar addressed the missionaries, "where is your country?"

"We are from beneath the westward heaven.”

"Over what countries have your happy shadows passed?" "We come from the town of Tolon-nor.”

"Has peace accompanied you in your journey?”

*[See Vol. XVIII., page 618. Tolon-nor

lies on the

Bouthern declivity of the In shán, and is probably the entrepôt of trade of the Sounites and other tribes which come in from the Desert, as well as of the nu- merous tribes of Inner Mongolia. The region has been erected into a ting dis- trict, subordinate to the circuit of Kaupeh, but the whole is under an officer living at Siucnhwa. The country around it is inhabited chiefly by Tsakhar Mongols, and the shepherds of the imperial flocks. The ruins of cities found east of this town, mentioned above, are probably those of Chinese towr. 3 and not the remains of Corean cities. It is quite erroreous to designate the tribes here- abouts as kingdoms, merely because their chiefs are styled wúng.]

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"Hitherto we have traveled in peace and you, are you in peace? Which is your country?"

"We are Khalkas from the kingdom of Murgevan.”

"Have the rains been abundant; are your flocks and herds prosperous ?"

"Everything is in peace in our pasturages."

"Whither is your caravan bound ?"

"We are going to prostrate ourselves before the 'Five Towers.' "'* A sudden storm discomfited our travelers at their next station, and but for a Tartar, who brought them a supply of dry argols, they must have gone supperless to bed. This Tartar had marched two years before against the "Rebels of the South," as the Chinese called the English, bat, being a Tchakar, had not been in action. His account of the war was truly national. When the enemy appeared, he related, the kitat, or militia, was as usual summoned to disperse them; but the enemy were marine monsters, who lived in the water like fish, and when least ex pected they came to the surface, and threw out fiery pumpkins (sí-kwá, so they called the shells). So the banuers of Sʊlon were put in motion, but they could not stand the heat of the south, and the emperor issued his orders that the Tchakar force should advance. A lama was attach- ed to each troop to protect them from the marine monsters; but when the rebels saw the invincible Tchakars adyancing, they became terri- fied, and sued for peace. The Holy Master, in his unmeasurable clemency, granted it to them, and we returned to our prairies to tend our flocks.

These Tchakars are all soldiers, and they are trooped under eight differently colored banners. They are strictly forbidden to cultivate the land, and they tend as well as their own flocks those of the em- peror, which are said to be immensely numerous. The horses alone are said to compose 389) herds of 1230 horses in each. This is about as good a specimen of Tartaro-Chinese exaggeration as was the ac- count of hail as large as millstones. These Tartars live in balloon- shaped huts, and like most pastoral people, are very hospitable. To approach them it requires a stick to keep off the ferocious dogs, but

*The Lamazıry of Wútii, or of the Five Towers, in the province of Shán- si, is the most famous place of sepulture of the Mongola. Budha himself is said to dwell in an adjacent mountain. Our readers will remember the story told of the precaution taken by the Rosicrusians to preserve the secret of the perpetual flame; cur travelers relate something similar of the tombs of Tartar princes, whose riches, buried with them, are defended from sacrilege by a number of bows which shoot arrows one after another at any one who ventures within the sepulchre.

VOL. XIX. NO. XII.

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this must be thrown aside on entering a tent or hut. The females shake hands as well as the men; they make the tea, and the childreu collect the argols. The men snuff inveterately. They also drink, but rarely, Mongolian wine, which is milk that has been first ferment- ed, and then coarsely distilled. The stench in the interior of these Tartar tents is, however, insupportable, and will sometimes turn a stranger's stomach. It arises from the butter and grease with which their clothes and furniture are impregnated. It is on account of these filthy habits that the Tartars are called by the Chinese, who are not themselves inodorous, the Tsáu Táh-tsz', or stinking Tartars.

On quitting the plains of the hospitable Tchakars, our travelers passed the small town of Chaborta, at the period of the festival called Yueh-ping. A tribe of Mongols were encainped here, and their clean- liness and hospitality are highly spoken of. But it is to be observed that the missionaries were here, as elsewhere, looked upon, from hav- ing adopted the costume of lamas, as learned and holy personages. They were constantly expected to cure diseases, draw horoscopes, tell fortunes, discover lost property, speak the words of wisdom, and shed felicity where their shadows fell. These good Mongols sent their children to the tents of the lamas of the West with continual presents of milk, butter, cheese, and loads of argols.

Three days' journey from Chaborta, our travelers stumbled upon the ruins of a walled city—“ an imposing and majestic relic of antiquity," according to their statement, and a memorial of the domination of the Mongols in the thirteenth century. Beyond this, they crossed the great road from Peking to Kiakta. The missionaries tell us that the Russian manufactures purchased at this latter great emporium are paid for in brick tea, which is the reason why the Chinese can sell clothes in China itself at a price less than they would fetch in Europe, and which is the reason, also, why English manufactures find little sale at the newly-opened ports of the south It would be necessary, accord- ing to this view of the case, to take tea in exchange for English goods, to enable England to compete with Russia in the Chinese markets.

Crossing the "kingdom" of Afa, our travelers came to the first hills, the acclivities of which were shaded with pines; but the plea- sure derived from the change was materially diminished by meeting, at the same time, three very independent-looking wolves. They, how- ever, soon found refuge in the lamazary of Tchortchi, a holy place,

[This occurs in the first half of the 8th moon, or the latter end of August; the name yuch-ping ineans ‘moon cakes,' and small round cakes, highly orus- mented, are sent to friends.]

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much favored by the emperor, and inhabited by two thousand lamas, or monks. These religious idlers live in good houses, and amidst every comfort. In the centre of the lamazary is the temple of Bud- ha—as usual, an incongruous pile of peristyles, with contorted pillars, steps, and terraces, and a central building, where is throned a gigan- tic statue of a sitting Budha. Although the Mongolian lamazaries are not so great nor so wealthy as those of Tibet, still some are very considerable; none more so than that of Kurun, in the country of the Khalkas, near the Russian frontier. Thirty thousand lamas are sup- ported at this great temple, around which pilgrims from far-off distances, including the Yu-pi Táh-tsz', or "Tartars with skins like fish," pitch their tents. The Guison Tamba, or Lama-king of Kurun, is a person much distrusted, and looked upon, from his power, with a very jealous eye by the imperial court. As in the case of the Tala Lama of Tibet, the lama of Kurun is supposed, or rather believed, never to die. He only transmigrates to another country, to return younger and fresher than ever. This is also the case with other lamas, and the metempsychosis is always sought for at the great lamazary of H'lassa, in Tibet, nor sought long in vain. Among the more cele- brated of these King-lamus, after those of H'lassa and Kurun, are those of Ninigan Lamana Kure, of the Blue City, of Tolon-nor, of Gé-ho Gul; and, within the Great Wall, of Peking and of Wútái hien in Shansí.

The day after leaving Tchortchi, our travelers were relieved of a haunch of venison, which they had purchased in the morning, by a voracious eagle, which carried it off at the very moment they had taken their places to discuss the delicacy! Passing from the country of the nomadic Mongols to that of the agricultural tribe of Tumet, the missionaries experienced what most other travelers have under similar circumstances annoyance at the change.

"Without knowing it,” says M. IIuc, "our tastes had undergone an insensible change, and the Desert of Mongolia had brought us to a temper friendly to peace and solitude. As a consequence, when we again found ourselves amidst cultivated lands, in the midst of the agitations, troubles, and strug- gles of civilized life, we felt ourselves, as it were, oppressed and suffʊ cated by civilization; air seemed to be wanting, and we felt as if we were about to die asphyxiated."

*[This designation would be more correct if it read, Tartars with skins of fishes," for these nomads from the shores of the Pacific and wilds of Manchuria, dress in garments made from the skins of fishes, principally using, it is said, those of the sturgeon.]

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Tumet* is, however, described as a flourishing country, well water- ed, fertile, with good houses, fine trees, and no poor. In this country is the great city of Kuku-khotn, or Kwei-hwa ching

"the Blue City," composed of two parts, at some distance from one another; one the commercial, the other the Manchu Tartar, or military city. In the latter, 10,000 soldiers are quartered under a tsiángkiun, or general of a military division. These troops are all Manchus. The reception given to the missionaries by the Chinese of the com- mercial city, who mistook them for 'Tartar lamas, was truly charac- teristic overstrained politeness, with no small spice of roguery. Luckily for them, they escaped all the traps laid out to ease them of their money, and succeeded, but not till after many droll adventures, in finding a home at the “Hotel of the Three Perfections, where tra- velers on horseback or camel are lodged, and all kinds of business transacted, without ever compromising success." Such was the in- scription which decorated the gateway in large Chinese characters. As a specimen of Chinese civilization, even in this remote city, the missionaries laid in at this place a stock of furred winter clothing- unredeemed pledges from the táng-pú, or pawnbrokers, which abound in all Chinese towns. Before leaving the Blue City, we may mention, that it is chiefly celebrated for its lamazaries, which are five great ones, each supporting two thousand monks, and an infinite number of smaller ones, and its camel markets.

When the missionaries quitted the Blue City, they had been already a month on their way to the west. As at Tolon-nor, the streets were so tortuous and narrow, and so beset with carts and horses, pedes- trians, and merchandise, that it was only with the greatest possible dif- ficulty that they could extricate themselves from the place. The se- cond day's journey they lost Arsalan. On their way they met with a caravan of Turk merchants, coinposed of ten thousand camels! They entered Tchagan Kurun, "the White City," by night. No hostelry would open its doors to their sorry caravan. The Chinese detest camels, which frighten their horses, and bear generally poverty-strick- en Tartars, only fit to be deceived and robbed. Luckily, the bleat- ing of sheep led them to a Tartar's dwelling, who received them (as lamas) most hospitably. This great and fine city does not find a place on existing maps. It lies close to the Upper Hwang Ho, or Yel-

* [The tribe of Tumet occupies a large part of the circuit of Kweis✪ táu in Chihli. The city of Kuku-khotu has two Chinese names, those of Kweihwa ching and Sui-yuen ching; the latter is probably the Manchu city.]

1 [This town, according to the position here given to it, is probably that call-

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low River, which at this moment had overflowed its banks, and, ac- cording to the missionaries, was like a sea, exceeding in width the reach of vision. It need scarcely be added, that it was with extreme difficulty that the passage was effected.

Our missionaries had now been six weeks on their journey without change of dress, and the sufferings that resulted from the colonization of their garments by vermiu was so great, that they set about purify- ing themselves with mercury. Vermin were, throughout, one of the greatest nuisances met with on their journey. It was impossible to sit down for a moment in a Chinese house or a Tartar hut without carrying away a number of these disgusting insects. not kill them, but throw them away to a distance. their numbers in the so-called lamazaries?

The lamas do What must be

Beyond the Hwang Ho our travelers entered upon the sandy steppes of the country of the Ortus. On these plains were many goat-like deer, hares, gray squirrels, and pheasants, all exceedingly tame. Our poor missionaries were saved from perishing, themselves and cattle, during a terrible storm that raged while they were crossing those plains, by the happy discovery of some artificial grottoes. Passing the lamaza- ry of Rach Tchurin, they arrived at the celebrated salt-lake of Dab- sun-nor, which at this season of the year was less a lake than a vast reservoir of effloresced salt. From this point they took a more souther- ly course, and passing a range of rocky mountains, they once more ferried the Yellow River, and rested for two days at Cha-tui-tse, hav- ing exchanged for a time the desert and nomadic life for such Chinese ease and conforts as were to be obtained at the “ Hotel of Justice and Mercy" (Ju-i Ting). A few miles beyond this town they crossed the Great Wall once more. At their next station, Wang-ho Po, they were far from finding the crowd of itinerant cooks, who filled the streets of Cha-tui-tse, bearing ragouts of beef and mutton, vegetables and pastry. There is a difference in different towns in this respect. Here there were nothing but dealers in corn and hay. Here they also joined a Chinese caravan, bound to Ning-hiá. On their way, they passed through, without stopping, at the third-class town of Ping-lo hien. One of the guard-houses, common to the high- ways in China, and to which a room for strangers is always attached,

ed Sararchi

by the Chinese, a ting district in the circuit of K weist in Chihlí. It lies uear the Turkun R., a tributary of the Yellow river, which empties in just where that stream returns south from its long course throngh the Desert Du Halde's maps place the town of Chahan at this spot.]

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offered them a place of repose. These guard-houses are decorated externally with rude paintings, representing the god of War, fabulous animals, grotesque shields, and all kinds of weapons. Towers used as fire-beacons, and a post recording roads and distances, are also at-

tached to these guard-houses. The approach to Ning-hiá,

f with its moss-and-lichen-clad ramparts and numerous pagodas, is de- scribed as very imposing; but the interior was poor, the streets, as usual, narrow, tortuous, and dirty.

Beyond, however, was a beautiful road, shaded by willow trees, with every here and there little shops, and this the length of a whole day's journey, where they sold to the numerous passers-by ready-made tea, boiled eggs, beans fried in oil, cakes, and an infinite variety of sweetineats. At night they found lodgings in the "Hotel of the Five Felicities," in the large and unwalled village of Hia-ho Po. A man- darin tried to dislodge them from their comfortable quarters, but so sure were the missionaries of their disguise, and of their intimacy with the language, that they refused to inconvenience themselves for the petty tyrant, although, at the very time, had it been known that they were Europeans, they would have been summarily put to death for traveling in the interior.

After two days' journey they arrived at Chungwei, a pros- perous, commercial, and clean city on the Hwang Ho, the populous banks of which river they quitted at this point to once more cross the Great Wall, and enter into the Tartar province of Alashan, which is crossed by a range of moving sand hills. The journey across these was one of exceeding difficulty; and it was with no small pleasure that they arrived at night at an oasis in the desert-the sta- tion of Chang-lien-shwui,

or of the Everflowing Waters! The high charges at the hostelries here induced the reverend mis- sionaries to record, that at this charming village, as elsewhere, there was always something that came to assist men in detaching themselves from (or rather disgusting them with) things here below. The village of the Everflowing Waters, its beautiful verdure and dear accommo- dations, was exchanged, next day, for Káu-tan-tse, described as a village "hideous and repulsive beyond expression." Every house was an inn, but accommodation was even dearer than at Cháng-lien shwui. Even water has to be fetched from a distance of sixty lí (eigh- teen miles). But this was not all: the place was said to be infested with robbers, and the inns were of two classes; those where they un- dertook to fight the robbers, and those where they did not fight. preserve their property, the men of peace were obliged to seek refuge

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a house where they undertook to defend the same, at a price quad- ruple what they would have had to pay elsewhere. The fact appears to be, that this was a village of banished malefactors, who were allow- ed to live there, upon condition of providing for officers on their journeys, and they made all who were not in authority pay, by robbery or extortion, for what was taken from thein by their masters.

The missionaries re-entered China at the gate called that of Sin- yu-tsin. They were asked for passports, but got over that difficulty by dint of assurance. Our travelers correct the commonly- received opinion as to the magnitude and strength of the Great Wall of China. In many places they say it is a mere earthen rampart, at others, a few stones loosely piled together. At "the Hotel of the Three Social Relations," to which they repaired at the next city, Chwáng-láng, the missionaries were, for the first time, sus- pected to be Europeans, and worse than that, English spies. They got out of this scrape by asking how marine monsters could be expected to live on the earth and travel on horseback? At the next town, Ho-kiau-í, called, in the maps, Tai-hung fu—a name no longer in use, for the Chinese are constantly changing the names of their towns-they stopped for some time at “the Hotel of Temperate Climates," while their jawur paid an eight days' visit to the tú-sz',

of Kánsuh.

his countrymen jawurs, who dwell in the province

On the return of the jawur, they crossed the mountain of Ping-ku to Láu-yáh pú ₺ Pé Œ, Old Duck village, where most of the men were engaged in knitting stockings. From Láu-yáh pú, the missiona- ries traveled in five days to the great, but not well-populated city of Sí- ning fú. The road thither was well kept, traversing a fertile cultivated country with trees, hills, and numerous rivulets. At Sí-ning fú, Tartars were not allowed to frequent the public inns. Houses of repose (sié kiá, as they were called), were provided for them, where they were supposed to be gratuitously entertained. After crossing the Great Wall upon two more different occasions, our tra- velers arrived at Tuug-kiíu-enl, a small, but populous and busy town, full of Tartars, Turks, Eluths, and other strangers, who walked about armed with swords, perpetually quarrelling with one another. Ilere they were received in a house of repose, it being the fourth month of their journey, and now mid-winter.

The missionaries had to wait at this station for the arrival of a caravan to cross the wild country of Tangut, or Koko-nor; and in the interval they busied themselves with studying the Tibetan language

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and Budhist works under a lama of the name of Sandara, a cousin to Samdad-chiemba. To facilitate still further these objects, and at the recommendation of Saudara, they shortly afterwards took up their quarters at the great lamazary of Kunbun. Hence they re- moved, after the lapse of three months, to the smaller lamazary of Tchogortan, more particularly devoted to the study of medicine, whence they finally started for the Blue Sea, where they were to await the caravan of a Chinese ambassador going to H'lassa.

The Blue Lake, called by the Mongols Koko-nor, by the Tibetans Tsot-ugon Po, is called by the Chinese Tsing Hai, or "Blue Sea." Such an immense reservoir of salt-water, being upwards of 300 miles in circumference, would appear almost to merit the title of an inland sea. There are no boats on the lake, but there is a lamazary on an island which, it is said, can only be reached in winter when the wa- ters are frozen. The environs of the lake are fertile in pasturage; the grass grows up to the height of a camel's back. M.

Iluc says

he could hear nothing of the Kalmucks, so much spoken of by geogra- phers the name was only to be found in that of a tribe of Koko-nor, called Kolo-Kalmuki. These Kolos have a bad reputation for preda- tory habits.*

The Chinese ambassy arrived towards the end of October, and was increased in numbers by Mongolian caravans, which took advantage of the same opportunity of going to H’lassa. The caravan was pro- tected by 300 Chinese soldiers on foot, and 200 mounted Tartars. The first days of the journey, says M. Huc, were all poetry—weather magnificent, the road open and good, waters limpid, pasturages rich and abundant. The nights were cold, but they had good skins to wrap themselves up in. After six days' journeying, they crossed the river Puhain Gul, which, being divided into many branches, occupied a territory of a league in width. The waters were frozen over, but not in sufficient strength to bear. Imaersion in these icy waters effec tually dispelled the poetry of the journey. Five days further on, they came to the river Tulain Gul, where the Chinese escort, who robbed the caravan in reality, while the Kolo bandits appear to have existed only in imagination, quitted them. The 15th of November they pass- ed from the magnificent plains of Koko-nor to the Mongolian district of Tsaidam, which was arid and stony, and affords salt and borax by merely digging wells a few feet in depth. In this region is the moun-

* [The Chinese maps place no Kalmuks around the Blue Sca; the tribes of Hoshoits, Turbeths, and Choros are the principal divisions of the Mongols found in this vast depression.}

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tain of Burham-bota,* concerning which the missionaries record the most incredible stories of its being enveloped in noxious gases, espe- cially carbonic acid, so that horses and men can only advance over it a few steps at a time, and are constantly falling down asphyxiated. It is possible that the elevation rising, as the mountain does, out of the high upland of Koko-nor, is sufficiently great to affect the brain and stomach. Mount Juga, which followed, presented equally formidable difficulties in a passage effected amid wind and snow. Our missiona- ries adopted the more comfortable than dignified alternative of sitting on their horses with their faces to the tail, thus literally backing through the storm. Mount Juga divided Tartary from Tibet, so the Tartar escort left them here, but there were still 2000 armed men be- longing to the caravan itself.

Early in December they crossed the Bayan kara, a spur which separates the headwaters of the Hwáng Ho from those flowing to the Kin-sha Kiáng. Beyond this they came to a valley where argols were abundant, and water was to be obtained beneath the ice—the two great luxuries of Tibetan and Tartar travel. Approaching the next day the Muru-ussu. or "Tortuous Water," one of the head-streams of the Kin-sha King

or Golden Sand R." they saw a herd of more than fisty wild buffaloes that had got caught in the ice, and could not extricate themselves. Eagles and crows had torn out their eyes!t This is another heavy demand upon the reader's good faith. Wild horses were also now seen frequently on the uplands. As they proceeded on their journey the cold kept increasing. It cer- tainly was a trying time of the year to be journeying in the uplands of Tibet. Camels, horses, oxen, and men, all suffered alike. Many animals fell victims to the severity of the weather. One young lama died by the wayside, looking like a figure of wax in the icy air. The caravan began to break up. The oxen could not keep up with the camels and horses, and there were not argols enough at the night sta- tions to support life in the whole caravan, More than forty men were

[Klaproth (in Timkowski) speaks of some of these mountains as being infect-

ed with thick fogs, and producing poisonous herbs; and M. Huc may here refer

巴爾布哈

to this peculiarity. Mt. Burham-bota lies northwest of the sources of the Yellow R ]

[This incident will not appear incredible (though it is probably unusual even in Koko-nor) to those acquainted with northern regions; on the rivers in North America, ice forms so rapidly at times that small steamboats are unable to force their way through it, and have been known to be frozen in midstream till a thaw liberated them. But M. Huc was now traveling on the parallel of Alexandria in Egypt !]

VOL. XIX. NO. XII.

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abandoned in the desert while still alive. This may appear exagge- rated, but it is not necessarily so. Life is less regarded in the East than in civilized countries; and in far less severe climates than that of Tibet, a winter journey is often accompanied with a great loss of life.

At the foot of the Tant-la mountains, the fragment of the caravan, consisting in all of eighteen persons, to which the missionaries had at- tached themselves, on the breaking up of the main body, was visited by the redoubtable Kolos, who, however, committed no depredations. M. Gabet was at this time very ill, and, according to M. Huc, half frozen! The passage of the mountains, which lasted twelve days, and was cheered by a warm sun shining on snow and rock, proved bene- ficial to him.

Beyond the Tant-la chain the soil gradually lowered to H'lassa, and the snows gave way to a fresh and abundant verdure. The Kolos were also succeeded by hospitable pastoral races. At length they ar- rived at a large Tibetan village on the Kara-ussu

or “black water river," of the Mongols.* At this station the mis- sionaries sold their camels, which had suffered severely from the long journey-one having also been accidentally burnt-for six oxen, animals better adapted for the stony districts which still lay between them and Il'lassa.

They also changed their company for that of a party of Kartchin Mongols, who were conducting a Chaberon, that is to say, a living Budha, to the "Eternal Sanctuary." This Chaberon was barely eigh- teen years of age, of a happy, lively disposition, and he seemned to view the character forced upon him as one of extreme unpleasantness. He would much rather have laughed and galloped about at his ease, than have rode in stiff dignity between two grave attendants, who never quitted his side.

As the traveler approaches to within a few days' journey of H'la- ssa, houses begin to take the place of black tents, and agriculture succeeds to pastoral life. At a place called Pampu, written incorrect- ly in the maps Panctou, the oxen were exchanged for asses, for there was still a very rugged mountain to cross before arriving at H'lassa ; and at length descending on the other side of this rocky chain, they came in sight of the metropolis of the Budhist world. Great white houses, terminating in platforms, surmounted by towers, numberless temples with golden roofs, and, rising above all, the vast palace of the

*[The R. Kara-ussu is the head stream of the Salween R., which disembo- guce at Maulmein. Its entire length is probably over 1600 miles.]

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Tala lama, imparted to H'lassa a majestic and imposing appearance. The missionaries arrived at this Tibetan city on the 29th of January, 1846, having been eighteen months on the journey we have briefly, but succinctly recorded; and they were received in a miserable lodg- ing, a single room, with a hole for a chimney, a vessel for burning argols in the centre, a window-frame without glass, and two deer- skins for beds. But our missionaries were poor and uncomplaining; they had greater miseries awaiting them in their attempt to preach the doctrines of Christ in the very heart of the Budhist superstitions.

H'lassa is not a great town, being barely two leagues in circum- ference; nor is it inclosed with ramparts. The houses are large, well whitewashed, and the framework painted red or yellow. Inside they are filthily dirty. The suburbs are extensive, and embosomed in beautiful, shady gardens. The houses are constructed of stone or brick, but in the suburbs there are some built of the horns of sheep and oxen. The palace of the Tala-laına (from tala, “ sea;”—M. Huc says Dalai Lama is a thoroughly incorrect epithet) is built on a conical mountain, call- ed Budha-lha. The palace is made up of a number of Budhist temples, the central one of which rises up to a height of four stories, and is surmounted by a dome, covered with gold, and sur- rounded by a peristyle, the columns of which are also gilt. A double avenue of trees leads from II’lassa to Budha-lha, and is at all times crowded with pilgrims.

The population of H'lassa is composed of Tibetans, Pabuns, Ka- tchis, and Chinese. The Tibetans are Mongols, of short stature, who unite the agility of the Chinese to the strength of Tartars. The so called Pabuns are Hindus, from beyond the Himalaya; they are workers in metal. The Katchi are Cashmerian Mussulmen. They have a governor of their own at H'lassa, where they are the richest merchants and shopkeepers. They keep up a constant intercourse between H'lassa and Calcutta. The Chinese at H'lassa are few in number, and are either soldiers or government employés.

Unfortunately, our missionaries resembled none of these, and they were consequently subjected to so much annoying curiosity, that they took the fatal measure of reporting themselves to the Chinese police as "Frenchmen who had come to Tibet to preach there the Chris- tian religion." They were not long, in consequence, in being sum- moned before a regent, who at that time ruled in the place of the usual Chaberon, or incarnation of lama, who was a minor; as also be- fore the Chinese plenipotentiary, Kishen, the same who signed the treaty of peace with Elliot in 1841. The Tibetan regent was liberal and

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kind towards the missionaries, and disposed to favor them; and Kí- shen was passingly forbearing to the intruders in the "Eternal Sanc- tuary;" but their departure was not the less mildly but resolutely in- sisted upon. Everything was done to render their return less irksome than their journey thither. A guard of Chinese soldiers was appoint- ed to protect them, and they had even charge of some of the plenipo- tentiary's effects.

M. Huc collected in H'lassa some hearsays with regard to Moor- croft, which differ from what has hitherto been received. The sum of these reports was, that that celebrated traveler had dwelt for twelve years in the capital of Tibet without being discovered; that at the expiration of that period he started on his way back by Ladak, but that he was attacked by robbers in the province of Ngari, and put to death.

The theological information collected by the missionaries was, from the peculiar position they were placed in, of small import. It is not, however, without interest to find them ingeniously advocating the Cosmopolitanism of the religious dogmas of the extreme East. The learned, they say, worship only one and sole Sovereign, who created all things, who is without beginning and end. In India he is called Budha; in Tibet, Samtse Mitchaba; in China, Fuh; and among the Tartars, Borhan. The incarnation of the Godhead in the Tala-lama of H'lassa, the Bantchen of Teshu-h'lumbu, the Tsong-kaba of Sifan, the Kaldan of Tolon-nor, the Guison Tamba of the Grand Kurun, the Hobilgan of the Blue City, the Hototan of Peking, and the innumera- ble other Chaberons, or incarnations, to be met with in different lamazaries, or monasteries, in China and Tibet, no more affect the dog- ma of one Godhead than the other numerous superstitions which cor- rupt the popular mind do the fundamental truths of a purely spiritual religion. Our worthy missionaries went even further than this; they on several occasions assert their belief that in many of the cheats practiced by the lamas, as, for example, cutting open the abdomen of a living lama, and depositing the contents on the altar, that the devil himself plays a part. "Nous ne pensons nullement qu'on puisse tou- jours mettre sur le compte de la supercherie les faits de ce genre; car d'après tout ce que nous avons vu et entendu, parmi les nations idolå- tres, nous sommes persuadés que le démon y joue un grand rôle.” It is not very complimentary to the founder of the apostolic vicarage of all Mongolia, that they also devote many pages of research to what they call les nombreuses et frappantes analogies qui existent entre les rites lamaresques et le culte Catholique. Rome and H'łassa, the Pope and

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the Tala-lama, have, they tell us, affinities that are replete with in- terest. Strange matter for philosophical reflection, affinities between forms of priestcraft so geographically removed from one another!

The missionaries were ultimately expelled from H'lassa on the 15th of March, 1846, and they traveled for several days along a fertile val- ley, dotted with Tibetan farms. The chain called Lumma Ri, having a pass of easy ascent, separated this valley from the town of Jiamba; it was, however, still enveloped in snow. Jiamba, I where they

江達 were detained two days, is a commercial and populous city, with two Budhist temples of colossal proportions. The missionaries, it is to be observed, were now traveling under the protection of a Chinese mandarin of the first class, Li Kwoh-ngan, "Pacificator of Kingdoms," and of the lama Jiamchang, or "the Musician,” besides an escort; and although, at almost every town and every village, some excuses for delay and loitering were easily found, more especially in the uncertain supply of horses and oxen for the caravan, still, a com- fortable room, a large fire of argols, and abundance of provision, made a very different thing of the return to what the journey to H’lassa had been. The only drawbacks were, the severe climate of Tibet, the rude mountains and rapid torrents, and the variable weather. Many an impetuous torrent had to be passed by a frail bridge of unhewn pine-trees, not even lashed together. The fourth day from Jiamba, they passed a great lake on the ice, concerning which, a Chinese "Itinerary," which was originally translated by the Russian mission- ary, Father Hyacinthe, and published, with notes by Klaproth, in the "Nouveau Journal Asiatique," 1" serie, tomes 4 and 6, says that the unicorn is met with in the neighborhood. The animal here alluded to appears to be a species of antelope, analogous to the animal obtain- ed by Mr. Hodgson from Nípál, and called by Dr. Abel, Antelope Hodgsonii. Beyond this, a rugged and rocky chain, with rude gla- ciers aud vast accumulations of snow, had to be crossed. This was the II'la-ri, or "Mountain of Spirits." The ascent was effected on foot, holding hard by the horses' tails; the descent, by slipping down a glacier, which the oxen and horses did on their four feet, rolling over and over as they reached the snowy basis; the men, lamas, man- darins, and missionaries effected the descent in a far less dignified posture. Such a pass necessitated a day's rest at the post of H'larí where they were entertained in a Chinese temple called Kwán-tí Miáu, dedicated to the God of War.

The arrrival at Hilari

furnished materials for a sketch of Chinese life, such as, considering the intimacy of the missionaries

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with the language and manners of the people, are but scantily carried through this voluminous work :—

The day after our arrival at H'la-ri, the liang-tái, or provisioner-general, in- stead of coming to salute officially the staff of the caravan, contented himself with sending us, as a visit card, a sheet of red paper, upon which were inscribed the characters of his name; and he had intimated by his messenger that a seri- ous sickness detained him in his appartement. Lí Kwoh-ngan said to us, in a low voice, and with a meaning smile, “The liáng-tai will be quite well when we are gone.'

." As soon as we were alone, he exclaimed, “Ah! Î expected this; whenever a caravan passes the liáng-tái Sz' (the name of the mandarin) is very ill; it is a fact known to every one. According to custom, he should have prepared for us a first-class repast, and it is to avoid doing this that he pretends to be ill. The liáng-tai Sz' is the most miserly man known; he is always dressed like a palanquin-bearer; he eats tsamba like a barbarian of Tibet; he never smokes, he never plays, he never drinks wine; in the evening his house is not lit up; he goes to bed feeling his way there, and rises late in the morning for fear that he should be hungry too early. Oh! a man like that is not a man, he is mere turtle's egg. The ambassador, Kishen, wishes to displace him, and he will do well. Have you in your country liang-tái of that kind?''

"What a question! the liáng-tái of the kingdom of France never go to bed without & candle; and when great men present themselves, they never fail to make ready a good dinner." "Ah! that is it; such is the right proceeding! but this Sz' mu-chu "—at these words we could not help bursting out into a laugh. “Ah!” said the mandarin, "tnat name appears to you ridiculous. You do not know why the liang-tái Sz' is called Sz'-mu-chu; it is in reference to a curious anecdote. The liang-tái Sz', before he was sent to H'lari, exercised the duties of a small mandarin in a little district of the province of Kiáng-sí. One day two men of the people presented themselves before him and begged that he would sit in judgment in regard to a trout, to which they each laid claim. The judge, Sz' thus pronounced his verdict-Having separated the truth from falsehood, 1 see clearly that this trout is neither thine nor thine; I declare then that it belongs to me. Let my verdict be respected.' The satellites of the tri bunal went and took possession of the trout, and the judge had it sold at the neighboring market. Ever since then the mandarin, Sz', is called everywhere Sz'-mu-chu, that is to say, Sz', the trout.'

almost

Crossing another lake on the ice, they lodged at the thermal waters of Tsa-tchu-ka, and next day passed the Chor-ku-la, as difficult as the H'lari, and beyond which was an extensive upland, cut up here and there by ravines and gullies, which looked like so many dark and frightful abysses. Some of these had to be crossed by the usual pine-tree bridges. The caravan arrived, however, at Alan- lo with the loss of only three oxen. Hence they descended by a pine- forest to Lank-ki Tsung, a village of wooden houses, the situation of which, after a long mountain journey, appeared extremely beautiful. A pass-that of Tanda, more difficult than any they had yet met with —still lay before them. Detained at the forest village for some days, they fed heartily on venison, pheasants, fresh butter, and a sweet tuberculous root- —a kind of truffle-dug out of the mountain sides. The fare was not bad, but possibly monotonous. The rest of the time was spent in prayer, and playing at chess, which the Tartars play as is done in Europe, but the Chinese differently. They say chik for check, and mat for mate. The mountain of Tanda was passed, after

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three days' repose, with the loss of only a donkey. Beyond was the plain called Pian-pa, and then another mountain-chain called Jak-la, and beyond this again the little town of Chobando, the houses and temples of which, being painted with red ochre, gave to it an agreeable aspect. Two days from Chobaudo, the Suk-chu was ferried across, the bridge of pines having given way a few days before, and caused the death of two men and three oxen. Beyond this was the lake and upland of Wa Ho, the former guarded by an enormous toad, that no one has seen but many heard, and which ima- ginary reptile is veuerated as the spirit of the place. The bright sun shining upon the snows of the elevated upland, affected alinost the whole of the party with violent inflammation of the eyes, which was for some time the cause of much suffering. Three fatiguing journeys remained to be traveled over, and many of the detestable wooden bridges to be crossed, ere they reached Tsiando, 250 leagues from II'lassa, a distance which they had taken thirty-six days to travel.

Tsiando, capital of the province of Kham, is a Chi- nese military station, situated at the junction of two rivers, and sur- rounded by mountains. The town is composed of large houses irre- gularly built and falling into ruins; the population look poor and dirty, but, as usual, there is a "magnificent" lamazary attached to the town, in which two thousand idlers live upon the superstitions of their more industrious fellow-creatures.

After three days' repose, the party once more started across moun- tain and along river, and over Tibetan bridges-the horror of all Ti- betan travelers-being often, in the hyperbolic language of the East, suspended in the clouds. As they approached Bagung, the granitic districts of Upper Tibet were succeeded by a limestone country, in the midst of which a mountain, abounding with large caves, particu- larly attracted their attention. Bagung is described as a mere village with a Chinese guard-house. The people of the village, were, how- ever, the first who refused to supply the caravan gratuitously. The authority of the "Pacificator of Kingdoms” was totally disregarded by these independent mountaineers. They were further abetted in this contumacious disposition by Prul-tamba, the chief of the province, who was at that time in open rebellion with the Chinese. The party paid a visit to this mountain-chieftain, whose abode is described as re- sembling a feudal castle of the middle ages, with ditch and pout-levis. At the next station, Gaya, the Chinese officials were equally refused food and transport without payment. At the station beyond this, Ang- ti by name, they were detained five days by the illness of the manda-

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rin, whose legs had swollen from the fatigues of the journey, and were daily getting worse. The governor of Angti is described as being three feet in height, and carrying a sword twice as long as himself! Bomba, as this Tibet mountain-chief was called, was, however, a man of rare eloquence, great courage, and both powerful and respected. Like most Tibetan mountaineers in this part of the country, he at once detested and despised the Chinese.

Beyond Angti was another rude mountain, with its usual obo, or cairn, and local genius or spirit, which, when not a gigantic reptile, is a red horse or a white horseman, or some other fantastic goblin, only to be seen by the privileged few. Beyond this mountain was the town and district of Jaya, E inhabited by bold mountaineers, who despise the yoke of the Chinese, and are perpetually rebelling against it. On their way beyond this, they overtook a caravan, the conduc- tors of which-two mandarins, father and son—had perished on the way, and according to custom, the bodies had to be conveyed to the ancestral tomb; to facilitate progress, the body of the son was cut into four parts. The district of Sha-pan-kuis so called from its slate quarries, and its woods of pine, cedar, and cypress are said to be more frequented than any part of Tibet by musk-deer. At length, at Kiang-tsa, they came into countries where the Chinese rule was better established, and the sick, yet avaricious mandarin was not mulcted of his money at every stage. The soil now, also, kept always lowering, the mountain chains were less lofty, the valleys widened, and became either more woody or cultivated. The magnificent Kin- sha Kiúng, or river of Golden Sands, occupied the central valley of all. It had here, however, to force its way through frequent narrow passes, and to roll over lofty precipces, carrying with it large masses of ice. At one station, by the banks of this great river, they had exquisite fish for supper, a room impervious to wiud, and skins of musk-deer for beds—all luxuries for a long time unkwnon to our poor missiona ries. Still more delighted were they when, crossing a range of hills,

the splendid valley of Bathang 巴塘 "Plain of Cows," lay before

•

them. This great plain, which is met with, as if by enchantment, amidst the Tibetan mountains, has a beautiful climate, and is won- drously fertile; giving two harvests of rice, maize, wheat, barley, peas, cabbages, turnips, onions, &c., &c., every year. The town itself is large and populous; lamas and Chinese are numeroua, and there is also a Chinese garrison. The teinporal power of the Tala-lama of H'lassa does not extend beyond this point. Beyoud, the country is

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673

governed by vassal chieftains, called tú-sz'. The chief tem- ple at Bathang is called B1, or Pa. The caravan was most hospi- tably received at this city, but the "Pacificator of Kingdoms" was getting daily worse, and the missionaries labored hard, upon his approaching decease, to convert him to the Christian faith, but with-

out success.

The beautiful and warm plain of Bathang had, after a rest of three days, to be again exchanged for cold mountain districts, varied with forest scenery.

In these forests, the common holly attained the size of a great tree. The mandarin Lí Kwoh-ngan expired on the third day's journey, at a picturesque little village called Samba. The mis- sionaries deeply regretted the loss of their conductor. His body was wrapped up in a white cloth, covered with sentences and images of Budha, and duly coffined. Thus, the next day, the caravan took its departure with three corpses. The chief being dead, the monarchi- cal form of government was succeeded by a democratic republic—a form of government so perfect, that the Chinese and Tibetans did not seem to be at all prepared for it, and everything went wrong, and all order was succeeded by a complete anarchy.

After three days' journey, they luckily arrived at Lí-t'áng, or the "Place of Copper," where a new mandarin was appointed to the government of the caravan; and at Tá-tsien-li‡the

Place of Arrows," they at length reached the Chinese frontier, having been three months on the journey from H'lassa.* They parted here with their guard of Tibetans with many tears. These good moun- taineers had shown them every attention and kindness during a long and trying journey.

The next day, their legs being swollen and bruised by travel, they got into sedans, in which they were carried at the public expense to the capital of the province of Sz'chuen, where they were to he solemnly tried by the magistrates of the Celestial empire. The verdict of the mandarins is not recorded by M. Huc; but the result is mani- fest in the fact, that after a few months of unrecorded travel across

[Bathang, or Phating, is the post in the southwestern part of Sz'chuen, where the trade between China and Tibet centres; but why M. Huc calls it the "Plain of Cows" does not appear, for that is not the meaning of the characters employed by the Chinese to write the name of the town, any more than "Place of Copper" is the signification of líting, the next town the travelers came to. The power of the Chinese government over the mountain- eers in this region is probably exercised only so far as they are willing, or whenever it is for their advautage in their fends against other tribes. The imperial inap extends the boundary of Sz’chuen as far west as Batang ]

VOL. XIX. NO. XII.

674

Journal of Occurrences.

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China, the worthy missionaries arrived at Macao in the month of Oc- tober, 1846. Their return to contact with Europeans was not ren- dered the less interesting by the report of their deaths, which had for some time previously been in circulation in the East, and in the geo- graphical journals of this country. The missionaries appear to have traced the report originally to the Bengal Catholic Herald, published at Calcutta; and which, in an article purported to be derived from Canton, by date September 12, stated that two unfortunate French Lazarists, who had mastered the Mongol language by studying under the lamas of native monasteries, had ventured into the interior, but had been detected in the remote regions of Mongolian Tartary, and had been tied to horses' tails and dragged to death. Happily, the mis- sionaries were spared to give to the world the very curious work of which we have given an epitome.

ART. III. Resumé of the principal occurrences in China during

the year 1850.

Oct. 23d, 1849. Mingteh, a member of the Imperial House is degraded and banished to Tsitsihar from Moukden, for forcibly stopping some saltpetre be- longing to government, imprisoning the people in charge, and detaining the whole for a ransom.

The military resident of Tarbagatai in Ili sends in an estimate of 55,000 taels as the expenditures needed for the coming year.

Gov.-gen. Su Kwangtsin and his colleague request his majesty's permis- sion to appoint an intendent of circuit over the two departments of Luichau and K'iungchau in the southwest of this province, to keep a better oversight and defense of the coasts against pirates.

29th. His Majesty's son-in-law is deputed to sacrifice to certain cannon, and seven other offices are designated to sacrifice to some "red-coated" cannon. Luh Kienying, the gov.-general of the Two Kiảng reports the collection and expenditure of 524,000 taels to relieve the distress in two departments in Kiangsú, caused mostly, it appears, by the overflow of the Yangtsz' kiáng.

The sum of 72,974 taels is ordered to be forwarded to Oroumtsi from Kansuh for the current expenses of the coming year.

A decree is issued promoting several officers in Chehkiáng for their success in destroying pirates; the memorial states their efforts "are not like those empty statements of innumerable pirates attacked and sunk, all which are stories colored and glossed over."

Nov. 2d. Teh-tang-ngeh, commissary-general for three years in H'lari in Anterior Tibet, is recommended for promotion.

Dec. 3d. MM. de Montigny and Klezkowski beat off a piratical junk in their passage across the bay of Hangchau, saving many lives and a large amount of property.

19th. All business is stopped in the market-town of Shih-lung, east of the Bogue, by the appearance of a body of vagabonds, two leaders of which were seized.

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

675

Jan. 1, 1850. The Government of Hongkong publish her Majesty's letters patent, dated May 1, 1849, ordaining the town of Victoria to be called the City of Victoria, and erecting the island of Hongkong and its dependencies into the Bishopric of Victoria-See page 56.

8th. Mr. William F. Gray dies at Hongkong in consequence of a fall from his horse.

8th. An Ordnance passed by the government of Hongkong, defining and extending the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court over British subjects in and out of the colony.

15th. An ordinance passed in Hongkong for the better administration of justice in criminal proceedings before the Supreme Court.

15th. The gov.-general is requested to order some of the Fuhkien traders who have lingered at Macao, instead of moving their establishments to Wham- poa, to leave that settlement. These traders were engrossing more of the traffic than their share, but the whole movement of Su in ordering these merchants to remove has entailed considerable loss upon them

Posthumous honors are bestowed upon the celebrated statesman Yuen Yuen, who died Nov. 26th, aged 88.

234. The Empress-dowager departed this life, aged over 80 years. She was not the mother of Taukwang. See page 110.

Feb. 10th. The troop-ship Apollo with the headquarters of the 59th regi- ment arrived at Hongkong under the command of Lieut-col. Trevor. Total landed, 560 persons.

13th. Eleventh annual meeting of the Morrison Education Society held at Hongkong.

Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Members of the Morrison Education Society, held within the Library of the Club House, Hongkong, February 13, 1850.-Present, Lieut.-colonel Phillpotts, A. Campbell, T. W. L. Mackean, C. B. Hillier, T. D. Neave, D. Jardine, P. Dudgeon, A. Shortrede, W. David- son, D. Fletcher, A. H. Balfour, R. P. Dana, S. J. Hallam, and S. W Williams. Mr Campbell, the senior Vice-president, took the chair, and after stating the business to be brought before the meeting, called upon the Corresponding Secre- tury to read the annual report. The report was then read. The Treasurer's report was next presented, from which it appeared that there was a balance of $2157.10 due the treasurer by the Society. A lengthened discussion having arisen among the menbers as to the present position of the fund, it was moved by Mr Dana, and seconded by Dr Balfour,—“That a Committee be appointed to con- fer with the chairman of the meeting of subscribers to the Morrison Testimoni- al Fund' held in Canton, July 18, 1849, in order to come to an amicable arrangement." Mr Jardine moved the following as a substitute to the proposition, which was seconded by Mr Hillier,—“ Resolved, with reference to the meeting of subscribers to the 'Morrison Testimonial Fund' held in Hongkong, January 10, 1846, investing the sum of $12,000 with Messrs Dent & Co. at interest as a permanent fund for the benefit of the Morrison Education Society, for the period of three years, that period having now elapsed, this meeting request and authorize Messrs Dent & Co. to continue the possession of that fund, and to continue to pay the interest to the Trustees, to be employed by them for the purpose of the Society as heretofore, until the next annual meeting.”

On the Resolution being read, the previous one was withdrawn, and the fol- lowing offered as an amendment by Mr Shortrede, seconded by Mr Neave,- "That it appears to this meeting highly expedient to ascertain if the fund, com- monly called the Morrison Testimonial Fund,' or any part thereof, whether principal or interest, can be applied to the payment of the debt due to the Treasurer of the Morrison Education Society, or what authority the Trustees have over it; and with this view request Messrs Dent & Co., in concert with the Trustees of the said Society, to enter into an amicable suit before the Chief- Justice, in order to settle the question of property in the fund,-the expense of conducting the said suit not to exceed two hundred dollars, without the sanction of another general meeting.”

676

Journal of Occurrences.

DEC.

On taking the votes for the amendment, there appeared Ayes 4,--Shortrede, Neave, Hallam, Balfour. Noes 8,—Jardine, Mackean, Davidson, Williams, Hillier, Phillpotts, Dana, Fletcher. The original Resolution was then carried Ayes 8, Noes 4.

Moved by Lieut-colonel Phillpotts, seconded by Mr Williams, and carried unanimously,-"That the Trustees be empowered to take such measures in relation to the preservation and occupation of the Society's house on Morrison Hill, as shall be compatible with the designs of this Society in promoting edu- cation among the Chinese, the necessary expense to be defrayed by the Society." The officers for the ensuing year were then elected by ballot, as follows:—

President-Rev. E. C. Bridgman, D.D.

Vice-presidents.—Archibald Campbell, Esq.; Lieut.-col. G. Phillpotts; and Walter Davidson, Esq.

Treasurer —David Jardine, Esq.

Corresponding Secretary.-S. W. Williams, Esq. Recording Secretary.—Ć. B. Hillier, Esq.

Auditors. Charles J. F. Stuart, Esq.; and Andrew H. Balfour, Esq. M.D. The meeting then adjourned.

21st. At attack made on Mr. Reynvaan at Canton by one of his coolies.— See

page 112.

234 H. B. M. screw-sloop Reynard destroys two piratical boats near Hong- kong, and captures 15 men.

25th. H. I. M. Taukwang departed this life, and was succeeded on the same day by his fourth son Yihchú.-See p. 165.

Yen Ingán, acting superintendant of the Yellow river is raised to the second rank and confirmed in his appointment, for his exertions in preventing an inundation by his careful oversight of the embankments and floodgates; he is also requested to recommend the more zealous and deserving of his subordinates, and "as the river has not overflowed its banks up to the end of October, he is to burn ten sticks of Tibetan incense, which will be issued to him, in the temple of the Spirit of the Stream."

March 4th. H. M. Str. Medea attacks a fleet of pirates in Mir's bay, and totally disperses them.-See page 163.

6th. The Court of the Imperial Guard advised the Crown that the chair of the late emperor was to be burned; a quantity of garments for the use of the departed in Hades had already been burned.

19th. Dedication of Seamen's Bethel at Whampoa. See page 168.

20th. Ordinance passed in Hongkong for the more effective carrying out of the treaties between Great Britain and China in so far as relates to Chinese settlers in the colony.

20th. Ordinance passed in Hongkong to regulate the jurisdiction of magis- trates and courts of session in Hongkong over offenses committed without the colony by British subjects.

26th. The Board of Rites, in a reply to the Throne, respecting the obsequies of the late emperor, state that his late Majesty's will contained directions, “ ist. that no stone tablet commemorating his merits and virtues should be erected; 2d, touching various matters to be considered; 3d, that he should not be sacrificed to with Heaven and Earth; 4th, that his ancestorial tablet of wood should not be placed in the state temple of his predecessors." His son wish- ed to obey the first two, but hesitated respecting the last two, while the Board urge him not to obey the first direction.

29th. Rt. Rev. George Smith, D. D. Bishop of Victoria, arrives at Hongkong. See page 232,

April. During the month an epidemic of a fatal character prevailed in Can- ton and its vicinity. See pages 288, 343.

May. The following notice of a Chinese official recalls the manner in which officers in European armies rise by purchase :—

1850.

Journal of Occurrences.

677

Kiảngs.—The law requires that persons purchasing the rank of intendant or prefect should be proved for one year in the public service, and their qualifications reported on by the chief provincial authority. A Chinese of the bordered yellow Banner, in the service of the Imperial Household, having purchased a degree, next a clerkship in one of the Boards, and then the rank of sub-prefect, was sent to serve first in the Imperial demesnes, and then in Kiångsi in 1836." He lost a step, and was removed to another post in 1845, on account of the non-arrival of certain grain junks of which he had charge, but repurchased his places by subscribing in aid of the public distress in Kiang-sú; and from his deputy sub-prefectship rose by purchase to a sub-prefectship, and thence to a prefectship. His year of probation having expired since the day on which he had the good luck to be chosen for employment by lot out of those who arrived at the same time in the province, the said prefect, Yuen-shen by name, aged 54, is reported to be hale in body, and of great abilities, sure and experienced, diligent and -clear-headed, and capable of taking charge of a difficult department. It is therefore proposed that he succeed to the first prefecture vacant by sickness, death, or discharge of the incumbent, at the disposal of the Board.-China Mail.

26th. H.E. P. A. da Cunha, governor of Macao, &c., arrives.—See page 344. June 7th. The English ship “Elizabeth Ainslie "burnt at her anchors in Cumsing moon anchorage; most of her cargo was consumed or spoiled. A lorcha left in charge of the wreck was the next night attacked by pirates, and

■ Mr. Richard Hopwood killed.

13th. The str. Reynard visits the Great Wall, and makes an examination of it at Shán-hái-kwán, as given in the following communication:—

This stupendous work of human labor has its eastern termination on the shore of the Gulf of Liáutung, about 120 miles north of the Pei ho, in lat. 40° 4′ N., long, 120° 2′ E. Viewed from the water, the terminus appears to consist of a fortress some 300 yards in length, having a large gateway in the southern face, close outside of which, and between it and the sea, is a permanent joss- house, or temple, while the northern end is surmounted by a modern two-storied guard-house; immediately beneath, the Wall projects seaward.

At 10 A.M., we landed a large party to the right of the joss-house on a steep sandy beach, and were civilly received by a white-buttoned mandarin and a Binall party of soldiers, who informed us we were perfectly at liberty to inspect the Wall at our leisure. We therefore soon ascended to it by a broad inclined plane outside the fort, and found ourselves on a rectangular platform, about six- ty feet in length, paved with dark blue-colored bricks. This portion of the struc- ture, from its apparent age and condition, seems to have been the original ter- minus of the main wall; while, owing probably to the receding of the water, the beforementioned lower continuation projecting seaward—now a mass of ruins half buried in the sand-appears a less durable construction, of much later date. The first objects that arrested our attention on the platform were three monu- mental slabs of black marble—two standing close to the wall, the third removed from its base: a curiously-carved altar-shaped pedestal lay extended on the ground. On one of the standing slabs is deeply inscribed the sentence, " Hea- ven created earth and sea;" and on the other, "Only a spoonful.” The im. port of this latter sentence we were at a loss to conjecture: it may have had re- ference to the placid waters of the Gulf of Liáutung; or, perhaps is intended as an allusion to the nothingness of this vast structure when compared with the works of creation. The fallen monument, having a very long inscription, we left to be deciphered on our return from the survey of the wall, which we could no longer delay.

Ascending again by a broad flight of steps from the platform to the top of the fort, we walked past the guard-house (a dilapidated building) down another

天開海 d.

勺之多

*[The sentences

are given in the draw. ings accompanying this account; the latter is a quotation from the Chung Yung, and

means that the sea is “only a handful,” and taken in connection with the first, that “heaven created (or spread out) the sea and the mountains," may allude to the sur- rounding prospect of sea and land. The whole sentence is, “The waters, though they are (or appear like) only a handful, are yet unfathomable, and the turtle, the crocodile, the dragon, and other monsters dwell in them.”—Ed. Chi. Rep.]

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Journal of Occurrences.

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shorter inclined plane, and then along the Wall, which we found, for about eight hundred yards, in a very ruinous condition, the first part of it being little better than an embankment of sand, broken at intervals by projecting masses of ruin- ed brickwork.

At half a mile's distance from the fort, however, the Wall commences to show a better state of preservation : here we found it measure 39 feet across; the plat- form was covered with mold, and variegated with flowers of every hue. The Wall on the Tartar side, at this point, shows a fine well-built foundation of hewn granite, surmounted by a slanting brick facing, measuring together 35 feet in height; above this is a brick parapet, 7 feet high and 18 inches thick, divided by small embrasures at irregular intervals, from 8 to 13 feet apart.

At intervals, varying in distance from 200 to 500 yards, the Wall is flanked, on the Tartar side, by towers of brick, 45 feet square and 52 feet high. The one we examined was entered from the Wall by an arched granite doorway, 64 feet high by 34 broad. The construction of this arch is most remarkable, for the Chinese have long ceased to use key-stones in their arches. A flight of steps to the right, within the doorway, leads up to the flat roof of the tower, which is surrounded by a parapet like that upon the Wall. The body of the tower is in- tersected at right angles by low arched vaults, each terminating in an embra- sure, of which there are three on each outer face. From the construction of these vaults, they seem to have been built for archers and spearmen, and not for any kind of artillery; there was no vestige of a parapet on the Chinese side of the Wall, except on the low towers on this face, which intervene midway between those on the outer, but are not vaulted.

From this tower, which is the second inland, the wall continues apparently more or less in a ruined state for about three miles in a N.N.W. direction, over a fine undulating country. It then takes a sudden curve to the S. W., passing near a large town called Shan-hai-wei. Thence it ascends directly up a bleak rugged range of mountains, about 3000 feet in height, creeping up the side like a gigantic serpent, and disappearing over the summit of the ridge.

Us.

The general features of the country about the Wall are very pleasing; the land, rising slowly from the sea up to the foot of the mountain range, is well wooded, and apparently densely populated on the Chinese side. On the Tartar side it undulates gently away into the distance, and appears rich and well cul- tivated, and dotted here and there with villages, the houses of which have roofs exactly similar in shape to those of our omnibuses at home. The only gate through the wall in this district is about three miles inland, and is called the Shán-hi Kwan. This we intended visiting, had not the mandarins prevented We observed, while loitering about the Wall, troops of mounted Chinese galloping out from the interior in the direction of the fort; but, supposing they were only hastening to have a view of us before we left, we took no further notice of thein. Before, however, we had proceeded more than one mile and a half inland, three mandarins overtook us, and informed us that the Tú-tung, or General in command at Shán-hái-wei, had come down to the fort, and that it was his wish we should proceed no further. We accordingly descended from the Wall, and returned through the felds to the terminus. Here we found the General and a numerous suite assembled, with a crowd of mandarins and soldiers; and the bustle and confusion occasioned by their presence unfortu- nately prevented our taking a copy of the inscription on the third tablet, which, there is little doubt, would have afforded much interesting information. But we were thankful to have seen as much as we did; for had the General arrived & couple of hours earlier, our landing at all would have been doubtful. We re- turned to our boats, therefore, satisfied with the result of the expedition, hav- ing, perhaps, scen more of this portion of the Wall than any European before us; and, as all this part of China is still by treaty a sealed country, it may be years before another Englishman enjoys the same privilege. At three P M., the anchor was weighed ; and before dark the Great Wall of China had faded from our view.-Illustrated London News, Oct. 5th.

An unsuccessful effort made by Howqua and others formerly belonging to the Co-hong to reëstablish the monopoly in the sale of teas.-See page 406.

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Journal of Occurrences.

679

July 2d. An imperial decree relating to the visit of the Str. Reynard to the Pei ho is issued :-

"We have had the honor to receive the following Imperial decree. Officers of the establishment of this reaim have each of them a particular sphere of duty; [on matters beyond it] they have no power to speak, as it is highly irregular; nor may they move therein, for it produces confusion. It was from the liberality of this Government, and from the extreme inclination of His Majesty the late Emperor to love his people and to foster the stranger, the permission to trule was accorded to these barbarians; and they should have shown the fervor of their tranquillity. In coming therefore as they have now done, to Tientsin, and openly transinitting letters to ministers of the Cabinet, they have been guilty of extreme disrespect and irregularity, and We command that no answer be returned to them, and that the whole occurrence be left unnoticed, as if it had never taken place. And seeing that if it be noised abroad, memorials will be sent up ex- press from all the places passed by the barbarians, and [messengers from] Kwangtung, Fulkien, Chehkiang, Kiangsú, Shantung, Tientsin, and all the coast line will be fainting on the road,—much against the dignity (of the state); and as it is moreover said in the Record of Observances, that public servants have no intercourse with foreigners, it would be for these reasons still less proper that the Cabinet ministers in question should open the way to disrespectful courses by acknowledging the letter. As Sa Kwangtsin, the Governor-general of the Two Kwang, manages matters satisfactorily, and is thorough- ly acquainted with the devilish malice of the hearts of these barbarians, and as Kwang. tung is withal the natural channel of their (communications). We command that all business of these barbarians be henceforward referred to Sû Kwangtsin for administration, and that none of the Governor-generals or Governors along the coast be so irregular as to speak of the same, or so disorderly as to meddle with it; and We command that this law be made public as one to be observed for ever. Respect this!”—China Mail.

6th. H. E. the governor of Macao dies of cholera. See

page 404. 8th. The roof of Trinity church at Shánghái fell in during the night.— See page 464.

17th. H. E. Gov. Bonham and suite return from their visit to Shanghái in the "Reynard." See page 403.

30th. A gale of some severity is felt along the coast at the embouchure of the Pearl river.

The Nanhai hien tells the people that only the gentry and literati are authorized to give information against robbers, and warns any who shall wreak their vengenance upon any, under pretense that they are in the exercise of such a duty, that they shall be most severely dealt with.

Their Excellencies, the gov.-general and fúynen, issue an "affectionate " proclamation to all pirates who had not tendered their submission "to wash their hearts and flay their faces, to show respectful obedience to the laws, and pursue their avocations in peace."

August. Bodies of banditti, which have been troublesome in Kwangsi, begin to make head against the authorities, and also to come into the western

departments of Kwangtung.-See page 462.

Rewards offered by the two disirict magistrates of Canton for the appre- hension of parties concerned in the desecration of graves, an outrage recently committed on the north of the city; these miscreants, or “hill dogs as they are called, had also been in the habit of extorting money from funerals.

Aug. 8th. The prefect of Kiáying chau issues a remarkable document against Christianity.—See page 566.

Rev. Mr. Le Turdu seized by the prefect of Kiáying chau in this province, and imprisoned; he was soon after sent to Canton and liberated.

Sept. At the end of this month, the sickness in the British troops at Hong- kong, which had carried off in all 120 soldiers during 5 months, had nearly disappeared.

10th. An ordinance passed by the government of Hongkong to enable the Trustees of the Church to raise a sum of money not exceeding $2000.

Sept. 29th. The English brig Good Success, manned by Chinese sailors, while at anchor in the harbor of Tai-ho to the southwest of Macao, refitting and procuring water, was boarded by pirates and robbed to the extent of $12,000; the local officer offered the supercargo, also a Chinese, $70, if he

680

Journal of Occurrences.

would report the piracy to have been committed at sea. Three Portuguese lorchas arrived there some ten days after, and took possession of the vessel against the wish of the supercargo, who wished to put her under British pro- tection, and have her taken to Hongkong by the P. and O. Co.'s Str. Can- ton, which had also come into the harbor in search of the missing vessel Rustomjee Cowasjec.

Oct. 6th. The French ship Albert returns to Hongkong, the Chinese pas- sengers having killed Capt. Page on the way to Lima, and robbed the ship. About 40 of them were apprehended.

29th. The Portuguese 32 gun frigate Dona Maria II was blown up while lying at anchor in the Typa. The most probable cause assigned for this casualty is that the gunner did it, when he went to the magazine to pro- cure some powder, in revenge for having been that day reprimanded by Capt. d'Assis e Silva, he having been heard to threaten revenge on some one. Over two hundred persons, including several Chinese workmen and boatmen were killed; of these 188 belonged to the ship. The body of the Captain was found, but scarcely any persons survived the explosion.

Su and Yeh issue a memorial respecting the attack on the insurgents in the western part of this province.-See page 619.

Nov. 15th Rev. C. Fast, a Swedish missionary at Fuhchau, killed near the outer anchorage in an attack on his boat.-See page 624.

25th. Senor Tomas Fleetwood, mercantile asssstant at Amoy, drowned in the harbor.

The southwestern parts of the province are infested with bands of armed robbers, collected principally in the department of Lienchau fú, adjoining Cochinchina. The prefect of Kin chau sent troops to disperse them, who instead of attacking, fraternized with them; whereupon fresh levies were sent from Hainan and Luichau fú to the aid of the Lienchau prefect, which were also beaten, killed, and dispersed. Cholera broke out in Hainan during this and the preceding month, and raged to such a degree that the dead were left unburied, and the people fled from the villages.

Dec. 6th. Died at Canton, Rev. JAMES G. BRIDgman, æt. 30. a missionary of the A. B. C. F. M. in Canton. Mr. B. was a native of the town of Amherst, Mass., and a graduate of Amherst college. He reached China in Feb. 1844, and after pursuing his studies in Chinese and in divinity for a season, was ordained to the gospel ministry in Canton, May 31st, 1846. (See Vol. XV. page 328.) He had then completed a translation from Latin of Prémare's Notitia, which was published the year following, as stated in Vol. XVI. page 26. In May, 1847, Mr. Bridgman took charge of the office of the Repository, and continued to supervise the publication of the numbers until Sept. 1848. Since that date he resided in Canton, engaged in usual missionary labors, and in studying the language. He also read works in theology. For the last six months, he had gradually withdrawn much from general society, and confined himself chiefly to his house. Those who saw most of him during the last few months, observed many symptoms indicating a disordered or wandering mind but medical advice was not called in until Nov. 30th, when symptoms of cerebral affection were apparent. Measures were promptly ad- opted to relieve the congestion of the brain, yet the next morning, in a paroxysm of the disease, he attempted self-destruction. Reason was restored by the loss of blood, and he was conscious during the five days he survived. A post mortem examination showed a highly congested state of the brain. Mr. B. was highly respected by all who knew him for his consistent Christian character, kind- ness, and uniform gentleness of heart; and in his death the cause of missions has sustained no little loss.

17th. An ordinance published by the government of Hongkong to prevent the descrtion of seamen belonging to foreign whips. Also one to regulate proceedings before justices of the peace.